Turkiga ayaa ka masuul ah waxaan dhan. Dalalkaan awoodda weyn ayee hurdada ka toosisay Turkiga. Wixii ka dambeeye sanadkii 2011 uu ra'iisul wasaaraha Turkiga ka degay Xamar, waxaa isbadalay waxyaabahaan: Isla markii madaxweynaha Jabuuti ka degay Xamar; Xoghayaha Qaramada Midoobay tagay Xamar; madaxweynaha Ugaandha tagay Xamar; xogyahaya arrimaha dibadda Ingiriiska tagay; ergooyin sarsare ka socdo Midowga Yurub, Mareykanka ayaa degay. Taajirkii Bin Talaal ee Reer Sacuudiga ka degay Xamar. Dalalka Yurub safiiro u soo magacaabeen Soomaaliya, gaar ahaan Holland, Norway, Denmark, Iswiidhan, Iswislerlaan, Ingiriiska iyo Jarmalka. Shiineeska, Ruushka, Jabbaan, Iiraan, Hindiya iyagana safiiro u soo magacaabay Soomaaliya. Isbadalkaan iyo kuwa kale muuqda ma dhaceen hadduunan Turkiga horseed u ahaan lahayn.

Long before Winston Tubman, François Fall, before Mahiiga, before Walad Cabdalle, before Nicholas Kay -- there was Maxamed Saxnuuni. Maxamed Saxnuuni waa ergeygii Qaramada Midoobay u qaabilsanaa arrimaha Soomaaliya sanadkii 1992, waa xiligii Soomaaliya iyo Soomaalidaba marxalad adag ku jireen. Wuxuuna ahaa ergeygii ugu wanaagsanaa, ugu daacadsanaa ergooyinkii Qaramada Midoobay u soo magacoowday Soomaaliya ilaa iyo hadda. Boqolaal kun oo kale Soomaali ayaa macaluul u dhiman lahaa Eebbe ka sakoow haddeenan jirin dadaalkiisa ergeygaan. A profile of his tireless efforts in 1992 from New York Times. __________________________ Mohammed Sahnoun; A Diplomat Matches Wits With Chaos in Somalia Trying to achieve humanitarian, military and political goals in the chaos of Somalia, with its deep clan fissures, lawlessness, horrifying famine and hostile desert environment, might seem an impossible task for a diplomat from the outside. But Mohammed Sahnoun, the senior representative of the United Nations there, is perhaps better suited for the job than most: As an Algerian with an empathy for Africa and as a former ambassador in Bonn, Paris and Washington, he seems to bring to his job a sense both of the desperation in Somalia and of how the wealthier nations of the world might better respond. "The greatest difficulty is we did not try to cope with the situation earlier," said Mr. Sahnoun in a recent interview here, during a pause in his shuttling between Somalia, Kenya and Europe. "The divisions and antagonisms have deepened and have taken on dimensions that are almost inextricable. When you go into a situation where the same family is torn by blood, it's not easy to find a leader to talk to because no leader is totally in control of his troops. When the civil war started there was no attempt from the outside to have reconciliation and now we are left with the law of the jungle." Mr. Sahnoun is the personal representative of the United Nations Secretary General, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, a former Egyptian Foreign Minister who is an old friend from Arab intellectual and political circles. Incensed at the lack of interest in Somalia since civil war broke out in January 1991, the Secretary General lambasted the West over the summer for its fixation on the "rich man's war" in Yugoslavia, a remark that Mr. Sahnoun believes nettled people into paying attention. But now that some of the spotlight is on Somalia -- with foreign ministers and development ministers and heads of humanitarian agencies in safari suits and flak jackets making their requisite visits to show the audiences back home -- Mr. Sahnoun finds himself arguing against outside efforts to force a solution in a place where politics, and emotions, can be extraordinarily parochial. A Need to Talk and Talk "If you try to force something on the Somalis, they think it is humiliation. Like all pastoral people they have had to deal with a hostile environment. They are very tough and they suspect very much. They don't like to be humiliated. But if you talk, negotiate -- it may take days and weeks -- they will go with you." It took weeks, in fact, for Mr. Sahnoun to convince the most implacable warlord, Gen. Mohammed Farah Aidid, that it would be a good idea to allow 500 United Nations troops to protect the Mogadishu port and airport, and to allow humanitarian deliveries within the city. "In the beginning, most Somali movements were against the United Nations," Mr. Sahnoun said. "They saw it as a way of supporting Ali Mahdi." Mr. Ali Mahdi is the so-called interim President of Somalia, and Mr. Sahnoun said his opponents are "still suspicious of the United Nations because Mahdi's Government is seated at the Organization of African Unity, the United Nations and the Arab League but he doesn't control one quarter of the country." Of course, Mr. Ali Mahdi was all in favor of the troops, so much so that he called for 10,000. "I went over to him one morning and said if you want 500, shut up about 10,000," said Mr. Sahnoun. One result is that the first 60 of the 500 arrived in Mogadishu last week, with 2,100 American marines in ships offshore to support the airlift of the troops. The rest of the 500 are to arrive later this month. A slight, rather frail-looking man of 60 with black hair and an air of informality, Mr. Sahnoun is a relentless worker. He often races across the "green line" that divides Mogadishu to sort out a problem with Mr. Ali Mahdi, and he has spent hours sitting on the floor in a house in the bush town of Bardera in central west Somalia with General Aidid, discussing that warlord's ideas of "pastoral democracy" for the country's future. He also ducked into the American Ambassador's house in Nairobi late one night to have a word with a visiting Senator, Nancy Landon Kassebaum, a Kansas Republican, whose itinerary also included Somalia. After serving in Algeria's National Liberation Front in the days of its fight against French colonialism, Mr. Sahnoun started his diplomatic career as deputy secretary general of the Organization for African Unity at its headquarters in Addis Ababa, a post he held for most of the 1960's and into the early 1970's. Then, as Algeria's ambassador to France, he was on the Algerian team that helped negotiate for the release of American hostages from Teheran. In his current job, he must navigate between what he calls the "ivory tower" demands of United Nations officials in New York and the anarchic and violent complexities of Somali politics. And since he is not a career civil servant with the United Nations, he finds himself able to publicly jab the United Nations humanitarian agencies for their slow start in Somalia. "It's important that the United Nations learn lessons from Somalia," he said with some passion. "We may have other Somalias in Africa. I keep telling the United Nations people you don't need a new agency for cooperation. "Many people think before you act you must have two or three secretaries and the public relations person. I've been working for these months and I don't have a secretary and I'm using support staff where I find it." A New Chore Mr. Sahnoun's current chore is to try to persuade the Somalis that the Security Council's resolution last month approving the dispatch of 3,000 more United Nations troops to patrol humanitarian supplies in the rural areas is in Somalia's interest. In a not untypical fashion, Mr. Sahnoun suggests wryly, the Security Council made its announcement without consulting anyone in Somalia. And predictably, General Aidid has expressed opposition. "People in Somalia see it as a threat because they feel they are going to lose jobs and work for their trucks," Mr. Sahnoun said. Currently, humanitarian aid is protected from looters by hired gunmen in souped-up jeeps, and often these gunmen themselves turn out to be looters. "If we force in troops without necessary preparation we will have renewed fighting," Mr. Sahnoun said. "Instead of peace we may be bringing in fighting, which would be terrible. I am going to explain that these are only projections, which is true because we don't have their consent. I prefer the homeopathic method -- to get people to accept naturally."

