This was on the front page of the Toronto Star today. Rob Ford crack scandal: Man who showed Rob Ford crack video caught up in police raids One of the men who tried to sell the Rob Ford crack video was arrested as part of the Project Traveller raids in north Etobicoke. Now, Mohamed Siad, 27, an alleged drug and gun dealer, sits in segregation after being stabbed in jail just days following the massive police operation. Siad faces a slew of charges, including participating in a criminal organization, conspiracy and the trafficking of guns and cocaine. An ongoing Star investigation reveals that Siad was the man who sat in the back seat of a car on May 3 and showed two Star reporters a cellphone video of the mayor appearing to smoke crack cocaine and making homophobic and racist remarks. When police arrested Siad early in the morning of June 13 his home was searched, but the Star does not know if police recovered the video. Neither the police nor the Crown attorney on the Project Traveller investigation would discuss the Siad case. Siad’s lawyer also said he could not talk about it due to solicitor-client privilege. Siad’s alleged involvement in criminal activity raises the question of how he came to be involved with the Ford crack video . The Star’s first encounter with Siad was at about 9:30 p.m. on Friday, May 3. A man who had been trying to broker the sale of the video on Siad’s behalf had driven the Star reporters to a parking lot at the Dixon Rd. complex that later would be the scene of the raids. The Star has promised to protect the identity of the broker out of concern for his safety. The broker, who never identified Siad to the Star, had told reporters that the man with the video might sell it for a “six-figure price” that would allow him to relocate out west in Alberta. The Star reporters (Robyn Doolittle and Kevin Donovan) were told by the broker that the man they were meeting had sold crack to the mayor and videotaped him doing drugs. However, it is unclear if Siad recorded the video, or simply had possession of the cellphone. That night, in the busy parking lot that serves the condominium towers, the Star reporters were introduced to a man we now know was Mohamed Siad. Siad, his arms scabbed, hustled into the back seat of the broker’s car and played the video three times for the two reporters. Siad was not technically allowed to be in the parking lot because, in 2009, he had been banned from the complex after a previous unknown incident. When he first got into the car, Siad did not want to play the audio. “Sound is extra,” he said. But Siad relented and the reporters were able to both see and hear the video. The reporters were allowed to freeze-frame the video at certain points while watching. “I’m f---ing right-wing,” Ford appears to mutter at one point, in answer to goading questions from a male voice off-camera. “Everyone expects me to be right-wing. I’m just supposed to be this great . . . ” and his voice trails off. At another point he is heard referring to Justin Trudeau as a “fag.” Later in the 90-second video he is asked about the football team he coached at the time and he appears to say (though mumbling), “They are just f---ing minorities.” The video ends when a groggy, incoherent Ford reacts to a ringing cellphone and appears to notice a cellphone camera is pointed at him. “That better not be on,” Ford says, and the screen goes dark. Siad only allowed the reporters to see the video three times, and before he left reminded the Star of what he wanted. “Money is protection,” Siad said. Then Siad was gone, out of the car, and the Star began a process of investigating people involved in the video. The Star did not pay for or obtain the video. Siad has no criminal record but had charges pending at the time the Star met him in the car. Ten days before the Star reporters met Siad he was picked up by Peel Region police in Mississauga, around Dixie Rd. and Dundas St. Police initially approached him while he was in a car on Wednesday, April 24, according to Peel Police spokesman George Tudos. Siad allegedly fled on foot, pushing an officer in the process. Siad was arrested and charged with two counts of possession of a controlled substance and one count of assaulting a peace officer. One possession charge has been dropped. There is currently a bench warrant out for his arrest in Peel Region because he missed a scheduled court date there while in custody. Previous to that, in 2009, he was arrested for gun possession stemming from an incident where a 9 mm handgun was found in a van. Five other people were inside the van at the time. Siad’s charge was withdrawn in March of 2010, according to court documents. After the Star and Gawker published stories about the existence of the Ford video, a media storm erupted. Mayor Ford denied the existence of the video and called the reporters “pathological liars.” Ford, who did not respond to a request to his office for comment, has previously called news of the video “false” and said: “I do not use crack cocaine, nor am I an addict of crack cocaine. As for a video, I cannot comment on a video that I have never seen or does not exist.” A Star story revealed that the day the story was published, Ford blurted out two 320 Dixon Rd. apartment unit numbers as a location where the video could be found. His logistics man and former football coach, Dave Price, passed this information on to the mayor’s then chief-of-staff Mark Towhey, who alerted Toronto Police because of a concern that someone would be hurt or killed over the video. Toronto police detectives began an investigation but have refused to discuss it. Chief Bill Blair has been repeatedly asked by the media if Ford is under investigation. He refuses to answer that question. The Star has not met with Siad since that one meeting in the parking lot. However, reporters Doolittle and Donovan were in court when Siad recently appeared by video link-up from jail. In his brief appearance he complained about being kept in segregation. Siad is an alleged member of the Dixon City Bloods street gang. He was married recently. A few days after his June 13 arrest, Siad, who goes by the street name “Soya,” was stabbed multiple times in the Don Jail. Ministry of Corrections spokesman Brent Ross confirmed an incident took place at the jail on June 15 and that an inmate was injured, but refused to release the victim’s name, citing an ongoing police investigation. The Star does not know why or by whom Siad was stabbed. Toronto police confirmed Thursday that no one has been charged in the incident. In asking questions about Siad, the Star has been met with a wall of silence. “Project Traveller cases are before the courts and it would be entirely inappropriate for us to comment,” said Toronto police spokesman Mark Pugash, when asked earlier this week if police had obtained a copy of the video. A Crown attorney on the Project Traveller case, Paul Renwick, would not answer questions. Daniel Brown, Siad’s lawyer, said in an email that ethical and professional obligations prevent him from speaking about anything he may have learned during his time as counsel. “Likewise, my conversations with prosecutors about any of my clients would be protected by the same solicitor-client privilege.” “Unlike myself, the Toronto Police are not bound by privilege and would be in the best position to answer questions about what evidence is in their possession,” Brown said. Brown also noted that while he is still the counsel of record for Siad, he is planning to make an application to remove himself from the case, for unspecified reasons. Of the 56 people arrested in Project Traveller, Siad’s charges are among the most serious. He is charged with trafficking in firearms, unauthorized possession of a firearm, possession of a firearm obtained by the commission of an offence, four counts of trafficking in cocaine, fourteen counts of conspiracy to commit an indictable offence and three counts of participating in a criminal organization. While the video was news to the people of Toronto it would not have been news to some of the police working on the Project Traveller case leading up to the June 13 arrests. Surveillance during the year-long probe had picked up word of the video and the attempts to sell it to the media. After the crack video story became big news, Siad got cold feet and decided not to sell it. The broker told the Star that the man with the video had gotten rid of the video. It is unclear why Siad changed his mind and did not sell the video. Sources have told the Star that many people in and around the Dixon Rd. neighbourhood that became the ground zero of the Ford crack scandal were angered by the media firestorm and intense scrutiny that followed the initial stories. As well, that no one wanted to take the $200,000 raised by Gawker because it was too public and there was a belief the money could be traced. Siad, who has not yet made an application for bail, is due back in court Aug 7. Toronto Star

