Somalia City a 'Disaster Zone' After Extremists Flee Flying to Baidoa in a vintage Ethiopian Airlines plane is an adventure in itself. The pilot negotiates a corkscrew landing to avoid possible mortar fire. The airport is heavily guarded. Much of colonial-era Baidoa is in ruins left from the war that toppled Somalia's last functioning government in 1991. A two-minute drive from the airport lies the bullet-scarred shell of Baidoa's colonial-era palace. The graffiti-covered walls, adorned with a black al-Shabab flag, testify to the extremists' recent presence, and their links to al-Qaida. Now, this once-splendid mansion is Ethiopia's command post. General Yohannes Woldegiorigis says the compound was captured without a shot. "There was no resistance. They were displaced and ran away from the bases,” the general said. A statement from al-Shabab said the departure from Baidoa was a “tactical retreat” and it promised to return. As if to remind Baidoans of their power, the extremists left behind a few surprises. Army Captain Mahamoud Yssak displays crude bombs and remote detonators found by advancing troops. "They use these things for mortars to shell. This is a shelling point. This is also a switch. So this thing is improvised explosive device," Mahamoud said. Ethiopia's last military push in Somalia ended badly in early 2009. Al-Shabab successfully portrayed the Ethiopians as Christian invaders out to destroy Somalia's Islamic culture. But now, Captain Mahamoud Yssak says after three years of harsh rule in which al-Shabab refused to allow food aid to reach Somali famine victims, Ethiopians are being welcomed back. "Al-Shabab, they did many wrong things to people. They [didn't] allow NGOs [aid groups] to come here. There is drought, there are no [aid groups] here. So this is why people hate al-Shabab," he said At a briefing for reporters, clan elders likened the damage inflicted by al-Shabab's rule to an earthquake. Elder Maalim Ali Badheere said no aid organizations had arrived since al-Shabab's departure, and he appealed to the international community for urgent disaster relief. “A lot of people are dying. They are hungry and thirsty and in desperate need of international assistance," he said. Regional governor Abdifatah Mohammed Ibrahim says long-term military aid will also be needed to prevent al-Qaida-linked forces from making a comeback. As the governor showed reporters truck-mounted machine guns captured from fleeing Shabab fighters, he said the extremist threat could only be eliminated when their fighting force is destroyed. "You know the character of al-Shabab. They like to fight, hit-and-run. So I think they will be back. They are [just] hiding here, under trees," the governor said. Ethiopian officials remember the unpleasant end to their last stay in Somalia. They have promised to leave Baidoa as soon as conditions are stable. But the extremists have not been defeated, they have only melted into the countryside. Stability appears to be a long way off. VOA There is another video on this site as well.