She is also living in fear as up to 10,000 troops from the UN peacekeeping force and local army soldiers have launched a major offensive against al-Shabaab. Qoraalkaan maxaa qashin iyo been ka buuxo. Basic available information xataa ma xaqiijin karaan. 'UN peacekeepers' kulahaa.

Sheekadii 'anoo wax dili kara, duco qaadan maayo' ahayd muu Amiin Caamir saas u badalay miyaa. Amiin Caamir ileen siyaasadda Waqooyiga si fiican ula socdaa.

Shirkadda diyaaradaha ee Jubba now has a semi-modern airplanes. At least the ones that serve Nayroobi to Xamar to Berbera waa diyaarad weyn oo wanaagsan, inkastoo aanan raacin.

<cite> @CidanSultan said:</cite> Come on people lets all join Somalia the most poor backward God forsaken nation and place on earth because wardoon news and Fozia the most failed politican in history say so.... And yet someone paradoxically cannot stay away from this 'God-forsaken and poor backward place' daily on here, the same place which has the name and people he supposedly hates -- Soomaaliya and Soomaalida. Such a hatred, yet cannot stay away from his self-inflicted hateful addiction. He tries to distance it so far away, yet he crawls for his daily ritual to the same place he tries to abhor. Minii la waasho yaasiinka.

Yaabane, Faaliyaha Qaranka is to us what Daily Show is to Americans -- it deals the reality in a humourous way, nonetheless the issues are real. And I had noticed qashinka iyo ciidaan ka muuqdo jidadka la dayactiray Xamar from the first day it was done. Soomaaliya waxaa kusoo haray dadka 'maxaa iga galay' mentality leh. Wax walba waa saas, dhaqan ayee noqotay. Same way Islii u dhiiqo badantahay iyo meel walba ay deganyihiin Soomaalida. Guryahooda waa nadiif, banaankoodana maxaa iga galay ayee noqotay.

