Hold on your horses, folks! Kiikuuyada aad noo amaaneysiin waa kuwa ugaarsado our well-off people in Nayroobi. The latest victim is this brother who went missing on last week. His torched car was found burned a few days ago and his body was found today. It was done by Kenyan intelligence military. They are known to do things like this to many of our people over the years. Their bodies are always found in some morgue. This latest victim of theirs, the victim's mother and Fahad Yaasiin's wife are sisters. The Kiikuuyo government officials were planting some nefarious stories about him in their media, calling him that he had 'terror' links, that he was connected to Somali government officials. None were true and he was an engineering businessman. _________________ Body of missing Somali-American businessman Bashir Mohamed found The body of Somali-American businessman Bashir Mohamed Mohamud, who went missing last Thursday, has been found in Mwea, Kirinyaga County. In a statement sent by the family's lawyer Charles Madowo, the family said the body was found at Mwea Level Five Hospital. "It is with heavy hearts that family of Bashir Mohamed Mohamud informs you that the body of Bashir was found earlier on today at Kerugoya Level 5 Hospital,” said Mr Madowo. He added: "As the family processes this tragic news and plan for his burial, they request that they be accorded privacy." The family vowed not to rest until those responsible for Mr Bashir’s death are brought to book The 35-year-old structural engineer and proprietor of Infinity Developers, headquartered in Nairobi, after leaving Miale Lounge in Lavington, Nairobi, where he had gone for a meeting and Idd celebrations. He was in the company of some yet-to-be-disclosed persons at 5pm before his car, a Range Rover with registration number KCQ 007P, was captured by CCTV cameras leaving the premises an hour later. In the footage, Mr Bashir was seen tipping some guards. That was the last time he was seen. During that hour, Mr Bashir is said to have contacted his wife, but the call was interrupted and his phone confiscated in what is presumed to have been a scuffle. The family believes it was then switched off immediately. However, data from a leading telco traced the phone to Ngong Road, which is also where the police last traced his car, according to Nairobi Regional Commander Augustine Thumbi. The family reported the matter at Muthangari Police Station. On the same day, Mr Bashir’s car was traced to Ngong Road then Kibiku by a Range Rover dealer.

Jewish Americans are at a turning point with Israel Nakba Day, 15 May, amid the outbreak of war in Israel/Palestine, I attended a rally in Bay Ridge in Brooklyn, to commemorate the expulsion of more than 700,000 Palestinians from the new Israeli state in 1948, and to protest against the oppression of the Palestinian people in the land between the river and the sea. From the signs I saw as part of that crowd – “This Jew will not stand by” or “Another Jew for a Free Palestine” – and from monitoring my social media feeds, it was clear that there were thousands of Jewstaking part in these protests in cities all over the country. For me, the conspicuous presence of larger numbers of Jews – many, but not all of them young – at every major Nakba Day protest was significant. During the 2014 assault on Gaza, I ventured out to a Palestine solidarity rally in Columbus Circle in Manhattan by myself. An ardent Zionist until that point, my worldview had been profoundly shaken by the images in the papers – Palestinian children bombed to pieces on a beach; Israelis in the rattled buffer town of Sderot gathered on hilltops overlooking the Strip, cheering as the bombs fell. I didn’t know a single person that might accompany me to such a protest. To go at all felt like a betrayal of everything I’d ever known and loved. And yet even stronger was my anguish at doing nothing. I felt alienated by the march itself, unprepared to face the righteous anger at the Israeli state from the perspective of its victims. My heart raced when chants broke out of “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” – a popular protest slogan calling for equality in a single democratic state, which Jews have long been told amounts to their expulsion. I stayed another 30 minutes, then ducked into Central Park, collapsing on a bench in sobs. I’d never felt more alone. I don’t feel alone any more. Though the years since 2014 have seen the growth of a small but committed Jewish anti-occupation movement, the last week and a half have brought an even larger circle of the community to a place of reckoning. We’ve seen Jewish politicians, celebrities,rabbinical students and others speak up loudly for Palestine. We’ve seen a powerful display of solidarity from Jewish Google employees, asking their company to sever ties with the IDF. At Jewish Currents, the leftwing magazine where I am now editor-in-chief, we asked forquestions from readers struggling to understand the recent violence. We’ve been deluged. These questions taken in aggregate paint a striking portrait of a community at a turning point. Though many queries aim to understand specific aspects of the recent round of violence – the circumstances surrounding theexpulsions of Palestinians from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah, for instance, or the affiliations of the Jewish revelers dancing ecstatically opposite a fire on the Temple Mount – many more are simply expressions of confusion, and a newfound willingness to confront it head on. "I know what’s happening is wrong, but does supporting Palestinian liberation mean supporting Hamas?” asks one reader. “How do I talk to my family about this?” asks another. There are people struggling with new terminology (“Isapartheid an accurate word for what is happening in Israel/Palestine? What about ethnic cleansing?”) and with the foundational events that shaped the current situation on the ground (“Was there really an expulsion of Palestinians in 1948?”). Though many of our Jewish readers are anxious about antisemitism and about Jewish safety in Israel, there are strong indications that they are beginning to separate these feelings from the moral reality on the ground. On the whole, their questions represent a genuine outpouring of curiosity and compassion about the plight of Palestinians. What has changed? The Black Lives Matter movement can claim credit for helping masses of people understand the mechanisms of structural racism and oppression, and for consistently linkingthe Black struggle to the Palestinian one. White people, including white Jews, who spent last summer confronting their own complicity in anti-Blackness or their discomfort with the force of abolitionist demands like “defund the police”, are perhaps finding themselves prepared to face similar complicities and discomforts in relation to Palestinian liberation. Jewish groups in solidarity with Palestine like Jewish Voice for Peace and IfNotNowin the United States and Na’amod in the UK, some of which were formed following the 2014 assault on Gaza, have steadily moved the intra-communal conversation around Israel/Palestine, creating more space for Jews to speak their conscience without having to abandon their identities. These groups all enjoyed periods of growth during the Trump-era, when Donald Trump’s close relationship with the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, heightened the contradictions for a largely liberal Jewish populace. Young Jews becoming politically conscious for the first time saw a powerful, rightwing Israel intent on entrenching a decades-long occupation – a story that contrasted sharply with the one many of their elders had told them. It remains to be seen whether this new visibility of Jewish dissenters on Israel/Palestine will have a meaningful effect on conditions on the ground. Many Jewish communal institutions rely on mega-donors to keep the lights on, and many of those mega-donors are conservative – meaning that our institutions are not particularly responsive to constituent pressure. For another, much of the American support for Israel comes from evangelical Christian Zionists, who, despite stirrings of dissent in their own communities, remain wedded to an apocalyptic Second Coming predicated on a warlike Jewish state. In Israel/Palestine itself, the single most important factor in Palestinian liberation is unified Palestinian resistance, which has taken inspiring new forms this week. But there’s no question that Jewish support for the status quo in Israel/Palestine provides a powerful justification for Israeli government support globally. More Jews speaking up against Israeli apartheid weakens that justification, leaving politicians, lobbyists and others to account for what their support is really about. On Thursday, a ceasefire took hold between the Israeli government and Hamas, ending an 11-day engagement that has left 12 Israelis and 232 Palestinians dead. The announcement was a genuine relief, but it does not change the reality in Israel/Palestine, where Palestinians across the land live under various forms of Israeli subjugation – the crushing blockade in Gaza; the military occupationin the West Bank; and second-class statusin East Jerusalem and within the Green Line. Just as 2014 produced new infrastructure in the Jewish community to encourage dissent, I am certain that this moment will prove pivotal in a changing Jewish American conversation about Israel/Palestine. The Guardian