It’s unclear whether Qawdhan is referring to active agents of the current incarnation of Shabaab or remnants of the idealized group of his memories. I try to tease out a fuller picture. “If that is true, why do you think there have been no major attacks since? There have been attacks in Puntland [the neighboring quasi-independent federal state of Somalia to the east], but not in Somaliland. Why is that?” “Because there must be no strategic message to be sent by another attack in Somaliland for now.” Shabaab actually threatened in February to carry out suicide attacks in Somaliland from bases in the Sanaag highlands in the east, but has yet to do so. I hoped that Qawdhan’s response might shed light on his knowledge of Shabaab’s operations or his differentiation between the activities of modern Shabaab and his idealized Shabaab. Instead, it just seemed that Qawdhan was unaware of these threats. I try a different tact. “But does Shabaab really need to be active here? This country is Islamic. The government claims to be inspired by sharia and Islamic studies are taught in schools.” “No, there is nothing like sharia law here. It is just in the books. In reality, they are using colonial penal laws and courts. It’s like how Arabic is the second language in Somaliland and English is the third, but in truth English is the second language and they don’t even really teach Arabic in the schools.” “Then do you think you would be able to establish an Islamic government, if people do not receive adequate training?” I ask. “Could you have qualified qadis [sharia judges]?” “Despite everything, people still have the knowledge, so it will not be hard to establish a government. We will take the good from English law and sharia. Most of the laws, they rhyme.” I’d hoped this might prompt Qawdhan to talk more about his beliefs and his grievances, to see how his interpretation of sharia holds up to statements of current and past Shabaab spokesmen. But, as my friend reminds me, Qawdhan was a foot soldier, not a qadi. When he speaks of Shabaab’s presence, power, and popularity in Somaliland, I want to believe he’s talking about the sentiments and concept of the old-school Shabaab he joined. I suspect he’s projecting the potency of his beliefs into his reality and denying the ownership of the term Shabaab to the factions he fled, downplaying their relevance. But you never know with foot soldiers. I push forward. “Would you be willing to negotiate with the government here? If they were to agree to pay more attention to Islamic education and governance, would you work with them?” “There is no way to negotiate with Somalia, but in Somaliland we can enter into a deal. We have tried, but we have received nothing. Al-Shabaab’s existence is a sign of the failure to work together. “But at least we have a common history, and common enemies in Mogadishu [the Transitional Federal Government, which periodically asserts its sovereignty over Somaliland as nothing but a federal state of Somalia]. We can work with Somaliland.” I suspect the appreciation of Somaliland is based on ***** clan affiliation and its origins in solely Somali activism, versus the TFG, which is a wholly international construction. There’s a clear nationalist bent to this image of Shabaab. “What about the foreigners? What about my people? Could you work with America?” “Yes, government to government, we could work with them. We have the same principles, but they see us in the wrong way. It’s the British and the Americans who have the problems. “The Turks and the Egyptians [often used here as a collective term for all Arabs] are big here now, but we prefer the USA to those people. We know each other and we can sit down and negotiate. These Egyptians are newcomers and they have their own intentions that are unknown to us. But American intentions are known. The first thing we would do in an Islamic government is establish good relations with the USA and keep the Egyptians at bay. “Our organization is forced to be violent with the world. But I would urge the Americans to talk as we have talked tonight. Right now, whenever we make something good, they spoil it, but when they leave us alone we will make our own good government.” This condemnation of international Islamic powers and predilection to negotiate with familiar actors smacks of a nationalist agenda. Qawdhan seems to live with two simultaneous conceptions of Shabaab: One that accords with the Somalilander reality of a factional, socially cannibalistic, and irredeemable entity; and one that inspired the loyalty of people like Liibaan and Yusuf, and which most believe is dead, but which Qawdhan appears to believe still has acolytes and power. Of course, this might just be me projecting. Throughout our conversation, Qawdhan periodically turns to my friend, who acts as an interpreter, and asks why I am so interested in Shabaab. He gets wary and leery-eyed. He asks if I have any affiliations with intelligence agencies, and why I want to know so much. At first I laugh the question off with a simple “no.” But he remains anxious, and I find myself going to great lengths to explain that I am no threat: Look at me. I’m a tiny, weak man. No intelligence agency would hire me. I’d be incredibly incompetent. Apparently, though, protestations couched in self-deprecating humor are of no avail here. Suddenly, an hour and a half into our conversation, Qawdhan just leaves. My friend and I sit for a moment. Then, only half in jest, he turns to me and says, “Maybe we should be going now. I don’t know that I trust this. He just gets up and puts on his boots and leaves without a word. I don’t want to be picking up your pieces later today.” So we leave. And I’m still a little unsure of just how Qawdhan walks the line between two Shabaabs—if it’s possible to maintain a devotion to the ghost of Shabaab past without falling into the gravitational pull of the current Shabaab. I suspect that the Shabaab Qawdhan joined is dead. People like him are probably trapped within Shabaab by decaying bonds of fear and inertia, but even if they were to wrest control from the competing ideologies that dominate them, the name Shabaab is too sullied to be revived. Qawdhan’s nationalist-Islamist sentiments, in abstract, still have potency and popularity. But a man like Qawdhan, who frames these ideas in terms of Shabaab, is only a memory of a recent yet antique phase of Somalia’s ever murky history, desperately trying to impose the orders, terms, and ideas he knows onto a reality he split from long ago. Xigasho