Somalia conflict: Visiting al-Shabab fallen stronghold The Ethiopian army - along with Somali pro-government troops - has recently captured the key al-Shabab stronghold of Baidoa. The BBC's East Africa correspondent Will Ross was one of the first journalists to visit the town since its seizure from the Islamist militants. The dark red berets of the Ethiopian army are back in Baidoa. At the airstrip, there was plenty of military might on display: hulking tanks, heavy artillery and dozens of alert troops. We are told Somali pro-government soldiers were backed by the Ethiopians as they seized the town from al-Shabab but it is clear who is the dominant partner in this relationship. Inside Baidoa's presidential palace there are signs of the just departed Islamist militants. The walls of this battered, squalid building are covered in jihadist graffiti - mostly images of guns apparently drawn by very young al-Shabab recruits. "They preach to them, so these kids think only about jihad," says Ethiopian army Capt Mahammud Yissak. "We saw very small guys between eight and 12. They had been in the al-Shabab training camps. They ran away and we welcomed them. Some of them were used as couriers to plant explosives." 'Colonised' On display in the compound were the ingredients of the brand of terror preferred by al-Shabab these days: detonators, batteries and switches for bombs or mines that can be set off by remote control. Nearby were several technicals (the four-wheel drive vehicles with machine guns mounted on the back) that had been captured from or abandoned by al-Shabab. The militants put up little resistance when the tanks and troops closed in on the town but since then al-Shabab has promised blood in Baidoa. It is extraordinary to think that just over three years ago Somalis were cheering on the streets as the Ethiopian army made its very public withdrawal from the country. That incursion ousted the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), which controlled much of the country. But the Ethiopian presence became so unpopular - partly as a result of the shelling of civilian areas of the capital, Mogadishu - that it then helped trigger the rise of the more radical al-Shabab. "Never again" was Ethiopia's view on another major military incursion in Somalia, but - with al-Shabab threatening the stability of the entire region - it felt forced to act. On an embedded visit with the Ethiopian army, it was always going to be hard to gauge the sentiments of Baidoa's residents. In front of Ethiopian soldiers a group of elders stroked their henna dyed beards as they spoke to the media. "We welcome our brothers from Ethiopia. We work with them. We've had many meetings with Ethiopian commanders to help stabilise this place," says Moalimu Ali. "Al-Shabab colonised us for three years and 12 days. So many of us were killed or displaced. They forced our youth to join them. We are telling them to leave al-Shabab." Hearts and minds battle Al-Shabab's extremist views and its appalling handling of the recent famine make it widely unpopular amongst Somalia's population. This certainly dilutes any hostility there might be to Ethiopia's current intervention. It was a very different situation in 2006 when the ICU had brought a degree of peace to this troubled nation and had considerable support. Ethiopia's military action back then was strongly backed by the US that feared the rise of the Islamists - a position Washington might regret now in view of what has happened since. But is there a danger of Ethiopia getting bogged down in this complicated conflict and once again being portrayed as an unwanted foreign force? "I don't think so - we don't want to stay long," says Capt Yissak. "We want to stabilise Somalia. After the country has settled we'll leave. People are asking us to stay for a long time. Our government says stay until peace comes, then we go back. "We are training the government police and military, and after they've become strong we will leave." But there are signs that Ethiopia may find it hard to win over all the hearts and minds. Al-Shabab has warned businesses not to co-operate with the new men in charge, and many shops have remained closed. This is partly because people feel the battle for Baidoa may not be over. It is not clear how long the Ethiopians will stay, so there is a fear that al-Shabab could return and carry out retribution. Fighting, not talking In February 2006, Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (TFG) set up home in Baidoa as Mogadishu was too dangerous. The country's third-largest city then fell into the hands of al-Shabab in January 2009 - straight after the Ethiopians had withdrawn. One man who is glad to be back home is Muhammad Ibrahim Habsade, a former minister in the TFG and a local MP. "I was the last out of Baidoa when the government left and I was the first one to return. I am happy to be back… but many things are destroyed," he says. "It's like Baidoa was hit by an earthquake - al-Qaeda is like an earthquake. "People are requesting the Ethiopian troops to stay for a long time. People have become free in the last 10 days. Now they need a lot of humanitarian support," Mr Habsade adds. He is amongst the politicians of the Bay and Bakol region hoping to establish a self-governing state under a federal government. But would al-Shabab fighters, like the senior commander Sheikh Mukhtar Robow who is from Baidoa, be welcome to join that administration? "Not only Robow. All of them would be welcome if they leave the terrorists, changed their way of thinking and came to live peacefully." Before dismissing the idea of an al-Shabab commander rising to help run a legitimate administration, it is worth remembering what became of the head of the UIC after the group was swept from power by Ethiopian troops. Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed is now Somalia's president. For now though al-Shabab appears to be more focused on fighting than talking. Just hours before I flew into Somalia, al-Shabab fought for hours in an effort to capture Garbaharey, 150km (95 miles) to the west of Baidoa. Then hours after I had left Somalia there was an explosion in Baidoa, and the authorities rounded up dozens of men on suspicion of al-Shabab links. The militants are weakened but they are not finished. BBC How sad. Xabashii ayaa maanta 'liberators' Soomaali u ah. Xataa see u kibirsanyihiin hadalkooda laga dhadhansan karaa. Watch the video on the BBC website with this article.

Waxaa yaab weyn ah Maxamed Sh. Cismaan oo Kacaankii maalintuu bilowday ilaa dhamaadkiisa ku jiray, jagooyin waa weyna ka qabtay Xamar ayuu ku socon jiray, free, in 1991, while kuwii Siyaad Barre mucaaradka weyn ku ahaa, oo Manifesto ku jiray qaarkood la dilay, sida aqoonyahankii weynaa Prof. Abyan (Rabi ha u raxmadee). All because in the name of qabiil. Qabyaalad qurunkeeda. Dagaaladaan waxee la degi la yihiin nabsigaas, xaqdaraas, caddaaladdaradaas dalkeena iyo dadkeena heysto.