Xamar didn't have this problem pre-war. And if it did, it was minor and was cleaned by dowladda hoose. The reason it is a major problem now is erosion. What causes it? Geedihii ayaa la gooye, both from xaafadaha gudaha ku yaalo and kuwii laamiga saarnaa. Geedaha do a lot more than giving breezes and shades. Mature trees' strong roots keep the soil intact.

Odeyga macangagnimo iyo tanaasul la'aan ayuu uga haray arrimaha Soomaaliya. Waxaa u roon inuu iskaga haro arrimaha qalafsan ee Soomaaliya aan xaal laga gaarin. Intuu kusoo jiri jiray wuu kusoo jiray.

Wax la yiraahdo 'Baay iyo Bakool folks' ma jiraan. Haddaa ula jeedid Maay speakers, then they are from Koonfurta Galbeed, lixdaas gobol Afmaay loogu hadlaa. And they are not members of one single clan alone. Kuwaas goboladaas degay badankooda waa Reer Jubbooyinka iyo Shabeellaha Hoose. And they are not first u qaxo gobollo kale ee Soomaaliya. Haddaa taariiqda garaneynin google yourself who Buraashadleey were, who came to Bakool waagii gumeystaha. They still live in Bakool. Some of their offsprings being Reer Aaden Diiriye.

<cite> @Holac said:</cite> One thing I love about Mogadishu is the beautiful soft reddish clay. Ciidaan is not native to Xamar. It is imported from deegaanada ku hareersan. Xamar has whitish/light brown beautiful caro maanyo. Ciida gaduudan aad ku aragtid guryahaan waa weyn dhexdooda waa lagu shubay. Maqaayadaha waa weyn Xamar ku yaalo with open air qaarkood ciidaas lagu shubaa, sida Village restaurant. Why? I guess dhirta lagu beero u roontahay and cools around the vicinity marka la bilbilo, though the setting seems unnatural to Xamar.

Tuugadii laga qaaday guddoomiyaasha degmooyinka Banaadir lasoo shirtagay dacaayadaan raqiiska ah.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IwEpq-injtM Qof aanan bilic magaalo waligiis/waligeed arkin muxuu/maxee ka yaqaanaa/taqaana magaalo la nadiifiyo. Geel indhakuul maxaas ka kasaa hore loo dhahay.

Soomaalida and their no plan B actions circa 1991. Siyaad Barre ha laga tuuro, hala rido. What is the plan B? "What? What plan B?" Cali Mahdi hala mucaarado. "What is the plan B?" "What the &%$#@ plan are you talking about?" C/qaasin Salaad yaan la aqoonsan. "What is plan B?" "Balaan Bii'gana xuu ahaa?" C/llaahi Yuusuf ha laga hortago. "What is the B?" "War adiga iyo balaankaaga Biigaba naga aamusa." Shariif Axmed waa daciif aan waxba qaban karin, hala rido. "Plan B?" "Yaah...!" Xasan Sheekh nin karti leh ma'aha, dalka ma maamuli karo. "Plan B?" "Adigaaba sheegeysid waxaas." Don't even start with ra'iisul wasaariyaashii ee kala ahaa Galeyr, Xasan Abshir, Maxamed Cabdi Yuusuf, Geeddi, Nuur Cadde, Cumar C/rashiid, Farmaajo, C/weli, Shirdoon, C/weli... Guddoomiyaashii baarlamaankana ha sheegin oo kala ahaa Deeroow, Mustaf Guudoow, Shariif Xasan, Madoobe, Shariif Xasan again, Jawaari... Siyaad Barre maxaa lagu diiday? Kalitalisnimo. Xasan Sheekh maxaa lagu diidanyahay, kalitalisnimo la'aan iyo jiljilcisanaanta. C/llaahi Yuusuf maxaa lagu diidanaa? Macangagnimo iyo naxariis la'aan. Shariif Axmed maxaa loo diidanaa? Walaaltinimo iyo wadaadnimo. War intee wax iska qabsan la'dahay. Sida la wada arko qof shaqsi la badalo wax ay Soomaaliya u soo kordhineyso ma jirto, inay waqti dhumiso ma'ahee. "Insanity: doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different results." Soomaali wada waalan la yahay, wax fiyoow jirin. Kan aad maanta mucaarad ku tahay beri ogoow aduu kugu noqonaa mucaarad. Kaa shalay mucaarad ku ahayd ogoow maanta waa isla safantihiin oo mucaarad kan joogo ku tihiin. Dalkii saas ku burburay, dadkii saas ku baaba'een, caalamkiina saas ugu harnay. Eebboow.