AL QAEDA'S SOMALIA CELL IS FRACTURED AND DANGEROUS Qawdhan slouches on the floor of the wicker-frame hut across from me, his back to the old UNHCR banners serving as a wall. He sits in silence, calmly chewing a bundle of khat while stealing the occasional glance at a TV on the other side of the dim and sparse room. My eyes dart back and forth from the TV as well—a gaggle of children cluster around it to watch English-language cartoons with Arabic subtitles, even though they all speak only Somali. But whereas Qawdhan just seems calm, my eyes are everywhere because I’m nervous. I’m about to start a sensitive conversation, and I can’t shake the thought that it could go very badly. “Are you connected to Al-Shabaab?” “Yes, I am affiliated with Al-Shabaab.” Qawdhan and I sit in awkward silence for a moment. A friend introduced me to Qawdhan a couple of weeks ago, saying that he’d be a good person to meet. It was the sort of connection that gets made all the time here in Hargeisa, the capital of the de facto independent but unrecognized nation of Somaliland. You sit at a café, shaking hands as your friends shoehorn new contacts into your network. But when that same friend claimed that Qawdhan was linked to Al-Shabaab, the terrorist group that’s been periodically ravaging and ruling parts of Somalia for the past six years and, in 2012, officially became a subsidiary of al Qaeda, my interest was piqued. After asking around several other acquaintances backed up the claim, and so my friend and I invited him to break the Ramadan fast with us so that I could ask him about this accusation. To my surprise, he agreed to join us. I expected him to deny his involvement with Shabaab; it’s a dangerous affiliation for a Somalilander. Eager to differentiate itself from the violence of south-central Somalia and earn enough international credit to gain recognition of its independence, the nation has amassed a formidable security force and promoted public hostility toward groups, like Shabaab, associated with the notion of a violent Somalia. The name Al-Shabaab literally means “the Youth” in Arabic, representing its origins as the militant youth wing of the Islamic Courts Union, a coalition of Islamically inspired entities of diverse ideologies and functions, which wrested power away from south-central Somalia’s warlords in 2006. But Qawdhan is an old man, somewhere in his 50s, with a droopy face and a skittish gaze. “What was the nature of your affiliation with Al-Shabaab?” I ask, thinking he might just be a supporter or a funder, or maybe the father of a fighter. “I was a soldier with Al-Shabaab,” He tells me. “I served in 2006 when the Court Union broke up, because I was in the Court Union. The Court Union and Shabaab are the same thing, their ideologies match.” This makes some sense. The name Al-Shabaab is more reflective of a pre-2007 reality, when the group was a specialized wing of a diverse whole. But since the movement broke away, it’s sucked up fighters of any age wherever it could find them. The leadership even considered changing the name in 2011 to Imaarah Islamiya (Islamic Authority) to better reflect both a localized, nationalist mission of Somali liberation and the true demographics of the group (the name change was opposed by leaders who wanted to keep the movement explicitly tied to international jihad). Qawdhan’s choice to join Shabaab seems to have been as much about clan as ideology. Qawdhan explains that one of the members of his clan (the **** sub-clan of the *****, the dominant kin group in Somaliland), Moktar Ali Zubeyr (AKA Godane), a former leader of the Courts Union, had become the leader of Shabaab, and many of his clansmen in the Union followed him over. By Qawdhan’s count, 90 members of his clan are still alive and fighting with Godane in the south. It’s hard to square the kinship bond Qawdhan’s talking about with the fact that his clan hails from Somaliland, which vehemently denies that Shabaab or its sympathizers exist therein. But it’s clear that the government just means there is no official, public Shabaab presence. When one pushes the question with citizens and government officials, they will admit that perhaps individuals in Somaliland harbor pro-Shabaab sympathies, and that perhaps isolated, minor Shabaab foot soldiers live amongst them. But, stresses Haji Mohamed Haashim, the head of the avowedly apolitical religious organization blatantly named the Committee for the Preservation of Good Deeds and the Deterrence of Bad Deeds, these are mostly naïve, misled peoples. And besides, the fact that no one publically supports Shabaab is what matters. Qawdhan eventually left the ranks of