A group of prominent elders had done exactly what some of you are advocating in Juun, 1990, some six months before dagaalada Xamar ka bilowdeen. In 1990 a group of traditional leaders, former politicians of Somalia's post-independence, civilian government, civil servants and intellectuals signed a Manifesto calling for the late Somali dictator, Mohamed Siyad Barre, to admit that his regime had put Somalia on the road to self-destruction, and support a Conference of a National Reconciliation and Salvation. The number of Manifesto signatories was 110. Written in a language that showed candour, the Manifesto made it clear that Siyad Barre's days as Somali president were numbered. The Manifesto sought to bring to the attention of Siyad Barre the civil war raging in many parts of Somalia; the bankruptcy of the former Commercial and Savings Bank - people used to line up in front of the Bank's branches early in the morning to withdraw their savings after the Somali government turned blind eye to irresponsible loan giving spree and the deteriorating security situation in capital - armed robbery and assassinations were on the increase. A thirteen member committee, headed by the late president of Somalia's first democratically elected government, Adan Abdulle Osman, was appointed. The committee was tasked to prepare the reconciliation conference that would put in place a caretaker government. The Manifesto signatories suggested the venue of the conference to be neutral country, preferably Djibouti. Djibouti recognised the United Somali Congress-installed interim government in 1991; in 2000 it sponsored a reconciliation conference that brought to the scene Transitional National Government of Somalia and the flawed 4.5 power-sharing formula only to be replaced by Transitional Federal Government of Somalia after Ethiopia and Kenya put their weight behind a new conference held in Kenya in 2004 as the mandate of the TNG was coming to an end. The military government detained some members of Manifesto signatories but released after it realised the public sentiment was on the side of the Manfiesto group. The detained men –no woman was member of the manifesto signatories refused to be intimidated because they knew parts of Mogadishu were already a no-go-area for the government; parts of the Somali regions were under armed opposition groups. Judging by the urgency and the timelines of the Manifesto, the signatories made a patriotic attempt to save Somalia from a civil war and gave the leaders of the Somali revolution a chance to salvage their accomplishments and allow a return to a parliamentary democracy, a chance the military regime did not the give the civilian government the junta ousted in bloodless coup on 21 October1969. Eight months after the publication of Manifesto, Somalia's military dictatorship was defeated by armed, clan based opposition groups. Key members of the signatories joined the United Somali Congress ( USC) government whereas some signatories were brutally murdered in Mogadishu controlled by victorious opposition group, USC. The optimism of the signatories and their faith in their abilities to solve Somalia's political problems evaporated; Hashi Weheliye and Haji Muse Boqor two of the signatories were killed at the height of war between the government forces and the USC militias in 1991, Ibrahim Mohamud Abyan a signatory and former president of now-defunct Somali National University, was murdered along with Abdi Tuhe, a chemist and Muse Yusuf, educationalist in Mogadishu controlled by a government set up the USC. It was the beginning of the betrayal with which many people associate the Somali Manifesto movement. In January 1991 Mogadishu fell into hands of the USC forces after the Somali government forces were defeated in a four week battle, forcing Siyad Barre to flee to his home region, Gedo. The USC had two wings, a Rome based group led by Hussein Ali Shiddo who was arrested in Ethiopia over leadership struggle with General Mohamed Farah Aideed who was in charge of the military wing of the USC. The Manifesto group was oblivious to the impact the wording of the document would have had on the power struggle brewing among armed opposition groups. Implicit message in the Manifesto was that military regime did not honour it promise to return to barracks but clung onto to power longer to a point where Somalia was falling apart. This message did not sit well with the supporters of the military wings of armed opposition groups especially the United Somali Congress whose Rome based wing elected Ali Mahdi Mohamed Mohamed , manifesto signatory, the Interim president of Somalia after USC captured Mogadishu in January 1991. Although the Manifesto signatories gave the armed opposition groups a role in the proposed national reconciliation conference they did not see the groups as the sole representatives of Somalis who wanted to see an end to the military dictatorship. Were the capabilities of armed, clan-based opposition groups ignored in the efforts to avert major clan warfare? Did the multi-clan make-up of the manifesto signatories make the tone of Manifesto too patronising for the armed opposition groups to respond to calls for national reconciliation conference favorably? Somalia's armed opposition groups either felt Siyad Barre was too weak to go into negotiation or they thought he would not be serious about reconciliation given his initial response to the Manifesto or they looked on the clan based nature of the armed opposition as a handicap Siyad Barre would exploit to his advantage. Not all signatories of the Manifesto had the interests of Somalis at heart; some were secretly members of clan based opposition groups; it is this group who made Somalia’s 1990 Manifesto more controversial than the very military dictatorship the signatories wanted to persuade to leave the political scene peacefully. Another important lesson from the Somalia 1990 Manifesto is the impact carelessly planned, internationally driven reconciliation conferences held outside Somalia have on the Somalis trust in shared political institutions that could help Somalia emerge from the abyss of lawlessness. Just as the leaders of Somalia's failed revolution thought the future of Somalia lay in one man, one party rule because of the failure of parliamentary democracy, the armed opposition groups thought the future of Somalia was in the in hands of clan based political organisations. The writers of Somalia's 1990 Manifesto were aware of the fact that the Somali revolution's leaders did not learn from the mistakes of civilian leaders they had deposed in 1969 nor had the opposition leaders learned from the mistakes of the revolutionary leaders they were plotting to depose. The lessons of the Somalia's 1990 Manifesto are as relevant today as they were twenty years ago. Xigasho

