Amisom (EU) to pay KDF soldiers Sh84,296 monthly allowance Kenyan soldiers fighting the al-Shabaab in Somalia will each receive a monthly allowance of Sh84,296, ( $1,028 ) on top of their salaries after they integrate into African Mission in Somalia (Amisom). Chief of Defence Forces General Julius Karangi said the 4,660 soldiers would also get comprehensive medical cover and access to advanced equipment. Kenyan soldiers intergrated into Amisom on February 22, 2012 after the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 2036. Under Amisom, Kenya’s taxpayers will not foot the cost of the war as the case has been, except for naval hardware which was not covered by the UN resolution. “We entered Somalia with the full cost to taxpayers but with Amisom, Kenyans will no longer be required to pay for our stay in Somalia,” General Karangi told the Defence and Foreign relations committee of Parliament. Kenya is the only country in the region with Naval capacity to engage in war, General Karangi said, adding that fuel for navy ships would be reimbursed and soldier sailors accorded Amisom benefits. “What was omitted in the resolution 2036 is reimbursement for our naval vessels wear and tear. We are exploring a window to see if this can be covered,” he added. However, Amisom will refund Kenya all the monies that will have been spent from the date of the UN resolution until June this year when Amisom is expected to begin catering for the soldiers. In the new Amisom command meant to complement efforts by the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, Kenya and Burundi Generals will deputise a Ugandan General. Kenya has also secured 16 slots in the 85-member Amisom Secretariat that will be based in Mogadishu. General Karangi also said Kenya had secured the posts of Spokesperson and Head of Intelligence Wing of Amisom. Kenya will also embed Sierra Leone soldiers who will be entering Somalia in June. Amisom comprises soldiers from Uganda, Burundi Djibouti and Kenya and the expected contigent from Sierra Leone. “The mandate of Amisom is simply the same as the one we used to enter Somalia, that is Peace Enforcement,” General Karangi told the Committee chaired by Wajir West MP Aden Keynan. He added that the current war against al-Shabaab will continue on land, air and sea. The military boss said the Kenyan forces in Somalia had performed well with a reported loss of 12 soldiers the only downside so far. He however said the military is working on a compensation policy for the deceased soldiers. Xigasho ___________________ Kuwa Soomaalida, who are the bulk of receiving ends of the conflict with zero protective equipment, would receive $100 bishii if they are lucky at all. Nayjeeriya ayaa sugaayaa when they catch a sniff of mashruucyada Soomaaliya ka socoto.

EU unveils Sh10bn fund for Somalia peace effort The European Union has announced that it will scale up its Somali funding by Sh10.9 billion (€100 million) to support the African Union Mission (AMISOM). The mission was expanded by the rehatting of Kenya Defence Forces early this year. The money will go towards meeting the increased salaries and wages needs of the regional peacekeeping unit necessitated by the United Nations Security Council resolution of February 26 to integrate Kenyan troops, a move that increased the force to 17,731 soldiers. Xigasho

Hadduu Shariifkaan 21 sano madaxweyne ahaan lahaa labada boqol oo dal adduunka ka jiro waa soo wada mari lahaa. Walaa Fiji to Saybeeriya to Kolombiya wuu wada tagi lahaa.

Booramaha iyo rooxaantaba waa laba walaalo waalidkii dhalayna yihiin hooyo Mingis iyo aabo Saar. Eebbe ka bari inaynan waligaa kusoo booqan.

Somalia;829849 wrote: I wish there was a website that tracked how many times he has travelled abroad and to which countries! I wanted to start a thread dedicated to about his endless geeddi socod iyo dalmar back in 2009, laakiin I guess waqti uma heynin and it was too much time to keep up. Waligey ma arkin qof hoggaan ah sidiisa camal u safray in the last three years, Soomaali or not. Hadduu heesan lahaa Air Miles rewards waxba ma ahaateen. I think this time even Kanada ayuu imaan doonaa. Fursad ayuu heystaa ma isdhaafsiinaayee.

Maanta camal inaa Afrika joogo igu fiicneyd. Dad aan ogahay aan ogahee.