Is this 'dhaqtar' wishing his fairy tale of Kuukuuyada creating their own bantustan gobollo in Koonfurta in the name of his supposedly supporting 'federalism'? And he calls Kuukuuyo's early no-hands policy 'naive'? Kuukuuyada siyaasadda Soomaaliya gacmaha ay toos ula gasho waxee ahayd Oktoobar, 2011. Wixii taas ka yimidna waa waxaa hadda ka hadleyno, dhib iyo balaayo kala kulantay. 2011 kahor Kuukuuyada shaqadeeda ma ahayn, mana kala jecleen Soomaaliya dhibkee ku jirtay, in fact weyba sii jeclaan lahayd dhibkaas Soomaaliya kusii jirto maadaama dalkeeda, gaar ahaan Nayroobi dhaqaalo badan ku heli jireen dhibka Soomaaliya, gaar ahaan xarumaha caalamka Nayroobi degnaa oo Soomaaliya xiriir la lahaa, koow ka tahay xarunta weyn Qaramada Midoobay ku leedahay Nayroobi. Waxee kale daqli ka heli jirtay xirooyinka barakacyaasha ee Dhadhaab ee NFD. Qabqablayaasha Nayroobi deganaana hoteelada u degnaan jireen, dhaqaalo kale meelee ka helaan. Shirkii la qabtana Nayroobi ayuu ahaa, another dhaqaalo for hoteelada. In fact, if they wanted to influence any, they would, especially shirkii dheeraa ee 2002 ilaa 2004 socday. Whereas Xabashi officials blatantly interfered shirkaas, Kuukuuyada wey ka gaabsaneyd shirkaas, despiste it being held in Nayroobi's suburban. Islii kaligeed dhaqaalo aan la sheegi karin ka heli jirtay, mid toos ah iyo mid daboolan. Boqolaal kun dadkooda maalintii Islii u soo shaqo tagi jiray, shaqaalahaas oo ka xoogsan jiray hoteelada ama dukaamada ama maqaayadaha ama bankiyada ama guryaha ama kiyoosyadooda yar yaraa. So, why would they interfere siyaasadda qaracan ee Soomaaliya? And when they did, aad iyo aad ugu fashilmeen, dhaqaalo la'aan iyo nabad la'aan na dheefeen. It is their best interest, Soomaaliya's interest inay ciidamadooda kala baxaan Jubbooyinka, xad beenaadkiina dib ugu noqdaan.

<cite> @Che -Guevara said:</cite> On different subject, have you seen a Somali going to Somalia or Kenya saying he or she is going to Africa, nicca please hehe. Che'oow, waagaa adigaba aadeysay xagaas sanadkii 2011 saas lahayd ee naga daa sheekada. Sheekadaas laakiin Reer Mareykan lagu yaqaanaa oo mar dhoof ah.

Yaabanoow, boggaan waa dayacday ee xabsi maa lagu geeye naftirkaaga?

Intaanan meel kale aadin, ra'iisul wasaariyaashii Cali Samatar ka dambeeye ee dowladii Kacaanka aan ka bilowno, waana Xawaadle Madar iyo Carte Qaalib. Midkood si wanaagsan ayaaba Hargeysa loogu aasay, juuq iyo jaaq jirin.

Toban iyo shanta Maajo waa maalin xusid mudan. Halyeydii u soo halgantay Soomaaliyana Eebbe janadiisa fardowso haka waraabsho — aamiin, aamiin.

Toban iyo shanta Maajo waa maalin xusid mudan. Halyeydii u soo halgantay Soomaaliyana Eebbe janadiisa fardowso haka waraabsho — aamiin, aamiin.

Toban iyo shanta Maajo waa maalin xusid mudan. Halyeydii u soo halgantay Soomaaliyana Eebbe janadiisa fardowso haka waraabsho — aamiin, aamiin.

Toban iyo shanta Maajo waa maalin xusid mudan. Halyeydii u soo halgantay Soomaaliyana Eebbe janadiisa fardowso haka waraabsho — aamiin, aamiin.

Toban iyo shanta Maajo waa maalin xusid mudan. Halyeydii u soo halgantay Soomaaliyana Eebbe janadiisa fardowso haka waraabsho -- aamiin, aamiin.

Maskiinkaan waayeelka ah waxa loo daba dhigtay la yaabanahay, waliba iyagoo si nabad ah ku nool boqolaal gishay dambiyo ka daran kan lagu eedeynaayo odeygaan.