Maadeey, shaambadaas inaa Galmart ka heleysid jeclahay. Galoofeska lagu qabeysto koley Islii inaa ka heleysid ma moodi. Aabaheena ugu qabeen jirnay kuwa sidaas camal ah laakiin Yurub laga soo dhiibay. Nakumattka ku yaalo magaalada hoose, gaar ahaan kan weyn u dhow masaajidka magaalada ku yaalo waa ka heleysaa galoofiska iyo shaambadaba. Haddaa galoofiska ka weysid kuwa kale lagu qabeysto ka helee. Laakiin waayeel maa tahay maxaa galoofiska ku falee, shower sponges iyo shower loofahs lagu qabeystaa. Mise qof waayeel u rabtaa miyaa?

...wuxuuna soo labistay macawis & shaal qurux badan, tusbaxna gacantuu ku soo qabsaday, Salaaddii cishaha ayay wada tukadeen, markii Macallinkii dantuu u socday sheegay ayuu Siyaad Barre yiri: 'Wiilkaaga inaan daayo waxba kama qabo, lakin ka warran ninkaygaan salaadda cishaha hadda kula tukaday, hadduu Gaal ii yaqaanno' Odaygii wuxuu yiri: 'ma dhici karto', Sheekh Xasan baa loo yeeray, 'maxaad iga aaminsantahay?', 'Gaal Alle ka furtay' Waagaas ku fiicneyd si fiican in loo siibo, dhibkii ka dambeeye uu keenay maba dhici lahayn. Nin madax adag waaye ninkaan.

Maaddeey;797306 wrote: MMA , sarta soke aa Al shabaab la dhahaa oo dukaamada hoos ku leh, waxaana loogu bixiyey dhallinyaro aa loud music waqti dambe ku shidi jireen kabacdi waa la evict-gareeyey, meeshaan Shabaab aa degan camaley dheheen. Sarta aa ka hadleysid tan ee ahayd miyaa. Maxaa hoosteeda agmaray waligeyna kor kor uma fiirinin runtii. Waxaaba moodaaye sar yar oo laba dabaq camal sida loojka camal inay ku taalo dukaamada ka dambeyso ileen waa mid dheerba oo tan burcadbadeedda midig ka muuqato la siman. Saraha kale soo arag. Sida sarta Tifqaaye, sarta Muuse Suudi (7thka ku taalaa, kasoo horjeedka masaajidka and no Muuse Suudi malaha), sarta Jinniboqor oo 4th ku taalo iyadana. Saraha Mataanaha wey jiraan iyagana oo waxee ku yaalaan jidka yar ka baxaayo kasoo horjeedka Day to Day centre oo Jiifka aadaayo.