Jewish Canadians in Toronto cover Israeli consulate steps with ‘river of blood’ Members of the Jewish community and allies have gathered at the Israeli consulate in Toronto to protest against Israel’s violence in Gaza and across historic Palestine, Canadian organisations World Beyond War and Independent Jewish Voices (IJV) have said in a statement. “This belligerence is the latest in an ongoing aggressive 73-year settler-colonisation project by Israel across historic Palestine,” Rabbi David Mivasair, a member of IJV said. “The ceasefire doesn’t end the injustice and oppression.” Rabbi Mivasair quoted the Book of Genesis saying: “The voice of your brother’s blood cries out to Me from the earth. “Canadian Jews and others joined today to make sure that cry is heard even if the blood stops being spilled anew. Red paint streaming from the Israeli consulate onto the street in Toronto represents the blood of massacred innocent Palestinian civilians, the blood on Israel’s hands. As Canadians, we demand that our government holds Israel accountable for war crimes and stops the Canada-Israel arms trade,” Mivasair said. Aljasiira _______________ This latest Zionist war crimes against innocent Palestinians has unprecedented voices against the Zionist regime - from big shot members of U.S. Congress openly calling it apartheid and boycotting it, to the guests of Faux News boldly defending Reer Falastiin, as Geraldo Rivera did on the always-lying Hannity. Hore looma arkin, this is indeed the turning point.

Sad. Add this to that infamous thread.

Any xaawo and jaamac can clain any tuulo, but who rules is the question. Uusbuur in Garoowe claims to rule deegaano a few kilomitir Garoowe u jirto uuna tagi karin. Dadka degan ayaa maamulo Baraawe iyo nawaaxigeeda for years. Anyway, Xamar will always be xarunta ummadda Soomaaliyeed.

