Waraa cunugii yaraa haye, waa isdhiibtay ciyoowba miyaa? Aawey adeeradaa isbaarodoonka intee ku dambeeyeen?

Already wasiirada ka tirsan dowladda from gobolkaas are on their way to Garoowe: Waftigii uu xanibay Gaas oo ugu dambeyn ka dhoofay garoonka Muqdisho Wafdi ka socda dowladda federaalka ah ee Soomaaliya ayaa ka duulay garoonka Aadan Cadde ee magaalada Muqdisho, waxaana ay ku sii jeedaan maagaalada Garoowe ee Xarunta Maamulka Puntland. Wafdigan waxaa hoggaaminaya Wasiirka arrimaha dibadda Soomaaliya Axmed Ciise Cawad, Xildhibaanno iyo mas’uuliyiin kale oo ka soo jeeda degaannada Maamulka Puntland. Mas’uuliyiintan safarkooda ayaa ku soo aadaya kaddib markii uu doorashada ku guuledarreystay C/Wali Maxamed Cali Gaas oo Warqad uu horay u soo saaray ku mamnuucay in xubnaha dowladda Federaalka ah tagaan Magaalada Garoowe. Gaas ayaa dowladda Federaalka ah horay ugu eedeeyay in ay faragelin ku sameyneyso doorashada degaannada Maamulka Puntland. Horay Wasiirro ka tirsan Dowladda Federaalka oo uu ka mid ahaa Axmed Ciise Cawad ayaa laga celiyay Garoonka Adan Cadde kaddib markii diyaaraddii geyn lahayd Garoowe looga digay in ay qaaddo. Xiriirka Gaas iyo dowladda Federaalka ah ayaa xumaaday inkasta oo Madaxweyne ku xigeenka C/Xakiin Xaaji Cumar Cameey uu xiriir wanaagsan lalahaa Dowladda dhexe. Xigasho

Xasan Sh. Maxamuud dowladiisa ayuu u ahaa wasiirka qorsheynta shan sano kahor. Asaga iyo Xasan Sh. xiriir dhow ayee leeyihiin. Also warar suuqeedka waxee sheegayaan inay dowladda Qadar $$ u soo dhiibtay, kuwee Imaaraadka wateena wey ku wada hungoobeen.