Waaba soo sheegi rabay sawirka labaad markaa arkay oo aa tiri meeshee waaye meeshaan. Farta meesha ku dhagan ayaaba ka gartay. Tabeelahaas 1st Ave. ku qorantahay oo isgoyska ku dhex yaalo waa iga dambeeye. Burkaas iyo sambuuskaas soonkii cuni jiray. Balaayo baas maxee caloosha iga qabteen, mana iska deen jirin. In the last few days of soonka ogaaday meel fiican lagu gado, not kuwa jidadka taag taagan in laga gado. Maqaayad lagu gado fiican la ii sheegay.

Maxaa ka quseeyo, ka galay dad aan Eebbaheena aaminsaneen qofka indhashareer gishto or not. Edebdaranaa oo anshaxxumaa.

I can go as far as saying Soomaalida badan ayuu badbaadiye, Rabi ka sakoow. Dadaalkiisa ku yimaadeen gargaarkii bini'aadenimo, inkastoo soo daaheen. Also waa joogay waagaas Xamar oo suu ugu dadaali jiray inuu dagaalada Xamar ka socday u joojiyo. Maxee Cali Mahdi iyo Caydiid wareeriyeen, aad iyo aad ugu dulqaatay qabqabliyaashaas.

Meeshaan aad. Populated by Dutch-speaking folks too.

Goormaa Mahiigahaan la badali doonaa horta. Kuwii ka fiicnaa, behind the scenes ka shaqeynaaye dhaqso lagu badalee. Asaga kibir sanka ka saaran ismoodo boqorka Soomaalida. Ergeyga Qaramada Midoobe ee Soomaaliya mid Maxamed Saxnuun ka fiican wali Soomaali sooma marin. Early '90s ayuu haaye jagadaas.

Maadeey, waala heshay, ereyga ku haboon oo aqoonyahano u sameeyeen keentayba. Adeegto. Waa kaas, dal markuu jiray, afkeena hormarintiisa aqoonyahano iyo waxgarad waa weyn ku shaqo lahaa. Ereyga 'aqoonyahan' erey ahaantiisaba iyagaa abuuray saa jeclahay, sidee u abuureen farsamoyaqaan camal.

Wax uu xado muu waaye. Then again Kenyaatiga wax walba oo la qaadi karo waa xadayaan haddaa kasii jeesatid. waligey dad ka tuugo badan ma arkin, taajirkooda iyo danyarkoodaba waa isku wada mid when it comes wax xadida, be it the high profile corruption cases that is reported daily on the media to these petty ones.

Lacagta inay mid qaaf tahay see ku ogaadaan horta. Mashiin ayee heystaan la yiri kala sheegeyso mida beenta ah iyo tan runta ah. Lacagtaas kurjun kurjunta u xiran kuwa qoriga heysto wax yar ayee ka helayaan, kuwa badankooda la kacaayo Dubeey iyo Nayroobi kuu fadhiyaan.

Ganacsigooda yar yar ayee ku iimaan qabaan. Nolol maalmeedkoodana kasoo saartaan. Corporate structure and its ever expanding, ever confusing sub-lingo average jaamac kuuma fahmi karo, umana fiicno. Derivatives, third quarter, fourth quarter, shareholders, stakeholders, dividends, results-driven, equity, commodities, liquidation, capital, initial public offering, hedge funds, investment bank, revenue, net income, capital income, capital gain, capital asset, stocks... and on and on. Waxaan yaa kuu fahmaayo.

This is why one should never abuse dad bini'aaden ah, siiba qof adiga kuu shaqeeyo. Dadka Nayroobi ku soo arkay qaarkood see ula dhaqmi jireen booyaasyada qaarkood u sheegi jiray inay u naxariistaan. Haddii kalena waxaan camal dhaceyso. According to cajalkaan short ah, kas ayee u sameysay leeyihiin. Waa laga yaabaa inay musqul ka gaari weysay oo jikada ku kaadisay, then daadisay. Who knows. But they are suggesting otherwise.