Amee arrintii shalay dhacday la xiriirtaa. Amee maskiintaas ku eedeyeen waxeenan galabsan. Knowing how swift dadka u dilaan without baaritaan iyo waxaasba. Eebbe ha u raxmado hooyada, carruurteeda iyo reerkeeda kalena tacsi gaar ah u diraayaa. Samir dheer iyo iimaan suuban. ___________________ Ciidammada dowladda Hoosingow oo gacanta ku dhigay horjoogge ajnabi ah Ciidammada dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa gacanta ku dhiggay shalay galinkii dambe hogjoogge ajnabi ah oo ka tirsan kooxda Al-Shabaab, xilli uu marayay degmada Hoosingow ee gobolka Jubbada Hoose, kaasi oo ay dhallashadiisu tahay dalka Kenya. Xildhibaan Geedi oo ka mid ah mudanayaasha Barlamaanka Soomaaliya ayaa sheegay in ciidammada Xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed ee ku sugan degmada Hoosingow ee gobolka Jubbada Hoose in ay fuliyeen howlgal guulleystay oo ay ku soo qabteen horjoogge ajnabi ah oo ka tirsan Al-Qaacidda, xilli uu Gaari ay la socdeen dad shacabka doonayay in uu ku baxsado. Waxa uu tilmaamay in shacabka magaalada Kismaayo ay war bixinta ku aadan baxasadka horjooggahaasi soo siiyeen ciidammada Xoogga kaddibna ay ciidammada baaritaanno ka sameeyeen deegaanka degmada Hoosingow , isagoo sheegay in horjooggahani laga soo dajiyay gaari BL ah oo ay la socdaan dad shacab ah oo ku sii jeeday gudaha dalka Kenya. Xildhibaan Geedi waxa uu xusay in horjooggahani dhallashadiisa ay tahay dalka Kenya, isla markaana uu ka mid ahaa horjooggayaal ka dagaallantay magaalada Muqdisho ka hor intii aan Shabaab laga saarin, dhinaca kale waxa uu carrabka ku dhuftay in illaa iyo hadda aysan shaacin saraakiishii howlgalkaasi fulisay magaca horjooggahaasi. Xigasho

Narniah;829574 wrote: Can you translate that? Siyaaba kala duwan loo micneysan karaa, but one way to interpreting it is this: Nothing that warrants sacrifice, you can do/accept it.

Nabsi cafis ayuu leeyahay. Hadduu qofka aad nabsiga ka gishay si dhab ah kuu cafiyo, ma moodi inay nabsi sii jiri doonto. Nabsi waa gaf aad qof u gaftay -- ha weynaado ama ha yaraadee -- ugu dambeyntiina adiga kugu soo noqoneyso gafkaas, si kale iyadoo ah ama isla sideeda ah. Gaaladaan waxee u yaqaanaan 'karma.' Tusaale: Haddaa waalidkaaga dhibi jirtay oo ka inkaarsan jirtay, u nixi jirina. Carruurtaada ayaa kaa goyn doono nabsigaas, waa haddaa awlaad dhashid. Tii aakhirana kuu sii dhiman.

Vietnamese soap. Cooc.

Last year was best Kowda Luulyo celebration I ever had. Soomaali saas iskugu soo baxday and adorned with our flags wali ma arkin. Yes, that flag waliba waala ilaalinaaye. How many people were like 'keen aboowe aan kusoo ciyaarnee.' Maya, anaa u baahan lagu jawaabaaye. And no, I can't resell flags. I would rather give it for free than that.

They have 'maro' flags mostly. You know, baati baluug ah ayee xiddigta cad ku dhex tolaan, like that picture Nuunka posted above. They don't have flags we have in here, which kinda looks genuine material-wise. In Kowda Luulyo of last year, at the Soomaali embassy celebration, I took that same flag to that event. Some people were like where did you get this from. Kanada laga keenay ku iri been been maa moodiin my daljecelnimo.

Saxansaxo;829385 wrote: Waxaan aahay qabiilkii aakhiray reer Afriiqiya'e Abaartiyo colaaduhu anay ila rafiiqaane Arradka iyo gaashada ayaan ehel wadaagnaaye Waxay dhalay iblaysiiyo jin iyo odayo sheydaane Abtirsiino kala sooca baa ii iskuula ahe Aji iyo sab anigaa ka dhigay uun walaalo ahe (Xaaji aadan Af-qalloc) Same location. Eebboow.

Calan ama astaan ka qurxoon keena ima soo marin, mana arkin. However, about dadkeena... Speaking of calankeena. Calan qurxoon ayaa Toronto ka qaaday in 2009. Qolka fadhiga ayaa suray in Nayroobi. It used to be a topic starter, dadka martida soo booqdo. Some were genuinely surprised, calankeena qurxoon waliba official u eg (it looked so official) waligood ma arkin, iskaba dhaaf mid guri suran. It reminded me how back in the days this astaan, the coat of arms, noo surnaan jiray darbiga kore gurigeena. Intaa caqliga yeeshay darbiga kor ayuu surnaa, waliba meel dadka wada arkaayaan, for years. I never used to give it a proper thought or pause then, but now remembering, aad iyo aad ugu mahadcelinaa whoever put it on there. Probably aabo did.

The 'r' word is never used in this maqaal. 'Sex session' kulahaa. Meesha jimicsi ciyaareed inay ka socoto camal ka dhigeen. Shuud.