Ninka ku guuleystay soo jeediin fiican ayuu jeediyey shalay. Khudbadii ugu hadal heynta badneyd ee Musharax Saciid Deni Khudbada Musharaxa Madaxweyne Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni Isniin - 07/01/2019 Salaan iyo Mahadnaq: Bismillaahi, Mahad oo dhan Eebbe ayay u sugnaatay, Naxariis iyo Nabad-gelyana hagaarto Suubahanaheenii Maxamed (SCW). Guddoonka Golaha Wakiiladda, Xubnaha Golaha, Musharaxiinta iyo dhammaan marti sharafta kulankaan fadhida, Assalamu Calaykum Waraxmatullaahi Wabarakaatuh. Mudane Gudoomiye, Mudanayaal iyo Murwooyin; Waxaa sharaf weyn ii ah maanta inaan hortiina imaado si aan idiinkusoo bandhigo khudbadayda oo soo koobaysa barnaamijkayga siyaasadeed ee aan doonayo inaan ku hago Dawladda Puntland 5 ta sano ee soo socota haddii ALLE idmo, fursadaasna aad isiisaan. Taariikh Nololeedka: Sida ku cad lifaaqa warbixinta taariikh nololeedkayga, waxaan noloshayda inteeda badan ugu adeegay bulshadayda gaar ahaan xilliyaddii ugu adkaa ee ka dambeeyay burburkii dawladdii dhexe, aniga oo qayb ka ahaa yagleelidda dugsiyadii waxbarasho ee ugu horeeyay ee Puntland ka hirgalay burburkii dawladda dhexe ka dib. Dugsiyadaasi oo ay ka aflaxeen kumanaan arday oo laga yaabo qaybtiin inaad qayb ka tihiin mirihii dadalkaas. Sidoo kale, waxaan qayb weyn ka ahaa kobcinta dhaqaalaha iyo horumarinta ganacsiga deegaanadaan aniga oo wax ka aasaasy shirkadaha ganacsi ee ugu waawayn ee maanta Puntland iyo guud geyiga soomaalida ka jira. Waxaan kale oo aan ka qaybqaatay dhismaha hay’ado khayri ah oo u adeegga bulshada gaar ahaan kuwo nugul, iyadoo maanta hay’adahaasi ay yihiin kuwa ugu waawayn Soomaaliya. Waxaa sidoo kale xusid mudan farxad weyna ii ah inaan ka mid ahaa ergadii maamul u samaynta Puntland oo maanta 20 sano ka dib aan u tartamayo hoggaankeeda. Waxaan muddooyinkii u dameeyay ka shaqaynayay dib u-dhiska iyo taabogelinta dawladnimo sooomaaliyeed oo soo celisa karaamadii iyo sharaftii dadka soomaaliyeed aniga oo Mudane Baarlamaan iyo Wasiirba soo noqday. Waxaan leeyahay aqoon waxbarasho sare oo gaarsiisan heerka labaad (Master Degree) oo maamulka iyo maaraynta aan ku takhasusay, waxaan sidoo kale leeyahay in kabadan 30 sano oo khibrad ah dhinacyada maamulka dawladnimo, dhaqaalaha, ganacsiga iyo u adeegga bulshada, taas oo iga dhigaysa xog ogaal u dhuundaloola baahiyaha bulshada. Barnaamijka Siyaasadda: Mudanayaal iyo Murwooyin; 20 sano ka hor ayay ahayd markii la aasaasay Puntland. Hammigii iyo hankii lagu aasaasay waxay ahayd dhisidda nidaam dawladnimo oo u gaar ah deegaanada Puntland iyo baadigoobka dawladnimo soomaaliyeed si loosoo celiyo qaranimadii iyo karaamadii dadka Soomaaliyeed. Marka aan dib u milicsano guulaha laga gaaray hammigaas 20 sano ka dib, waxaa xaqiiq ah in wax badan ay qabsoomeen, dib-u-dhac badana uu jiro. Waxaa mahaddaas oo dhan iska leh, ALLE ka sokow, dadkii aasaaska Puntland maskax iyo muruq ba ku bixiyay, intii dhimatay ALLE ha u naxariisto inta noolna cimri dheer, caafimaad iyo cibaado suuban ayaan u rajaynayaa. Mudane Gudoomiye, Mudanayaal iyo Murwooyin; Suaasha iswaydiinta mudan waxay tahay Puntland 20 sano ka dib ma joogtaa heerkii ay mudnayd? Hay’adaheeda dawliga ahi ma u tayaysan yihiin sidii loo baahnaa? Bulshadu ma u heshaa adeegyada ay u baahnaayeen sidii la rabay? Waxaa xaqiiq ah inay jiraan caqabo badan oo raggaadiyay hay’adihii dawliga ahaa iyo bixintii adeegga bulshada. Caqabadahaas waxaa ka mid ah: 1. Tayada hay’adaha dawliga ah oo liidata, iyada oo ay aad u hoosaysayso nidaamka islaxisaabtanka iyo isudheelitirka awoodaha hay’adaha dawliga ah, awoodiina ay iskugusoo uruurtay madaxtooyada. 2. Ma jiro horumar wayn oo laga sameeyay nidaamka Siyaasiga ah ee Puntland, 20 sano ka dib waxaa wali la iskudooranayaa sidii la isku doortay doorashadii u horaysay (Doorasho dadban) ee dhacday 1998. 3. Waxaa laamihii dawladda raggaadiayay musuqmaasuq baahsan oo astaan u noqday dhaqanka dawladnimo, taasoo ay ugu wacan tahay islaxisaabtan la’aan iyo iskumilanka hay’adihii dawliga ahayd ee is-ilaalin lahaa. 4. Kaalintii Puntland ay ku laheyd dib u-dhiska dawladnimada Soomaaliya iyo hirgalinta nidaamka federaalka oo hoos u dhacday, taas oo ay sabab u tahay in aysan jirin aragti dheer oo hagaysa. 