Aniga nin foolkiisa kaliya ma arki ee waxaan sii arkaa mas, dabagaale iyo in yaroo quraansho ah.

Dadka iska dhigaayo inayba waxba ogeyn. Here, some six years ago laga hadlaaye cadowtinimada Itoobiya ay Soomaaliya u heyso right on here. Inay soo jireen ahaydna waala wada ogyahay, wayna jireysaa. Soomaali isku mashquulsana isma oga ama iska dhaga tireysaa.

Dhaqan Galbeedka naga yareeya. Guryaha dariska markaa rabno iska gali jirnay kana bixi jirnay waagii Soomaaliya Soomaaliya ahayd. Qof juuq iyo jaaq dhihi jirayna ma jirin. All welcome la wada ahaa. If aanan u soo galin like Kramer's slide entrance, waaba nasiib markaas.

U.N. must support the 1961 Somali Constitution The draft national constitution under consideration for Somalia — one that is supported by the United Nations — would create further destabilization, which could result in that country's further descent into chaos. Somali clans want peace and reinstitution of the 1961 Constitution. It is the most viable option to initiate a lasting peace and credible governance for all Somalis. The Somali Constitution was adopted in 1960 and ratified in 1961 after a nationwide election supported by all Somalis. The majority of the Somali people believe that the draft constitution does not represent all Somalis, and they are concerned about the existence of the nation and its people who had suffered at the hands of the international community in the past when Somalia was divided into five colonies. It is that fear that concerns all Somalis today. Also, the situation has created mistrust and suspicion among clans and sub-clans who fear their rivals might dominate the new government. Somali people are not inclined to participate in this complex draft constitution, which is based on a federal system that is, itself, contrary to the original Constitution. The draft constitution is contrary to the social fabric of the Somali people and its governance. Somali people’s voices must be heeded and peaceful demonstrations through the country must be allowed. Somalis need to replace the current Transitional Federal Government with a credible representative government based on the 1961 Constitution to establish a permanent government and avoid civil war at all cost. According to the 1961 Constitution, there are eight regions, not to mention territories under Kenya and Ethiopia, that Somalia has legitimate claim to. Analyses indicate one and one-half regions, plus two warring factions with no region under their control, are signatories to this draft constitution, while one major region abstained. Can people in one and one-half regions draft a constitution for the other six and one-half regions without their consent? The minority would decide the fate of a nation of more than 10 million people. The answer is simply "no," especially when more than two-thirds of Somalia is controlled by rebels who refused to participate in the process. Failure is inevitable when so many Somalis are not engaged to participate in the process of forming a permanent government. If the draft constitution is put forward, it will create a federal system that is not compatible for Somali society. It encourages divisions of a homogenous people and it will create a vicious clan rivalry that will lead to the formation of uncontrollable weak states that will find excuses to secede. The international community is threatening — again — to further divide Somalia or partition it by imposing a hastily drafted constitution, but Somalis are not willing to take face value on the international community's promise because they feel they have been betrayed in the past. The international community says the Somali people must determine the shape of their government. There is no quick fix to this and the U.N. must realize reinstituting the 1961 Constitution is the only viable option to avoid imminent chaos. Somalis need to put their differences aside and demand a nationwide peace meeting in Mogadishu, where Somali stakeholders, including the rebels, engage in a serious debate on how to move forward to build a credible government. Somali people cannot afford to miss this opportunity. Late last month, the Center for Democracy and Political Reconciliation in Somalia hosted a teleconference in Lewiston which was attended by Somali expatriates now living in the United States. The group gathered to discuss their homeland's situation, the new constitution and ways to enhance and strengthen communications between expatriates and those living in Somalia. The goal of the group is to create unity among the voices risen against the draft constitution. In 1992, the CDPRS suggested that the U.N. consider the United Somali Congress, the only party that had authority over the two warring factions, take the lead to resolve the conflict. The U.N. rejected our proposal. Today we challenge the U.N. to facilitate a large and inclusive conference in Mogadishu, where all Somali factions are invited with no conditions attached in order to engage in serious dialogue and debate on reinstituting the original Constitution. We equally demand the U.N. lift the arms embargo so that Somali people can defend themselves from rebels who refuse to participate and compromise. The CDPRS has proposed the adoption of the 1961 Somali Constitution to the U.S. State Department for over a year. We are hopeful of its support. Xigasho