They are speaking in Ojibwa language.

rudy-Diiriye;829220 wrote: this one below is my fav one! Aan Aduunka Joogee: Waa hees aad iyo aad u wanaagsan. Shalay ayaaba dhageysanaaye. It needs to be revived with muusiko casri la saaro, not the one like this one. La dabaalo caashaqa. Aah, xasuus xasuus, back in 2005/6 soo xasuusanaa.

Helsinki, Finland

Somalia: Rescuing the process of transition For a constitution to be created successfully, the process must be transparent, inclusive and thoroughly debated . Sheikh Bashir Salad, the chairman of the Council of Religious Scholars of Somalia, has issued a statement criticising the content of and the process for legitimising the international community-funded and controlled draft-constitution of Somalia. He has called for openness and transparency in the constitution-making process and demanded that Somalia's religious scholars be consulted. Civic and political forces and several clans followed the religious scholars and made similar demands. In response, the international community has released a warning letter, calling dissenters as spoilers and threatening to punish them. This adds fuel to the fire. Two factors are behind the deep suspicions that many Somalis have expressed about the draft-constitution. First, Somalis perceive that they do not own the draft-constitution. From its inception in 2005 to the present, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations Political Office (UNPOS) led by the Special Representative to the Secretary General (SRSG) have controlled the constitutional process of Somalia. Second, for many Somalis, the fact that the draft-constitution is identified with the SRSG, Ambassador Augustine Mahiga, and the six so-called "stakeholders" is sufficient for its rejection. Then came his recent remarks against Islamist politicians who formed the Daljir Forum, parliamentarians and other leaders who portrayed the SRSG as anti-Islamic and undemocratic. He made very clear his dissatisfaction to see any of these leaders running. And this came at a time when the widespread belief among Somalis was that the SRSG engineered the Kampala Accord, which unseated one of the most popular governments in Somalia in recent years - and the roadmap that has nullified nascent Somali institutions such as the parliament - only to create and empower six individual politicians. Moreover, the SRSG's liberal use and abuse of the label "spoiler" against anybody who questions his approach created a credibility deficit for the UN and, thus, for the constitutional process. For many, the roadmap recycles the status quo, as these six individuals have manipulated the process by corrupting the selection of the parliamentarians and the constitutional process. Third, many Somalis question the wisdom behind rushing a draft-constitution at this time. Somalia's past governments have prepared at least three constitutions between 1960 and 1990. Of these, the 1960 constitution is the most democratic and legitimate because it had been ratified by referendum in 1961 . Content and the process For the record, I believe that the whole exercise of making a new constitution for Somalia is unnecessary. There was no need to invest eight years and millions of dollars. If the international community wants to promote democracy and if Somalis want to respect and use it, the 1960 constitution (with some amendments) would be the best and the most efficient way to achieve both. By and large, the contents of and the process for legitimising the proposed draft-constitution are flawed. The drafters prescribe the wrong institutions for regulating the conflict, and they have arbitrarily removed a number of articles from the 1960 constitution without deliberation . With regards to the process, the SRSG and the stakeholders are not open and transparent as they have not yet released the revised draft to the public. Moreover, the seven signatories of the roadmap want the constitution to be adopted by a mini referendum of 825 members of a constituent assembly who would vote on whether to adopt the draft constitution. For many Somalis, this is not acceptable. Content-wise, the new constitution proposes a federal system, bicameral legislature and parliamentary model. Although some are passionate about it, the debate on federalism, decentralised unitary system and unitary state is too abstract for the layperson. But Somalis in all regions want three basic and universal demands to be met. Regardless of the region they come from, Somalis want to get access to basic services in the cities and regions they live in; they need to get a fair share of the development projects; and they demand to elect their representatives locally, regionally and nationally. Both decentralised unitary systems are more effective and efficient when it comes to satisfying the three demands that Somalis want. Somalia also lacks most of the conditions that would necessitate federation. Therefore, imposing a federal system based on clan-based gerrymandering of regions will create more problems than it solves - it will add a territorial layer to the already complex situation. Furthermore, the draft-constitution and the subsequent political agreements propose a bicameral legislature that represents regions. It is imperative to revised this poorly thought out institutional design. Instead, the upper house should represent clans because the most salient identity that has to be represented within the political system of the country is the clan identity. There are cases where upper champers represent socially defined groups. Unlike the United Kingdom, Somalis are not aristocrats, but there are multiple clans contesting for meagre economic and political resources. Somaliland has successfully created an Upper House that contributed to the peace. Whether this Upper House should have legislative or advisory functions is open for debate, but it is necessary to institutionalise clans into the political system. The lower house, on the other hand, now represents clans. This, needless to say, must change as it has to represent the population through a closed-list, one national constituency, and proportional representation. This means that, for the lower house, political parties would compete for national seats. This type of electoral system is suitable for countries that are recovering from conflicts because it is, according to Arend Lijphart (a leading scholar of comparative political science), simple, fair and inclusive. The draft-constitution also proposes a parliamentary system for Somalia. The intention is to keep the current ineffective system that divides the executive into a president and a prime minister with minor changes. Currently, legislators elect the president and the president appoints a prime minister. However, most of the substantive powers are with the Council of Ministers, though the president has the final symbolic signature. The practice, however, has been that each of the past presidents has managed to turn his symbolic powers into a substantive one, thus making the process conflict-ridden. Eventually, the choice between the presidential and parliamentary systems is about reconciling the value of stability of the executive (the presidential system is stronger in this) and the value of accountability of the executive to the legislature (where the parliamentary system is stronger). If history offers any lesson, it is that a divided executive (president and prime minister) will not work in Somalia. As the examples of both Somaliland and Puntland show, a presidential system will work better in the Somalia context than the current divided executive. Some of the new political parties call for a presidential system. But, even if the current divided executive is to be kept, the president's power to dismiss the prime minister - a clause included in the 1960 constitution - will have to be included in the current constitution in order to stabilise the system. Either way, more public discussion is needed. Moreover, using the 1960 Somali constitution as a point of reference, drafters arbitrarily removed many articles from the draft-constitution that was published in July 2010. The articles that have been removed silently are wide-ranging, thus affecting governance, Islam, citizenship and the powers of the different institutions. This further raised people's suspicions. Finally, with respect to the process, the idea that a temporary and arbitrarily selected 825 members of the so-called "constituent assembly" would "ratify" the constitution by "way of yes or no vote" makes the process illegitimate. Technically, one can argue that what is being proposed is not a constituent assembly - such assemblies make constitutions. Instead, it is a sort of a mini-referendum and that compromises the legitimacy of the process. The drivers of the process (SRSG and the six Somali politicians) must revisit their terms of reference when explaining it to the public. Potential and dangerous implications Somalis have genuine issues with the content and the faulty process employed to legitimise the draft constitution. If the international community does not listen and address these concerns, two negative consequences might result. First, as has already happened, actors that oppose the whole constitutional development of the country and a number of notorious warlords may hijack the public dissatisfaction against the constitution. As the press has been reporting, this might give an opportunity to those who want to re-ignite the active conflict. Somalis do not want to see warlords waving clan flags anymore, so the international community must be cautious not to create an opportunity for them. Second, even if potential conflict is contained, and the constitution is forced on the people, it will be considered illegitimate in the eyes of many Somalis. Repression will only drive those resentments underground or the people might support the negative forces. This is the last thing that the Somalis want. The small but significant progress should not be jeopardised. Read more