5. Midnimada dad iyo dhuleed ee Puntland sida ku xusan dastuurkeeda oo dhaawacantey, kaddib markii lagu fashilmay soo celinta dhulka maqan gaar ahaan qeybo kamid ah gobolka Sool, Sanaag iyo Cayn. 6. Argagixisada oo aan laga sifayn deegaanada Puntland; taasoo abuurtay khalkhal amni iyo falal amni-darro ah oo ka dhaca meelo fara-badan oo Puntland ka mid ah. 7. Sicirbarar baahsan oo saameeyay nolosha bulshada, sannadkii 2013kii bishii January $1 waxaa lagu sarrifi jirey 22,000 So. Sh, haddana 2018 wuxuu kusoo dhaw yahay in $1 lagu sarrifo 35,000 So. Sh celcelis. 8. Dhinaca garsoorka, ma jiro garsoor madax bannaan oo taabbagal ah laguna kalsoonaan karo sababo la xiriira faragelin, qoondada miisaaniyadda oo hoosaysa, musuqmaasuq, tayo xumo dhanka hawlwadeenada iyo agabka. Mudane Gudoomiye, Mudanayaal iyo Murwooyin; Caqabadahaasi waxay iftiiminayaan in dadka reer Puntland ay dareemayaan inaan la gaarin filashadii shacabka dhanka maamul-wanaaga 20 sano kadib. Haddaba, doorashada 2019 waxay kusoo beegmaysaa marxalad xasaasi ah oo kala guur ah, loona baahan yahay in la xaqiijiyo helitaanka hoggaan siyaasadeed oo leh aragti, waayo-aragnimo, hufnaan iyo waddaniyad, si loo gaaro maamul-wanaag dhamaystiran. Haddaba barnaamijkayga siyaasadeed waxaa saldhig u ah 2 arrimood oo ah (1) Tayeynta iyo dib u habeynta hay’adaha dawladda si ay u noqdaan kuwo taabbo-gal ah oo ka jawaabi kara baahiyaha bulshada Puntland. (2) Tiigsi oo ka turjumaya hiraalka iyo hiigsiga siyaasadeed waqtiga dhaw iyo waqtiga fog. Si loo xaqiijiyo loogana gun gaaro hammigaas, barnaamijkayga siyaasadeed waxa uu xoogga saarayaa gaarista 8 yool oo waawayn oo aan aaminsanahay inay isbedel horumarineed oo taabagal ah gaarsiin karaan Puntland. Yoolka 1aad: Hirgalinta isbedel siyaasadeed oo dhaxal-gal ah: 1. Waxaan mudnaan gaar ah siindoonaa taabba-galinta Sharciga iyo Qaanuunka si loo helo Hay’ado dawli ah oo is kor joogteeya isuna dheeli tiran (Checks and Balance). 2. Waxaan Dib-u-qaabeynayaa Hay’adaha Dawliga ah ee Puntland, iyadoo dib-u-eegis aan ku samaynayndoono tirada, tayada iyo xeerarka lagu asaasay Hay’adahaas si loo kala caddeeyo waajibaadkooda shaqo, sarena loogu qaado tayadooda, ayna ula jaanqaadaan isbeddelka cusub ee aan doonayo in laga sameeyo dhinaca siyaasadda iyo dhismaha dawladnimada, qorshahaan waxaa lagu dhamaystirayaa sannadka ugu horreeya ee Xukuumadda cusub. Haddii Alle idmo 3. Waxaan hirgelindoonaa nidaamka Dimuqraadiga ee Xisbiyada Badan sannadka ugu horreeya ee xukuumadda cusub. Haddii Alle idmo 4. Waxaan xoojinayaa kaalinta Puntland ay ku leedahay Soomaaliya iyo hirgelinta nidaamka Federaalka ah, iyadoo la ilaalinayo maqaamka Puntland iyo Dawladnimadeeda ku dhisan hannaan dawladnimo oo ay sal u tahay in waxna la wada leeyahay waxna lakala leeyahay. 5. Waxaan xoojinayaa awoodda Puntland u leedahay gelidda heshiisyo horumarineed iyo kuwo maalgashi si waafaqsan shuruucda dalka, iyada oo la xaqiijinayo in heshiisyadu noqdaan kuwo daahfuran oo laga ansixiyo dhammaan golayaasha dawladda si furanna loogu soo bandhigo shacabka. Sidoo kale in dib u eegis lagu sameeyo dhammaan heshiisyada horumarineed ama maalgashi ee horay loo galay oo ay ugu horrayso heshiiskii Dekedda Boosaaso. 6. Waxaan mudnaan gaar ah siindoonaa ilaalinta midnimada Puntland (Dad iyo Dhulba) iyada oo mudnaan gaar ah lasiinayo soo celinta dhulka maqan ee Dastuurku uu qeexayo, iyada oo dawladdu ka yeelanayso siyaasad horumarineed loona astaynayo qoondo miisaaniyadeed oo gaar u ah horumarinta iyo difaaca Gobolada Sool, Sanaag iyo Cayn. Yoolka 2aad: Xoojinta Amniga: 1. Waxaan dib-u-habayn mug leh ku samaynaynaa hay’adaha amniga ee kala duwan, dhinacyada shuruucda, istiraatiijiyadda, tirada ciidanka, tayadooda iyo xuquuqdooda. Miisaaniyadda haatan lagu hafro Amniga waxay ku filan tahay maareynta Amniga hadii si amaano iyo aqoon ku dheehantahay loo maamulo. 2. Waxaan mudnaan gaar ah siindoonaa ciribtirka canaasiirta argagixisada ee ku dhuumaalaysanaya buuralayda Cal-madaw iyo Cal-miskaad. 3. Waxaan adkayndoonaa xuduudaha Puntland ee Bad iyo Berriba, iyadoo iskaashi dhow lagala sameynayo dowladda federaalka iyo dawlad-goboleedyada ay xuduudaha wadaagaan dawaladda Puntland ee Soomaaliyeed. 