Shabaab and denounces elements of the current organization. But he still supports it as an abstract entity and ideology—the platonic Shabaab of his memories before its devolution. I ask him how many people in Somaliland he thinks share his belief in Shabaab. “Three-fourths of the adult population,” he says, matter-of-factly and without missing a beat. My Somalilander friends vehemently dispute that number. The refrain here is simple: there is no Shabaab here; we are anti-Shabaab. But when one takes the name away and tries to express the ideology Qawdhan ascribes to Shabaab, things change. I ask Qawdhan what he believes Shabaab, as he knows it and sees it, wants: “We want to take power and rule according to Islamic tenants. These people [the rulers of the country] have given out [somalia] to Western powers and when the Courts Union broke they took our leader and made him their own [sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the former commander-in-chief of the Courts Union who later became the president of the internationally created and backed Transitional Federal Government].” My friends Liibaan and Yusuf currently both dismiss Shabaab categorically, but their thoughts still resonate with Qawdhan’s. Yusuf expresses distaste for violently implemented Islamic rule, but fondness for it when properly administered; to him, Shabaab started out as just another set of freedom fighters against international interlopers. Liibaan admits to having supported Shabaab in its early days—before the al Qaeda influence, suicide bombings, and infighting—as did many people, because he believed the youths would revive the world of the Courts Union. Liibaan is not alone in his disapproval of al Qaeda’s involvement in Shabaab. When I ask Qawdhan when and why he left the group, he tells me, “I left when they joined al Qaeda. I do not support al Qaeda and their principles. They have caused a lot of fractures in Shabaab. So I surrendered to my government.” I push Qawdhan to tell me what these principles were. “We had foreigners working with us—a lot of foreigners. But al Qaeda was against the white people [meaning Arabs as well as Americans and Europeans] and the outsiders. People I worked with and ate with started getting killed. There were many foreigners in general—Arabs, Asians, then Europeans—who were being killed.” The infighting, mostly between those with nationalist goals and those with international jihadist goals, was inevitable. In its pragmatic quest for manpower, the group sucked in ideologies. As early as 2010, Godane promoted ties to al Qaeda. And in October of 2011, anecdotal reports suggest Shabaab solicited support from pirates—not a logical ally for a group whose hardliners violently oppose thieving. By the time that Qawdhan left, supposedly around 2012, tensions ran so high that a high-ranking jihadist from America, Abu Mansur Al-Amriki (nee Omar Hammami) expressed public fear that his fellow Shabaab members might kill him for his differing opinions. More recently, the infighting and danger has grown so severe that Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, a former Shabaab leader (of a more nationalist bent) fled the group, surrendering to arrest by the TFG. Those who’ve lived in Mogadishu say there are people like Qawdhan still in Shabaab, trapped among ideologies hostile to their own by the threat of retribution for defection. But leaving the group—at least for residents of Somaliland like Qawdhan—isn’t as difficult as it once was. Somaliland’s Minister of the Interior, Mohamed Nur Arale Duur, offered an amnesty last year to members of Shabaab originally hailing from Somaliland. If they turned in their guns and renounced their ties to the group, they could live quietly, anonymously, and securely. Yet when I ask Qawdhan about the 2008 attacks on the presidential compound, Ethiopian consulate, and UN offices in Hargeisa, which killed 28 and wounded more—the kind of violence against locals which disquieted him and alienated people like Liibaan—he tells me, “2008 just proved to me and to the world that we [shabaab] are very strong here [in Somaliland],” blurring differentiation between his loyalty to the idealized Shabaab he joined and his disloyalty to the factional, violent Shabaab. “So do you think that Al-Shabaab, the organization, still has agents in Somaliland?” “Why would it [shabaab] be absent?” Qawdhan laughs, for the first time in our conversation, at my naiveté. “Seventy-five percent of the senior command is from here. The people who facilitated the 2008 bombings are still around. The government can shout from the rooftops all it wants, but they’re still here.” Continued...