Somalia’s Draft Constitution: a Case of Local Priority VS Regional and Donor interest The latest prescription to re-engineer the re-emergence of Somalia as a weak and divided state is drawing a strong resistance from the wider Somali public as they oppose the new “draft Constitution” and characterize it as constituting an unconditional surrender of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia. If it is the Somali people’s sacred duty to safeguard, protect and defend the Constitution and to maintain its supremacy as the embodiment of the will of the people, therefore it is only reasonable for the people of Somalia to participate in and speak for or against the constitution-making process. So when the Somali people spoke out against not only the draft constitution but also against the roadmap, the international community issued a press release designating any Somalis who oppose the draft constitution as “spoilers” with potential undisclosed consequences. This will lead to the radicalization of the society and will surely shift support to the extremist groups like Al-Shabaab. Some allege that the International Community is more interested in to showcase for the outcome of the $60 million spent on the draft constitution than the quality of the future supreme law of a nation, whereas the Somali people oppose it for various reasons including as it stands this draft constitution polarizes Somalia further and is a recipe for renewed civil war. Moreover, Somalis want to have a say on the draft constitution as this represents the potential document that will guide future generations to maintain harmonious social and political life. Since the collapse of the Somali government in 1990, the Somali people have been struggling to imagine an alternative system of government, one that is just and acts according to the will of the people. In this effort, the Independent Federal Constitution Commission (IFCC) has been created and many conclude today that this commission has failed completely to produce a document that can be embraced by the masses. Many inSomaliafeel that major constitution making principles such as defining the principal players; public participation and transparency have all been violated and instead of seeking public support, tactics such as misinformation, arm-twisting and threats are employed. The IFCC could have drawn analysis from the experience ofSouth Africain terms of the constitution making process as SA experienced decades of political violence. For instance, in SA, there were preliminary discussions and negotiations between the Afrikaners, the Nationalist Party and the ANC prior to the constitution making process, and in the end an interim constitution similar to Somalia’s Transitional Federal Charter was adopted by all, which mandated the formation of constitutional assembly to draft a permanent constitution within two years. When the Assembly was formed it undertook a major outreach and educational effort to solicit opinions about the constitution. The public responded with two million submissions for over two years, whereas inSomaliathe public was never consulted during the constitution making process or during the last eight years of drafting the constitution. In this respect, the IFCC was very much silent on disseminating information and creating awareness and educational pamphlets pertaining to the draft constitution, not only that but Somalia’s constitution making process was kept in secrecy, it is only now that the recently formed committee of experts (CoE) started token consultation with the public with little input and little participation and this only coincides with the agenda to end the transition and to merely show the international community that the public was consulted. With so much at stake in the lives of the Somali people and the future of the Somali state, many skeptics point to several short-comings of this draft constitution. According to the new constitution, the system of governance to be adopted should be based on federalism, mandating the creation of states. Accordingly, the existing 18 regions have no legal basis within the context of the new constitution. To qualify for a state status, two or more regions must form a political community. Yet, the capacity for any region to organize its political life has been incapacitated by the deterministic approach of the International Community to the Somali conflict. With the recent flare-ups of civil strife in the regions of Sool and Sanaag, the only entity, Puntland that had claimed to have fulfilled “the state conditions” under the new constitution is now also in question; hence it begs to ask, in the absence of states in Somalia what states are to be federated? From our perspective, the needs of the Somali people to overcome past governance deficiencies and authoritarian injustices could have been met by having a unitary system with decentralized regional autonomy that brings self-governance to rural districts and municipalities. This is what all Somalis are yearning for and not the vague federalism in the draft constitution. Moreover, Constitution making process is undertaken normally after negotiated settlement is reached by parties to the conflicts, so as to iron out major differences and address areas of contention and disagreements in the constitution, in the case of Somalia, none of that nature took place or even was there an acknowledgement of past grievances. In addition, the transparency, openness and the participatory nature that is required by the draft constitution was compromised by the hastily introduced roadmap, which consequently morphed the draft constitution as part and parcel of the roadmap to end the transition rather than treating the draft constitution as a sacred document for the people by the people. Continuation on the denial and arm-twisting path will only guarantee the continuation of the current political turmoil and may in fact lead to a new revolt against the foreign forces inSomaliaand will undoubtedly and unnecessarily continue to shed blood inSomalia. The priorities for the Somali people are clear: a strong Somali state, at peace within and with its neighbours. Weakening the Somali state and designing divisions in the form of new states inSomaliais not the answer. Regional and donor priorities should be urgently re-evaluated. Xigasho