4. Xaq-siinta ciidanka ayaan mudnaan gaar ah siindoonaa, iyadoo qof kasta oo ciidan ah uu helidoono mushahaar joogto ah, gunno-hawleed, duug, bixinta diyada/magta qofka si kama’ ah ugu dhinta gacanta ciidanka, daaweynta ciidanka xanuunsada, bixinta hawl-gabka iyo kafaala-qaadka agoonta ciidanka. Yoolka 3aad: Dib u habaynta Nidaamka Maaliyadda iyo Kobcinta Dhaqaalaha: 1. Waxaan dib-u-habayn ballaaran ku samaynaynaa nidaamka dakhli uruurinta, annaga oo xaqiijinayaa dhaqangelinta iyo ku dhaqanka miisaaniyadda Dawladda ee ay ansixiyaan Golayaasha Dawladdu. 2. Waxaan la dagaalamaynaa aafada musuqmaasuqa ragaadiyey nidaamka dawladnimo, iyadoo la xoojinayo isla-xisaabtanka iyo daahfurnaanta, lana adkaynayo maamul-wanaagga iyo sarraynta sharciga, madaxbannaani buuxdana la siinayo Hay’adaha Dawladda u qaabilsan islaxisaabtanka gaar ahaan xafiiska Hantidhowrka Guud. 3. Waxaan mudnaan-siinaynaa suuq-geynta iyo maalgashiga khayraadka dalka Alle ku galladay sida: Kalluunka, Xoolaha, Maydiga, Beeraha, Macdanta iyo batroolka. 4. Waxaan horumarinaynaa kaabayaasha dhaqaale sida: Dekadaha, Garoomada Diyaaradaha iyo Waddooyinka, iyadoo la dhammeystirayo waddada isku xirta Ceel-daahir iyo Ceerigaabo, dibna loo soo nooleynayo dhismaha waddada laamiga ah ee Garoowe-Gaalkacyo, loona hawlgalayo soo daynta mashruuca Shiinaha ee dhismaha Waddada Eyl iyo Garoowe, dib-u-eegista mashruuca ballaarinta dekadda Bosaaso, ka qeyb qaadashada dhismaha dekadda Garacad. Sidoo kale waxaa loo hawlgali doonaa dhismaha waddada laamiga ah ee isku xirta Kalabayr iyo Caluula, Taleex iyo Garoowe, Sheerbi iyo Dhahar, Qardho iyo Baylo, Bosaaso iyo Qandalo, Galdogob iyo Garacad, iyo dhamaystirka iyo taabagalinta kastamka Tuur-dibi. Yoolka 4aad: Tayaynta Adeegyada Bulshada: 1. Waxaan mudnaan siindoonaa baahinta iyo tayeynta adeegyada waxbarashada iyo caafimaadka iyada oo loo marayo joogtaynta iyo kordhinta qoondada lacageed ee ay ku leeyihiin miisanayadda Dawladda. 2. Tayeynta, baahinta iyo kabista adeegyada Biyaha iyo korontada ayaan mudnaan gaar ah siindoonaa, si loo helo adeeg tayo leh oo jaban daboolina kara baahida bulshada. Waxaa si gaara dib u eegis loogu samayn doonaa hannaanka wax isku darsiga dawladda iyo shirkadaha gaarka loo leeyahay (Public Private Patnership). Yoolka 5aad: Taabba galinta Garsoor Xaqiijin kara Sarraynta Sharciga: 1. Waxaan dib-uhabeyn ku samayndoonaa garsoorka gaar ahaan hannaanka soo xulista hawl-wadeennada garsoorka, abuuridda hannaanka kormeerka iyo isla-xisaabtanka ee garsoorka dhexdiisa iyo dib-u-habeynta xeerarka iyo habraacyada Hay’adda Garsoorka. 2. Waxaan kordhindoonaa qoondada miisaaniyadda Garsoorka, iyadoo la sameynayo Sanduuqa Garsoorka (Judiciary Fund), si loo tayeeyo loona xoojiyo madax banaanidooda Yoolka 6aad: Daryeelka Deegaanka iyo Xakameynta saameynta Isbeddelka Cimilada: Waxaan mudnaan gaar ah siindoonaa la-dagaallanka jarista dhirta iyo xaalufinta Deegaanka, iyadoo aan dhisidoono haamaha lagu kaydiyo gaaska wax lagu shito si qiimo jaban loogu helo haamaha gaaska la shito, taasina ay gebi ahaanba meesha ka saarayso isticmaalka dhuxusha. Sidoo kale waxaa xoogga la saari doonaa ka faa’iidaysiga tamarta cadceedda (Sollar) iyo dabaysha. Yoolka 7aad: Horumarinta Dhalinyarada: Waxaan mudnaan gooni ah siinaynaa horumarinta dhalinyarada dhinacyada shaqo abuurka, sare u qaadista xirfadaha, u sinnaanta fursadaha shaqo si eex la’aan ah iyo ka ballaarinta qaybgalka siyaasadda iyo maamulka. Yoolka 8aad: Horumarinta Haweenka: Haweenka Puntland waxay laf dhabar u yihiin horumarka bulshada dhinac walba, sidaas darted waxaan xaqiijindoonaa xoojinta helitaanka xuquuqda haweenka si waafaqsan shareecada islaamka, iyadoo si gaar ah xooga loo saarayo inay helaan xuquuqdooda bulsho, siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaale oo dhammaystiran. Mudane Gudoomiye, Mudanayaal iyo Murwooyin; Waxaan ku kalsoonahay in barnaamijkaygaan siyaasadeed uu ku fadhiyo hanka iyo filashada dadka reer Puntland si looga gudbo caqabadaha aan horaykusoo xusay loona gaaro horumar dhamaystiran oo joogtaysan. Waxaan kusoo gunaanadayaa khudbadaydaan codsi aan waydiisanayo Mudanayaasha Golahaan sharafta badan inaad isiisaan codkiina iyo kalsoonidiina idinka oo igu qiimaynaya aqoontayda, khibradayda iyo baarnaamijkayga siyaasadeed. Mahadsanidiin. Xigasho