This is for kun iyo toban jeer: Post threads in the appropriate sections. SOL doesn't only have the Politics section.

Dhareerka ka dareeraayo dheeraa. Badow careysan wax walba ku hadlaa. Af waa koo mey liki aamee horaa loo yiri.

Kuwaan see u iloowi kartaa. Soon iyo kuwaan waa isla socon jireen. Marxab, marxab, yaa Ramadaan: Sooma Ramadaanka: Wadac, wadac, yaa Ramadaan: Xulkoo dhan: ____________________ Suxuur wanaagsan.

Nin-Yaaban;971028 wrote: It's kinda hard to see, but it looks like it's two different numbers separated by a slash. Meelaha qaarkood afar lambaro oo telefoon ku wada qoran xariijin kala bixiso. Lambarada 06 ay ka bilowdaan ku garanee. Sidaan camal waaye: 06123456/06987654/06787878/06654321

Cambuulo iyo bun;970885 wrote: Xamar has plenty of sun year around, where natural grass can grow. Why the need for the artificial turf? Shiish.

Sawiro wacan, laakiin magacyada gobolka aan iska saxno horta. It is sad to see Soomaalida falling for Xabashi propaganda. Gobolka magaciisa waa Soomaali Galbeed. Magaalooyinka waa Dhagaxbuur, Godey, Jigjiga, Diradhabe... Eniwey, I have yet to catch a glimpse of meesha uu awoowgey ku dhashay, Qabridahare. Meeshaas jabhadda ayaa awoodda ku leh, I guess.

Viral video of Yemeni child marriage called into question Human rights groups dispute Nada's story as she returns to parents The story of Nada al-Ahdal, an 11-year-old Yemeni girl whose video about her alleged arranged marriage went viral, is being called into question. In the video, she claims to have run away from her parents' home and to her uncle Abdel Salem in order to escape. Her story was covered by many online media organisations, including The Stream. Two human rights groups involved in the case, Seyaj and the Yemeni Women Union (YWU), say parts of Nada’s account are false, including the claim that her parents planned to marry her off. According to both organisations, someone had approached Nada's parents to suggest a suitor for her, but they refused. YWU President Ramzia al-Eryani says Nada has returned to live with her parents after being in the custody of YWU while the case was being resolved. Ahmad Algorashi, president of the non-governmental child rights group Seyaj, says his organisation became involved after a journalist contacted them out of concern for Nada. Algorashi also said on Saturday that Nada's parents did not try to force her into marriage. The person who recorded and uploaded the original video of Nada is Ziad Abdul-Jabbar. He works on a children's show called Nujoom al-Madina (Arabic for "Star City"), which regularly features Nada. Abdul-Jabbar maintains that Nada's original account is true. Aljasiira I never believed this story. Reer Galbeed propaganda has no limits.