Su'aale kale oo muhiim ah la isweydiinaayo.

Konton sano kahorna saan ayaa madaxdeena loo soo dhaweyn jiray. Ar maxaa dib u wada noqonay.

Yaab badnaa dadkaan. Laba walaalo gacmaha isheysto after a long time of separation ayee wax kale ku tilmaamayaan. Doob dareenaa dilay maala dhihi iray. Duqooshinka amaan siiya.

Dhaqan xun ma arki. Soomalida qurbaha ku raagtay ama ku kortay dhaqamadeena suuban la badalo rabo. Soomaali 'stranger' iyo waxaas nagama dhaxeyso. Hadduu qofka Soomaali yahay, isla markii walaaltinimo dareemaa, su'aalo caadi ahna wuu ku weydiinaa. If one finds that 'personal,' then qofkaas iyadaa u baahan dhaqanka Soomaalida inay soo barato. Waxaaba la ilooway ereyadii quruxda badnaa afkeena ku jiray, sida martisoor iyo martiqaad. Martisoor waxaa loola jeedaa waxaa lasoo dhaweyn jiray Soomaali 'total stranger' ah (according to your own definition) oo geeddi socod ahaa ama dhul mar ahaa. Habeenba reer 'strangers' ah ayuu la hoyan jiray, xoolana u qail jireen, qolka ugu fiican siin jireen suu ugu neefsado. Waa qof 'stranger' ah waxa saan loo sameynaayo. Nothing beats Soomaali dhaqan soo jireenka ahaa. Barbaar qurbo ku raagtay ma badali karaan that.

Taloow maxaa la yiri dadka dhan saas ugu wada qoslaayaan. Soomaalida iyo sarbeeb waa isku jeclahee.

Aniga nin foolkiisa kaliya ma arki ee waxaan sii arkaa mas, dabagaale iyo in yaroo quraansho ah.