Waaba saa islahaa. Oh, the meme creators fursad weyn ayaa dhaaftay.

I hope at least they all paid $20,000 la iska rabo. However, I am sure at least five or more ka haraayo because of this. Waa magac aan yeesho kaliya oo xil wasiirnimo lagu helo ee kama aha inay dhab ka tahay musharaxnimadooda.

Ergeyga wouldn't have gone this easily if it wasn't Mareykanka's support. Or if he was Michael Keating with his British passport, no way would Ingiriiska have accepted this easily.

Inkaarqabtii ma nooshahay. Dhawaan magaceeda ma maqlin.

Meeqo xildhibaan ayee heystaan Reer Sool? Haddee isku duubanyihiin, uguna wada shubaan, Cali Ciise can go far. Sadexda walaalaha ah booska isku balaariyey labaatankii sano u dambeysay ha u baneeyaan qabiilada kale ee sheegtaan inay maamulka ka tirsanyihiin laakiin aanan u ogalayn jagada sare. Meesha 1.5 ee ka dhigeen.

Since the newly selected guddoomiyaha maamul goboleedka baarlamaanka is anti-Gaas, we can all assume Gaas daaqada ayuu saaranyahay and ain't coming back.

Che, waagaan Abtigiis isma garaneynin ayaa filaa? Taloow Abtigiisa aragtida uu inta ku soo bandhigay wax ma iska badaleen toban sano ka dib?

Not even ink-based qalin. It is isqor bilaa qalinlaabis for kindergartens.

It is not solely about Rooboow. Ergeyga raised some other valid questions, though. Toban iyo shanta qof lagu dilay, many of them young boys, waa in la daba galaa cidii amartay iyo dadkii ka dambeeye. He is raising this issue because ciidamadaas xabbadda ridaaye Qaramada Midoobay ayaa biisho.

Guul ayaan leenahay walaasheena. Waana ku faraxsanahay inay xirato alindi markii la dhaarinaaye.

Markaan camal ayee dhaaftay isqornimada. All in the name of ever elusive, never arriving marqaan-dreamed aqoonsi. I just saw this pathetic, poorly written imploring letter on Facebook. This is beyond begging, begging ergeyga gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobay in Muqdisho to move his office to headquaters of Muuse Muqayil. What do they think that UN's office for Soomaaliya is tabakaayo yar meesha la rabo loo rari karo, lagana furi karo? Well, wax walba waa laga filan karaa minds that were influenced by decades of sessions of non-stop marqaamid. Also what in their marqaan-induced mind haven't realized is that they finally admit to themselves and submit to the reality that ergeyga gaar ee Qaramada Midoobay represents all of Soomaaliya, including Waqooyiga. The poorly written letter:

The Tigrey SOL guest caadi ma'aha in the past six months or so when his folks lost all those powers his kin wielded since 1991. Iskaga dulqaado, xoogahoo wuu isku dar darsamay.

Che, I had asked you before that I still don't know how you hold your breath and engage, still can stand the revolting, repugnant that is coming from these failed secessionist sewage-dwelling creatures in boosaneero. I can't even imagine myself standing of the top the boosaneero, even under my feet, to engage these creatures. All kudos to you.

Ciidamada Puntland ee ay DF la wareegtay oo keeni kara saddex waxyaabood Wararka laga helayo Garoowe ayaa sheegaya in dowladda Dhexe ee ay ugu dambeyn qarameysay ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta maamulka Puntland. Tallaabadan ee ay dowladda qaaday ayaa ah mid aad loo soo dhaweeyey maadama ay bud dhig u noqon doonto dowlad dhisidda Soomaaliya oo si buuxda loo hanto. Ciidamada kala madaxa bannaan ee aan hoos tagin dowladda dhexe waxa ay caqabad ku ahaayeen dowladniada dalka iyada oo horseed ka ahayd awood yarida dowladda dhexe. Dowladda Soomaaliya ee gacanta ku dhigtay ciidamada kala duwan ee Puntland waxa ay horseed u noqon doontaa saddexdan qodob ee hoos ku xusan. 1 – Maamulada oo toos u hoos yimaada dowladda dhexe sida dastuurku qabo Mar haddii ay dowladda la wareegtay labadii ciidan ee ugu awoodda badnaa ee Puntland waxaa xigi doona in ay wada shaqeyn buuxda dhex-marto maamulka iyo dowladda dhexe. Markii hore, Puntland oo ugu fac weyn maamulada dalka ka jira waxa ay tusaale u ahayd kuwa kale, haddii ay hadda ugu dambeyn ku wareejiyeen ciidamadoodii dowladda dhexe waxaa xigi doona oo aan dhib laga mari doonin kuwa kale. Waxa ugu weyn ee Puntland qasbay, sida aan rumeysanahay, ayaa ah dhaqaale la’aan maadaama Gaas bixin waayey mushaarkii ciidankiisa marar badanna ay ka gadoodeen. Waana taas waxa sidoo kale qasbi doonna maamullada kale. 2 – Waxaa hagaagi doona amniga dalka guud ahaan Kala qeybsanaantii awoodda ciidan ee dalka waxa ay keeni jirtay in amniga dalka la’isku halleeyo oo uusan xiriir dhexmarin laamaha amniga ee guud ahaan dalka. Booliska dalka oo hal gacan hoos taga waxa ay keeni doontaa in iska warqabka iyo xogta si sahlan la’isugu gudubno oo ay ciidamo ku sugaan amniga hal qaab (Uniform). 3 – Canshuuraha dalka oo la mideeyo Dowladda waxa ay culeys weyn ku haysay magaalada Muqdisho oo ay si xad ka bax ah ugu tiirsaneyd dhaqaalaha ka soo baxo. Dhaqaalaha Muqdisho ma ahayn mid ku filan dhaqdhaaqa dowladda, hase ahaatee, haddii laga heshiiyey oo ay dowladda maamulada kala wareegto ciidamada, waxaa fududaan doonta in sidoo kale la mideeyo dhaqaalaha dalka sida canshuuraha. Taas, waxa ay sahli doontaa in dowladda maamul gobolleed walba canshuurta ka soo xeroota lagu dabaro ciidamadiisa gaarka ah ee sugaya amniga. Xigasho