MoonLight1;970515 wrote: CHECK THIS IF YOU DOUBT https://fbcdn-sphotos-f-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-ash3/943618_540039769367434_1420035925_n.jpg Waa Jacfar Numeyrigii Reer Suudaan. Jamaal Cabdinaasir xiligaan ma nooleen. Sawirka waxee u egtahay in la qaaday bilowgii sideedamaadkii (sideedameyadii). Xusni Mubaarak ka talinaaye markaas Masar. Sababta uu ugu muuqan Xusni Mubaarak sawirka waxaa ugu wacan waagaas Masar cunaqabateyn ayaa saarneyd. Cunaqabateyntana waxaa loo saaray heshiiskee la galeen Yahuuda dhamaadkii toddobaadameyadii.

Classified;970379 wrote: Who's the guy talking to Fahd bin Abdulaziz Al Saud? He looks Somali. Waa Xasan Guuleed Abtidoon, Eebbe ha u naxariistee.

Jacpher;970381 wrote: Who is the man between Sadaam and King Husein? Was this Arab League or something? On top raw [siyaad Barre left shoulder of top raw] looks like a young Mucammar Qadhaafi. Qofka u dhaxeeyo Saadaam Xuseen iyo Xuseenkii Urdu waa ninkii ka talin jiray Marooko, Xasankii Labaad. Ninka aad ku qaldoysid Qadaafi waa suldaanka ka taliyo Cummaan oo la yiraahdo Qabuus. Waxa kale wali la sheegin meesha ka muuqdo Xafis Asadkii Suuriya. Foolkiisa hoose ee dhanka garka waxaa xoogahoo qarinaayo madaxa Siyaad Barre. Maxamed Siyaad bidixdiisana waxaa taagan Jacfar Numeyri oo ka talin jiray Suudaan. Xasan Guuleed Abtidoon sawirkaan diyaar ma u ahayn maskiinka. Farta sanka kula jiraa. Meesha wada Reer Aakhiraad ka muuqdo. Hal ama laba bas ka nool saa filaayo dadkaas muuqdo. Rabi ha u wada raxmado.

Complicated;969391 wrote: ^^ Don't you get tired of sawiradan aad meel walba kusoo dhajinayso? Waa iska ciyaal. Memeska ku cusub u maleynaa. Dadka waxaa la yaabaa markee Xamar iyo horumarkeeda maqlaan maskaxdooda fuundada ah qabyaalad ku fikiraan kaliya. Yaa ogaado waligood Xamar ma arkin.

Geedi supports Kuukaayo occupation of Jubbooyinka. Ma waxaanaa war ah? Of course, he has to support them minakooda ayuu daar weyn kaga deganyahay. Dah. Xishood dadaa ka tagay in order to defend Kuukaayada dalkeena xoog ku gishay, quoting every questionable, dubious character that supports their occupation. Who is next? Ileey supports Xabashi occupation of Baay, Hiiraan, Bakool, Gedo...? Yaab badanaa.

War Haatu, waa saxsantahay Koonfur iyo Waqooyi siyaasad ahaan isku yimid. Dalkeena waa Soomaaliya. Dad cuqdad ka qabo magaca Soomaaliya yeynan ku wareerin. Magaca Soomaaliya gumeystihii Talyaaniga kagor uu jiray, waana tixraac ku saleysan Afka Soomaaliga. Sida Oromada dhulkooda ugu wacaan Oromiya. 'Miya' waxaa adeegsafo afafka Kushtika ah iyo afka Carabiga. Sida ee Sacuudiya, Turkiya loo dhaho. Anaga Sacuudiga iyo Turkiga ayaa dhahnaa because ku dhawaaqida Afsoomaaluga saas ku haboon. Sida Soomaaliga afka u dhahdo, dhulkana Soomaaliya. Oromiya ma ugu wici karno Oromiga yacni Carabka Soomaaliyeed kuma haboona, naxwi ahaana ma'aha. Marka dadkaan magaca Soomaaliyeed qal qal ka qabo ha isku wareerin. Xataa qaarkood waxaa dhibo inay dhahaan 'ummadda Soomaaliyeed.' Instead painfully saying 'dadka Afsoomaaliga ku hadlo.' Berina Soomaaliga ka sasi doonaan. Fiirso lee adi.