Marxuumka lama kulmin, mana garaneynin laakiin waxee u muuqataa qof bulshada mudnaan weyn kulahaa. Eebbe ha u raxmado, reerkiisana samir iyo iimaan. Duugtiisa maanta halkaan ka fiirsada. Daqiiqada 12:24 ayee bilaabaneysaa.

Ninyaaban, meelaan ka codeyn karin maxaa ku fadhiisiye. War Kanada aad mar walba caysid iska imoow. At least inta xataa haddaa qof kaw ka siisid you can still vote.

Hey, hey, hey. Sujuuga ha igu dirin. See u hadlaan jecliyaa, xarfaha u dambeeyo ereyada sidee dhaqso ugu dhawaaqaan ka helaaba. Kuwa Islii joogo lahjadooda wey isbadaloysaa oo aadaa loogu batay markaan. Haatu, saaxiib, your own avatar ma sameysan kartid for now. Iska dulqaado. LoL, Blue. I tried to help Maadeey last time. It didn't help. Why bother again.

I don't think Kenyaatiga ku caawinayaan. Xildhibaanka cusub Soomaaliga ah oo xaafadaas laga doorto waa hore Soomaalida runta u sheegay. Qaaraan bileed hala iska aruuriyo oo ciidamo u gaar ah aan u sameyno xaafadda Islii uu kula taliye. Waa laga dhaga adeygay. Haddana wuxuu yiri ciidamo ayaa keenayaa laakiin goob ay xarun ka dhigtaan haloo sadaqeeyo ama haloo kireeyo. Shib laga yiri. Hadda danta ku kalifi doonto inay hire gareyaan armed private security men maadaama meelihii waa weynaa la jabsanooyo. Awal tuugada dukaamada yar yar ayee dhici jireen but now they are very organized and very daring. Dukaamo iyo hoteelo la jabsado bilaabeen. Waxa u soo tilmaamaayana waa Soomaali oo meesha lacagta taalo wey ogyihiin.

Fake, double fake waliba. Fake hair, fake shaf, fake cidiyo -- all fake stuff la ima tuso.

I don't think starting a public thread is helping, plus our brother Libaax is busy with reerkiisa cunug yaraa u dhashee. Marka as that Hindi dukaan owner in Simpsons says so, 'dankis, kaam ageen'

Anaga dhan badankeena ayaa Soomaaliweyn wada aaminsan, see camal.

Meesha wey kasii dareysaa. Lacag gaareyso 800,000 oo shilinka Kenyaatiga laga dhacay hal dukaan kaliya la leeyahay xalay. Just some two weeks ago, hoteel ku yaalo isla Islii ayaa laga dhacay lacag xad dhaaf ah as you can see from this clip. According to the clip 500,000 shilin Kenyaati laga qaatay la leeyahay hoteelka. Shuud. Tuugadii u weynaa u soo tashtay Islii. Waxee soo ogsoonaadeen kaashka in uu meelo fudud iskaga jiro. Eebboow u sahal dadkeena.