Saalax, is this recruiting or nationalizing an already existing army as the news below reports: Dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya oo la wareegtay Maamulka Ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta ee Puntland War si hoose uu uhelay Wargayska Tusmotimes xafiiska Muqdisho ayaa sheegaya in Dowladda federaalka ee Soomaaliya ay la Wareegtay Maamulka Ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta ee Deegaanada Maamulka Puntland xili ay fooda nagu soo hayso Doorashada Madxtanimada Maamulkaasi. la wareegtaan ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta Maamulka Puntland ayaa yimid kaddib markii todobaadkan ay gaareen deegaanada Maamulka Puntland Wafdi kasocda Dowladda faderaalka Soomaaliya ka dibna tirakoob lagu sameeyey ciidamada Booliska iyo kuwa Daraawiishta ee Maamulkaasi. Wararkan ku saabsan la wareegitaanka Ciidamadaas ee Dowladda dhexe ay la wareegtay ayaa waxaa la sheegayaa in la xareeyey dhammaan ciidamada Booliska iyo Daraawiishta ee Maamulka Puntland ee ku sugan gobolada, kuwaasi oo magacyadooda iyo Taleefanadooda la diiwaangeliyay, loona sameyey kaarar ay ku qaataan mushaaraadka,qorshaha ayaa ah ciidamada in ay mushaaraadka ku qaataan Akoono sida aan xogtan ku helnay. Saraakiil kasocda dowladda faderaalka ee wada Tirokoobka ayaa horay umaray magaalooyinka Gaalkacyo, Garoowe,Carmo iyo Ciidamada ku sugan jiidda hore Tukaraq waxaana hadda Howlaha diiwaangalinta Ciidamada ay ka socotaa Magaalada Bosaso. Arrintan ayaa waxay imaanaysaa iyadoo loo diyaar garoobayo Doorashada Madaxweynaha Maamulka Puntland 8-da bisha kowaad sanadka cusub ee 2019ka. Lama,oga Cabdiwali Gaas in howshan Dowladda dhexe ka bilowday Deegaanada uu Madacweynaha ka yahay in uu la,ogyahay iyo in kale,Dhinaca kale Madaxweynaha Maamulka Puntland Cabdiwali Gaas iyo Madaxda Dowladda dhexe ayaa waxaa ka dhexeeya Khilaaf. Howsha shaqo ee Dowladda dhexe hadda ay ka bilowday Deegaanada Puntland ayaa waxaa la noo sheegayay in ay tahay mid aan qarsooneyn oo Saraakiisha wada howsha Diiwaangalinta ah xataa ay la kulmeen qaar ka mid ah Madaxda Maamulka Puntland. Xigasho

Here is a video that accompanied the lengthy news report. Rabi u raxmado inta naftooda u hurtay xoreynta Soomaali Galbeed oo ay ka mid yihiin halyeeydaan cajalka ka muuqdo.