If you think your afur time is the longest or very long, thank Eebbe that you don't like in those following cities where other maryooleeys live. Afur time in Helsinki, from: 2:30 am to 10:30 pm Stockholm and other cities in Iswiidhan: 2 am to close 10 pm Oslo: 2:30 am to 10:30 pm Alaska: 3:40 am to 11:30 pm St. Petersburg: 3:00 am to 11:00 pm Moscow: 3 am to 10 pm Reer Australia iyo New Zealand have the easiest in the Western countries soonkaan.

GaadhHaye;967242 wrote: It became known as "exbaarlamaan" in 1980 because the military government of Siyaad Bare had constructed another building for his appointed members of parliament of the Somali Revolutionary Party he had created. [/i] Dowladii Kacaan just converted it, it didn't construct anything on it. Dowladii Kacaan, however, built Guriga Ummadda (Golaha Shacabka). The old baarlamaan's brick building's edifice stood until dagaalada burburiyeen. Walaalaheena Turkiga aad ugu mahadsanyihiin inay dib u dhisaan.

Waligiis Uunlaaye ma maqlin u maleynaa. In his clanish and twisted version, Uunlaaye maalkiisa wuxuu ka dhaxlay ama ka kasbaday because of Siyaad Barre.

Muuqaalkaas dadka tukanaayo xabbadda lala dhacaayo waxaa kusoo xasuustay dhacdadii ka dhacday masaajidkii Sheekh Cali Suufi ee ku yaalay xaafadda Kaasabalbalaare sanadka markuu ahaa 1989. At least in that event, dadka salaadda Jimcada tukanaaye maalintaas wey dhameysteen. Koofi Gaduud ku wareegsaneyd and the tension was very high that a big protest was being held after the salaadda. However, it was on Ciid days and the iimaam right after salaadda uu dhameeye started chanting, "Allaahu akbar, Allaahu akbar..." Koofi Gaduud who were outside oo heegan ku jiray misunderstood this. They thought iimaamka inuu dadka kacinooyo, they immediately started firing. Maalintaas Xamar dhan waa xirneyd, isgoysyo badan tires lagu gubay, gaar ahaan kuwa ku yaalay degmada Hodan. People died on that unfortunate day and it wasn't only the protesters against the regime. Among them was a high ranking official who was praying inside the masaajid with his hidden bistoolad. People thought he was an insider,saasna nafta ugu qaadeen. Pretty much confusion reigned that day.

Maalmo, Iswiidhan - 2013: Sweden Oo Si Weyn Looga Xusay Munaasibada Xuska 1da LUULYO iyo Jaaliyada Somalida Magaalada Malmo Oo Si La yaableh Usoo Bandhigay Hidaha Iyo Dhaqanka Soomaalida

Shiinaha - 2013 Munaasabadda 1da Luulyo ee Lagu Dhigay Magaalada Nanjing ee dalka Shiinaha Magaalada Nanjing ee dalka shiinaha waxaa lagu dhigay Xaflad ay si weyn u soo qabanqaabiyeen guddiga Ardayda Soomaaliyeed ee wax ka barata Jaamacadaha kala duwan ee magaaladan, iyadoo kazoo qeybgalayaasha munaasabadda ay intooda badan ahaayeen Arday soomaaliyeed iyo Arday ka kala socota wadamo farabadan. Xaflada waxaa khudbad qiimo leh oo ku wajahan munaasabadda 53aad ee Xoriyadda Soomaaliya ee 1da Luulyo ee midowga gobolada waqooyi iyo koonfur oo gumaystaha ka xuroobay Guddoomiyaha SOMESTA (Somali Medical Students Associations) Ibraahim Maxamed Nuur, wuxuuna kula dardaarmay dhamaan ardayda Soomaaliyeed ee dalka Shiinaha wax ku barta inay midnimadooda ilaaliyaan isla markaasna ku xisaabtamaan in dalkooda wax u qabtaan. Dhanaka kale waxaa magaca ardayda wax ka barata Jaamacadda Southest ku hadlay mas`uuliyiin matelayay iyadoo dhanka Aaladda Maqalka iyo muqaalka uga qeybgalay Guddoomiyaha guddiga SSUJ ee wax ka barata Jaamacadda Jilin ee dalka Shiinaha Axmed Nuur Warsame Iidle. Ugu dambeyn waxaa halkaasi lagu soo bandhigay qeybaha kala duwan ee ciyaaraha Hidaha iyo Dhaqanka, iyadoo Abaalmarino Isboortiga lagu guddoonsiiyay ciyaaryahanadii iyo kooxihiisa Munaasabadan ka qeybgalay. Xigasho