Best questions being asked. Waana su'aalaha aan la qabo. Waa in la kala caddeeyaa waxyaabaha ku qoran. Waa in la sheegaa dadka soo qoray. Xeeldheeriyaasha soo qoray waa in magacyadooda lasoo bandhigaa. Otherwise dad kale soo qortay, Soomaalina masoo qoranin. Marka waa run, wax ayaa la kala qar qariye, lana qarinaayaa. Waa axdi lagu deg degay. Waligey ma arkin axdi kan ka hor saan camal loogu deg degay, oo sanka la iska gilinaayo. No. Qofka koowaad hadlay aad iyo aad si fiican ugu hadlay. Wuu ku mahadsanyahay.

Ciyaal kuni kuni kuleel...

‎Laabtiyo qalbiga ayaad sidii liilsan jiiftaayee Lammaanoowday inankaad jecleed lahashadaadiyee Lama ladine guushiinabaan luga dageeynaayee Dadku laama ubax buuxiyeey wada lulaayanee Laandheerayaal kula dhashaa laabta kuu tumayee Lakigaaga wiilkii ku helay, huuno liibaanyee Leegleegso leexada sariyo libinta guurkiina Xuska Leegadii laga dhaxlee Luulya iyo Juunba Lixdankii habeenimo lix saac libinti aan gaarnay Lix Labaatan Juun xornimo laacnay miraheeda Koowda Luulyana wadajirbaa leerka loo shidayee Lamaanahiis aroosaa ka dhigan Luulyo iyo Juun Luubiga ciyaaraha macaan, luuqda iyo dheesha Wilisaqada lees laba rogiyo, loolka iyo heesta Labadiina weeyaan waxaa leerka loo shidayee Ilaa dunida laga laabayoo leyf duljoogtahi Ladanoow xaq dhowr inanta oo leeji xarigeeda Maroodiga lafaha weynle iyo liidhar baad tahayee Afrikada libaaxeediyoo liil sanbaad tahayee Hoobaalayoo hee dheh iga dheh.

Sheekadii Caydiid Yariisoow maa noo keentay haddana? Ani iyo Xabashi midownimo nagama dhaxeyneyso intaa neef tuuraayo. Oromo iyo Canfarta awalba Soomaali Aboow iska ahaayeen dhib malaha.

Che somewhere here ayuu ka muuqdaa, but ma qarxinaayi. Sawiro kale iyo warbixin.

It is internal divisions though, if there is one. Suldaan Faqi, Jen. Sheekhuuna iyo Xildhibaan Nuuraani kuligoodaba waa isku jufo oo ah dadka dega Baraawe iyo nawaaxigeeda.

at Suldaan Fake.

More su'aalo, more yax yax.

Mr. Fisk has a point. Carabtana aad ayuu u yaqaanaa. Qaarkood waa xoolo, diin ay ku dhaqmaana iska dhaafee naxariistii bini'aadenimo ka fog, aad ugu fog waliba. Carab fiican waa jiraan, waliba dalal dadka Carabtooda ah fiican, sida Reer Suuriya camal.

Waraa Sacuudiga jaad ma laga cunaa horta? And haddii laguugu qabto maxaa dhacaayo? Qoor goyn?

By the way, Nayroobi ku arki jiray caleenta cagaaran ninka sawirka hore calaanjinaayo. It is more potent than jaadka and more cheaper. it was said. Soomaalida jaadka awoodi karin qarashkiisa cuni jiray. Magac baas lahayd.

Shirkii Landhan waala soo siray. Goobta shirka ka dhacaayo waaka qudbeyneysiin lagu soo yiri. Calankiina la suraa isla goobta loogu soo sheekeeye. Waaka madax bannaan tihiin Soomaalida kale loogu been guuray. Well, well, tii ka dhacday waala wada ogyahay. Xataa ra'iisul wasaaraha Ingiriiska garabaati baluuggan soo xirtayba. Suu Bush yiri camal waaye in this infamous quote: "Fool me once, shame on — [pauses] — shame on you. Fool me — [pauses] — You can't get fooled again." They can't get fooled again, obviously. But again Turkiga la isku diro ma fiicno.