This is the news report - published in mid 2007 - the young halyeey is talking about by the New York Times reporter Jeffrey Gettleman: In Ethiopia, Fear and Cries of Army Brutality IN THE OGADEN DESERT — The rebels march 300 strong across the crunchy earth, young men with dreadlocks and AK-47s slung over their shoulders. Often when they pass through a village, the entire village lines up, one sunken cheekbone to the next, to squint at them. “May God bring you victory,” one woman whispered. This is the Ogaden, a spindle-legged corner of Ethiopia that the urbane officials in Addis Ababa, the capital, would rather outsiders never see. It is the epicenter of a separatist war pitting impoverished nomads against one of the biggest armies in Africa. What goes on here seems to be starkly different from the carefully constructed up-and-coming image that Ethiopia — a country that the United States increasingly relies on to fight militant Islam in the Horn of Africa — tries to project. In village after village, people said they had been brutalized by government troops. They described a widespread and longstanding reign of terror, with Ethiopian soldiers gang-raping women, burning down huts and killing civilians at will. It is the same military that the American government helps train and equip — and provides with prized intelligence. The two nations have been allies for years, but recently they have grown especially close, teaming up last winter to oust an Islamic movement that controlled much of Somalia and rid the region of a potential terrorist threat. The Bush administration, particularly the military, considers Ethiopia its best bet in the volatile Horn — which, with Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea, is fast becoming intensely violent, virulently anti-American and an incubator for terrorism. But an emerging concern for American officials is the way that the Ethiopian military operates inside its own borders, especially in war zones like the Ogaden. Anab, a 40-year-old camel herder who was too frightened, like many others, to give her last name, said soldiers took her to a police station, put her in a cell and twisted her nipples with pliers. She said government security forces routinely rounded up young women under the pretext that they were rebel supporters so they could bring them to jail and rape them. “Me, I am old,” she said, “but they raped me, too.” Moualin, a rheumy-eyed elder, said Ethiopian troops stormed his village, Sasabene, in January looking for rebels and burned much of it down. “They hit us in the face with the hardest part of their guns,” he said. The villagers said the abuses had intensified since April, when the rebels attacked a Chinese-run oil field, killing nine Chinese workers and more than 60 Ethiopian soldiers and employees. The Ethiopian government has vowed to crush the rebels but rejects all claims that it abuses civilians. “Our soldiers are not allowed to do these kinds of things,” said Nur Abdi Mohammed, a government spokesman. “This is only propaganda and cannot be justified. If a government soldier did this type of thing they would be brought before the courts.” Even so, the State Department, the European Parliament and many human rights groups, mostly outside Ethiopia, have cited thousands of cases of torture, arbitrary detention and extrajudicial killings — enough to raise questions in Congress about American support of the Ethiopian government. “This is a country that is abusing its own people and has no respect for democracy,” said Representative Donald M. Payne, Democrat of New Jersey and chairman of the House Foreign Affairs subcommittee on Africa and global health. “We’ve not only looked the other way but we’ve pushed them to intrude in other sovereign nations,” he added, referring to the satellite images and other strategic help the American military gave Ethiopia in December, when thousands of Ethiopian troops poured into Somalia and overthrew the Islamist leadership. According to Georgette Gagnon, deputy director for the Africa division of Human Rights Watch, Ethiopia is one of the most repressive countries in Africa. “What the Ethiopian security forces are doing,” she said, “may amount to crimes against humanity.” Human Rights Watch issued a report in 2005 that documented a rampage by government troops against members of the Anuak, a minority tribe in western Ethiopia, in which soldiers ransacked homes, beat villagers to death with iron bars and in one case, according to a witness, tied up a prisoner and ran over him with a military truck. After the report came out, the researcher who wrote it was banned by the Ethiopian government from returning to the country. Similarly, three New York Times journalists who visited the Ogaden to cover this story were imprisoned for five days and had all their equipment confiscated before being released without charges. Ethiopia’s Tiananmen Square In many ways, Ethiopia has a lot going for it these days: new buildings, new roads, low crime and a booming trade in cut flowers and coffee. It is the second most populous country in sub-Saharan Africa, behind Nigeria, with 77 million people. Its leaders, many whom were once rebels themselves, from a neglected patch of northern Ethiopia, are widely known as some of the savviest officials on the continent. They had promised to let some air into a very stultified political system during the national elections of 2005, which were billed as a milestone on the road to democracy. Instead, they turned into Ethiopia’s version of Tiananmen Square. With the opposition poised to win a record number of seats in Parliament, the government cracked down brutally, opening fire on demonstrators, rounding up tens of thousands of opposition supporters and students and leveling charges of treason and even attempted to kill top opposition leaders, including the man elected mayor of Addis Ababa. Many opposition members are now in jail or in exile. The rest seem demoralized. “There are no real steps toward democracy,” said Merera Gudina, vice president of the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces, a leading opposition party. “No real steps toward opening up space, no real steps toward ending repression.” Ethiopian officials have routinely dismissed such complaints, accusing political protesters of stoking civil unrest and poking their finger into a well-known sore spot. Ethiopia has always had an authoritarian streak. This is a country, after all, where until the 1970s rulers claimed to be direct descendants of King Solomon. It is big, poor, famine-stricken, about half-Christian and half-Muslim, surrounded by hostile enemies and full of heavily armed separatist factions. As one high-ranking Ethiopian official put it, “This country has never been easy to rule.” That has certainly been true for the Ogaden desert, a huge, dagger-shaped chunk of territory between the highlands of Ethiopia and the border of Somalia. The people here are mostly ethnic Somalis, and they have been chafing against Ethiopian rule since 1897, when the British ceded their claims to the area. The colonial officials did not think the Ogaden was worth much. They saw