Helsinki, Finlaan - 2013: Xuska 1-Luulyo oo si weyn loogu dabbaaldagay magaalada Helsinki Munaasabada 1-da Luuliyo oo ah xilligii gobalada koonfureed ay ka xoroobeen gumeystihii Talyaaniga isla markaana ay israaceen gobalada Koofur iyo waqooyi ayaa xalay waxaa si la yaab leh looga xusay magaalada Helsinki ee dalka Finaland. Munaasabaddaas oo lagu qabtay xarunta ururka dhalinyarada ee KANAVA ayaa waxaa si wadajir ah usoo qaban qaabiyey ururada dhalinyarada Kanava & Sateenvarjo. Xafladdaas ayaa waxaa kasoo qeyb galay dhammaan qeybaha kala duwan ee bulshada iyadoo halkaasi ay ka hadleen masúuliyiin, aqoonyahanno, salaadiin, haween iyo dhalinyaraba. Masuuliyiintii halkaas ka hadlay ayaa waxa ay ku nuuxnuuxsadeen qiimaha ay leedahay maalinta, iyagoo umadda soomaaliyeedna ugu hambalyeeyay munaasibadda qiimaha badan ee 1da luulyo. Waxayna umadda soomaaliyeed kula dardaarmeen iney ilaashadaan midnimadooda & xorriyaddooda, meelna uga soo wada jeestaan kuwa aan rabin qaranimada soomaaliya. Masuuliyiintii halkaas ka hadashay ayaan ka xusi karnaa Suldaan Xuseen, Maxamed Axmed Yabarow, Sh. Maxamed Xasan Yuusuf, Suldaan Abshir, aqoonyahan C/risaaq Xasan Maxamed iyadoo magaca haweenkana ay ku hadleen marwo Luul Xasan Cabdi & marwo Salaado kuwaasoo si gooni ah ugu guubaabiyey haweenka soomaaliyeed iney u midoobaan una kacaan samatabixinta umadda soomaaliyeed iskana ilaaliyaan qabyaaladda & qurunka burburiyey dalkeenna. Xafladdaas ayaa lagu soo bandhigay riwaayad lagu magacaabo Xorriyo oo ay dadkii daawanayey ay aad ula dhaceen. Riwaayaddaas oo uu allifay Maxamed Cali Yaanyo ”Inj. Goobe” ayaa waxaa ku wehliyey carruur & dhalinyaro uu isagu dhalay oo tilmaamo ka bixinayey xorriyada & dhalinyarada. Waxaa sidoo kale halkaas lagu soo gabagabeeyay tartan kubadda cagta oo ah oo loo qabtay dhalinyarada da´doodu ka hooseyso 15 sano, iyadoo ay kasoo qayb galeen dhalinyaro ka kala timid magaalooyinka Helsinki, Espoo, Vantaa, Oulu & Vaasa. Waxaa halkaas koobab, billado & shahaado sharafyo gudoonsiiyay dhalinyaradaas masuuliyiin, ciyaartoy & garsoorayaal barisamaadkii magac ku lahaa dalkeenna, waxaana kamid ahaa: Garsoore Maxamed Axmed Yabarow, garsoore Cismaan Cabdi Jeelle, Cali Shariif, Ibraahim Axmed Takar, Xuseen Aarow, C/risaaq Xaaji Xuseen, Siciid Jaamac Guuleed iyo masúuliyiin kale. Waxaa sidoo kale abaalmarinno lagu guddoonsiiyey saddex dhalinyaro ah oo ku guuleystay tartan aqooneed loo qabtay ardeyda da´doodu ka hooseeyso 18 jir, waxaana gudoonsiiyey macalimiinta kala ah: Maxamed Cabdi Alifley, Xabiibo Axmed & Caadil Ismaaciil. Waxaa xafladda heeso waddani ah oo isugu jira kuwii hore & kuwo cusub dadweynihii kasoo qeybgalayna aad u qiiro geliyay ka qaadayey fannaanka da´da yar ee reer Helsinki fannaan Aweys Cali Shaambax, & korneyl C/laahi, waxaana garabkooda buuxinayey fannaanadda weyn ee Xaliimo Boolaay. Iyadoo uu halkaasina gabayo waddani ah oo qiiro leh uu kasoo jeediyay abwaan Inj. Axmed. Isku soo wada duuboo xafladdaas ayaa lagu soo gaba gabeeyay jawi aad u macaan oo ay ku dheehan tahay farxad & damaashaad. Finlaan

Imaaraadka - 2013

Nayroobi - 2013