Shariifka iyo dadka meesha isku wada yimid si fiican u hadleen.

shirkan wax sidaa badan ismaanaan odhan aan ahayn kaftan aanu kaftanay. Haye, kaftankaas muxuu ahaa taloow? Boos hala ii sii diyaariyo, hala ii baneeyo? Teeda kale laba koox hadleyso oo hal dal ka tirsan waaye. It said so in that warmurtiyeed aad mar walba soo xigsaneysid. Sida Barbaarta koox u yihiin, dowladda kumeelgaarkana waa koox, so is kuwa ka taliyo Waqooyi Galbeed. Haddee Barbaarta iyo dowladda kumeelgaarka beri wadahal galaan, it doesn't mean laba dal wada hadleyso. No. Marka waa saas.

Indhashareer iyo eviction maxaa isku keenay? Fix your link.

War Reer Ayslaan yeenan deg degin. Tan ha aqristaan. Alberta-Ontario cold war to linger amid strong Canadian dollar The strength of the Canadian dollar threatens to prolong inter-provincial tensions as its effects are felt differently across the country. Strong commodities prices have helped buoy the loonie combination that boosts Alberta's fortunes but hurts Ontario as it hammers manufacturing. Indeed, BMO Nesbitt Burns noted today, some 500,000 factory jobs have been lost in Canada over the 10 years since the currency began climbing back from its 62-cent lows. In a separate study today, senior currency strategists David Watt and Stewart Hall of RBC Dominion Securities pointed out that "wrenching adjustments are imposed on a relative few" by the high currency. And they noted the spat between Alberta's Premier Alison Redford and her Ontario counterpart Dalton McGuinty. "With future oil sands production, global oil demand and oil exports seen keeping [the Canadian dollar] persistently strong, regional tensions are likely to linger, particularly if the benefits remain highly concentrated." They cited "a (cold) war of words" between Alberta, home to Canada's oil industry, and Ontario, a manufacturing hub. Ms. Redford had wanted Ontario to help in the fight for pipelines, while Mr. McGuinty responded by saying he'd take a weaker currency over a "rapidly growing" energy sector in Alberta. "Reasonable projections for oil sands production, global oil demand and oil exports, with almost all of the increased oil production destined for foreign shores ... suggest persistent tailwinds to [the Candian dollar] over time," said the RBC strategists. "McGuinty’s statement hints at the potential for lingering regional tensions during the next commodity super cycle." Ontario's factories have been hit hard, though the province has still created hundreds of thousands of jobs in other sectors over the past several years. Mr. Watt and Mr. Hall believe most of the hit to manufacturing jobs is now done, though they don't see that work returning in the near future. Their comments came as BMO's deputy chief economist, Douglas Porter, published a study showing the impact of the dollar's return to grace over the past 10 years. Sii aqriso ___________________ The premier of Ontario now wants the Canadian dollar in uu ku noqdo suu ahaa in early 2000s when halkii doolar was worth 62 cents US camal. War kac dheh, waa gartiis doolar xawilaad kuma diree. I remember it used to cost $165 Canadian per US $100 sent.

Qoftaan magaceeda waa maqli jiray, laakiin xusuus uma heynin muuqaalkeeda. Waa laga yaabaa anooo yar inaa ka fiirsaday telafashinkii qaranka. Qofta bilaash looma amaani jirin ileen wey taqaanaa sida loo daadahiyo barnaamijkaan camal. Dadka ku amaani jiray quruxdeeda laakiin qof taqaano shaqadeeda kasoo baxday u egtahay. Ereyada kaftankeeda ayaaba ka helay, sida 'walaalkiisa/walaashiisa.' Midka ugu wacayna 'Maamada' waxaa loogu jawaabay 'abaaba.' True ciyaal xaafad.

" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen> Waligaa jir Axmed Naaji Sacad. Faan faanka qabiilka Faarax anaa kaa sareeye Ka fogaado foolxumadiisa Foor boonti faaykaan Dadka kala fogeynaayo Banaadiriga dad ugu dalka jecel ku jiraan Soomaalida. How I wish we had more of them than maryooleey iyo faradheertaan qabyaaladda dishay.

Hebel Fantastik hadda wuxuuba u shaqeyaa Yunifersal. Waa kan asagoo Buuloxaawo kasoo waramaayo maalmo kahor. Xiliga 23:35 ayuu soo muuqanaa. " frameborder="0" allowfullscreen>

Fiqi iyo Farmaajo. Ileen ciyaalka xaafadda isla ahaan jireen oo waligood waa isdaba socon jireen.