thorny hills and thirsty people. Even today, it is still like that. What passes for a town is a huddle of bubble-shaped huts, the movable homes of camel-thwacking nomads who somehow survive out here. For roads, picture Tonka truck tracks running through a sandbox. The primary elements in this world are skin and bone and sun and rock. And guns. Loads of them. Camel herders carry rifles to protect their animals. Young women carry pistols to protect their bodies. And then there is the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the machine-gun-toting rebels fighting for control of this desiccated wasteland. Rebels Live Off the Land Lion. Radio. Fearless. Peacock. Most of the men have nicknames that conceal their real identities. Peacock, who spoke some English, served as a guide. He shared the bitter little plums the soldiers pick from thorn bushes — “Ogaden chocolate,” he called them. He showed the way to gently skim water from the top of a mud puddle to minimize the amount of dirt that ends up in your stomach — even in the rainy season this is all there is to drink. He pointed out the anthills, the coming storm clouds, the especially ruthless thorn trees and even a graveyard that stood incongruously in the middle of the desert. The graves — crude pyramids of stones — were from the war in 1977-78, when Somalia tried, disastrously, to pry the Ogaden out of Ethiopia’s hands and lost thousands of men. “It’s up to us now,” Peacock said. Peacock was typical of the rebels. He was driven by anger. He said Ethiopian soldiers hanged his mother, raped his sister and beat his father. “I know, it’s hard to believe,” he said. “But it’s true.” He had the hunch of a broken man and a voice that seemed far too tired for his 28 years. “It’s not that I like living in the bush,” he said. “But I have nowhere else to go.” The armed resistance began in 1994, after the Ogaden National Liberation Front, then a political organization, broached the idea of splitting off from Ethiopia. The central government responded by imprisoning Ogadeni leaders, and according to academics and human rights groups, assassinating others. The Ogaden is part of the Somali National Regional State, one of nine ethnic-based states within Ethiopia’s unusual ethnic-based federal system. On paper, all states have the right to secede, if they follow the proper procedures. But it seemed that the government feared that if the Somalis broke away, so too would the Oromos, the Afar and many other ethnic groups pining for a country of their own. The Ethiopian government calls the Ogaden rebels terrorists and says they are armed and trained by Eritrea, Ethiopia’s neighbor and bitter enemy. One of the reasons Ethiopia decided to invade Somalia was to prevent the rebels from using it as a base. The government blames them for a string of recent bombings and assassinations and says they often single out rival clan members. Ethiopian officials have been pressuring the State Department to add the Ogaden National Liberation Front to its list of designated foreign terrorist organizations. Until recently, American officials refused, saying the rebels had not threatened civilians or American interests. “But after the oil field attack in April,” said one American official who spoke on the condition of anonymity, “we are reassessing that.” American policy toward Ethiopia seems to be in flux. Administration officials are trying to increase the amount of nonhumanitarian aid to Ethiopia to $481 million next year, from $284 million this year. But key Democrats in Congress, including Mr. Payne, are questioning this, saying that because of Ethiopia’s human rights record, it is time to stop writing the country a blank check. In April, European Commission officials began investigating Ethiopia for war crimes in connection to hundreds of Somali civilians killed by Ethiopian troops during heavy fighting in Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital. Women Are Suffering the Most In the Ogaden, it is not clear how many people are dying. The vast area is essentially a no-go zone for most human rights workers and journalists and where the Ethiopian military, by its own admission, is waging an intense counterinsurgency campaign. The violence has been particularly acute against women, villagers said, and many have recently fled. Asma, 19, who now lives in neighboring Somaliland, said she was stuck in an underground cell for more than six months last year, raped and tortured. “They beat me on the feet and breasts,” she said. She was freed only after her father paid the soldiers ransom, she said, though she did not know how much. Ambaro, 25, now living in Addis Ababa, said she was gang-raped by five Ethiopian soldiers in January near the town of Fik. She said troops came to her village every night to pluck another young woman. “I’m in pain now, all over my body,” she said. “ I’m worried that I’ll become crazy because of what happened.” Many Ogaden villagers said that when they tried to bring up abuses with clan chiefs or local authorities, they were told it was better to keep quiet. The rebels said thats was precisely why they attacked the Chinese oil field: to get publicity for their cause and the plight of their region (and to discourage foreign companies from exploiting local resources). According to them, they strike freely in the Ogaden all the time, ambushing military convoys and raiding police stations. Mr. Mohammed, the government spokesman, denied that, saying the rebels “will not confront Ethiopian military forces because they are not well trained.” Expert or not, they are determined. They march for hours powered by a few handfuls of rice. They travel extremely light, carrying only their guns, two clips of bullets, a grenade and a tarp. They brag about how many Ethiopians they have killed, and every piece of their camouflage, they say, is pulled off dead soldiers. They joke about slaughtering Ethiopian troops the same way they slaughter goats. Their morale seems high, especially for men who sleep in the dirt every night. Their throats are constantly dry, but they like to sing. “A camel is delivering a baby today and the milk of the camel is coming,” goes one campfire song. “Who is the owner of this land?”

This is one sad tragic episode among of many thousands of Soomaali citizens being kidnapped, sent and handed to Xabashis, all in order to please their Xabashi masters. In this case, it was facilitated by not one, but two subservient and lackey maamuls of Xabashada in Soomaaliya.

Maakhiri, war xildhibaankaaga raadi. I think Caasho Axmed Cabdalle used to be one. Whatever happened to her horta?

It is a start, saaxiib. I am even surprised a page like this exists and doesn't look dated.

I see Xuseen Carab is your xildhibaan, Saalax. He has an influential position in baarlamaanka, too. He is guddoomiyaha guddiga gaashaandhigga (chairman of national defense committee, one of the most sought along with the finance and foreign committees). Also one can get much more information on that website. One can see the laws that were passed since 1950s, old constitutions since 1960, the dated motions, the archived resolutions, et cetera.