Before ICJ releases the maritime case, Uhuru in Kiikuuyoland has been dealt a major blow to another case where he put all his political future. How BBI Ruling Has Scrambled Uhuru Kenyatta's Succession Game Plan President Kenyatta's succession game plan has been scrambled by the High Court judgment scuttling the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) proposed constitutional changes. Creation of new executive positions is crucial to a power-sharing deal for an anticipated super alliance and the referendum campaigns equally offer a dress rehearsal ahead of the elections next year, political analysts and MPs the Nation interviewed yesterday said. Rallied party leaders Apart from forging a working relationship with opposition leader Raila Odinga following their 2018 truce, the President has also rallied party leaders Kalonzo Musyoka (Wiper), Musalia Mudavadi (Amani National Congress), Moses Wetang'ula (Ford Kenya) and Gideon Moi (Kanu) into the pro-BBI group that observers say was looking towards referendum campaigns as a springboard to presidential polls. The BBI Bill proposes creation of the offices of Prime Minister and two deputies as well as Cabinet appointments for MPs -- positions that expand options in power sharing in addition to the presidential flagbearer and running mate slots. Others in the pro-BBI alliance are governors Charity Ngilu, Kivutha Kibwana, Alfred Mutua, Hassan Joho and Wycliffe Oparanya as well as former United Nations Conference on Trade and Development secretary-general Mukhisa Kituyi, who are all harbouring presidential ambitions. Observers says the clause on the expanded executive is critical in accommodating all these bigwigs in an anticipated super alliance. For Deputy President William Ruto, who has fallen out with his boss, his allies see the BBI campaign as designed to help cobble a coalition to block him from the presidency. Hidden agenda "It was perceived by many as being pushed down people's throats with a hidden agenda of torpedoing the DP's ambitions," claimed Murang'a Senator Irung'u Kangata, who was ousted as Senate Majority Whip, after addressing a letter critical of the BBI campaign to the President. "This call for constitutional review is purely to prevent DP Ruto from becoming the President of this country," claimed Nandi Senator Samson Cherargei. Prof Ken Oluoch, head of the Political Science Department at Moi University says the President took a risky gamble by starting to manage his succession through a constitutional change. "Uhuru's succession plans are in [a] shambles. It would have been advisable for him, from the start, to serve his term and retire at the end. It's not easy to influence succession under the 2010 Constitution. Just see how his plans to amend it have ended in disarray," Prof Oluoch says. Political cheque Political analyst Javas Bigambo also argues that the President's 'Plan A' for his succession has been dealt a serious blow by the High Court decision. "The President's influence has been greatly diminished and the open political cheque he had has been closed... The Uhuru succession is inevitable, only that occasioning structural changes in the Constitution would give him a swift opportunity to influence much of the succession game plan," Mr Bigambo argues. Prof X. N. Iraki of the University of Nairobi argues that an end to the BBI process is likely to scuttle dreams of the political bigwigs. "BBI referendum will be a dress rehearsal for 2022. Politicians would love it. It will help them refine their 2022 strategies. It's more than that. If BBI goes through, winning in 2022 will be easier, just distribute the top five national positions to the regions that matter. Not holding it will scuttle lots of political dreams. Remember BBI is a political investment, the investors are awaiting returns through 2022 polls," Prof Iraki explains. Political analyst Dismas Mokua insists BBI proponents still have a chance of success in superior courts and proceed with the BBI. "He can use the parliamentary initiative to secure legislation that does not require a referendum, use superior courts, abandon BBI and mobilise for 2022 as if he is a presidential candidate or create road blocks for his deputy who seems happy with the ruling," Mr Mokua suggests.

Xasan Sheekh's open qabyaalad against dowladda and aligning with the (still) former qabqabliyaal Indhacadde and Muuse Suudi was not something that was expected from a erswhile president in 2021. Shariifka ayaa dhaamo oo xishoodo. Anyway, Shariifka, Xasan Sh. iyo C/raxmaan C/shakuur cid dooraneyso ayaa iska yar. Xildhibaanada imaan doono cusub lacagta dalalka shisheeye u soo dhiibay ayee ka guranaayaan and then vote for others, just as they did in 2017. I don't think they will even be in top three. Kheyre has a lot more chances than them. If any newcomer has a chance, it will be Jibriil Ibraahin Cabdulle.

Nothing would have worked as long as the two bought stooges - Uusbuur in Garoowe and Madoobe in Kismaayo - advocated the foreigners who own them. It is clear from the below paragraph: "This agreement and its implementation processes provided a clear road map and reasonable schedule to meet the election timeline. This process broke down as soon as Puntland and Jubaland leaders returned from their trip to the United Arab Emirates and Kenya—two countries which Somalia did not enjoy strong bilateral relations with—in late November 2020." Since dalal shisheeye u adeegaayeen, marmarsiyo ayee wadi lahaayeen inta Febraayo sideedeeda laga gaaraayo. The declare that madaxweynaha xilligiisa waa u dhamaaday. Just as they did.

Somalia’s president says entrenched elites are blocking the path toward universal suffrage and insisting on an indirect electoral system that maintains their power. Don’t Blame Me for Delaying Somalia’s Elections To avoid a power vacuum after my four-year mandate as Somalia’s president ended on Feb. 8, Somalia’s House of the People passed legislation in 2020 to ensure that the political transfer of power rightfully happens only through elections. This means that the current elected officials have to remain in office until they are reelected or replaced through the electoral process. Somalia’s elections have been delayed not because I wish to cling to power, as some have falsely argued, but because of a political impasse that has led to a division between Somalia’s federal government and some of its member states on the way forward. At the core of the disagreement is a conflict between my government’s goal of universal suffrage through direct elections and those who insist on an indirect election model that empowers elites and denies ordinary citizens a vote. It is time for the international community to ask: Why must a select few clan elders and leaders of the federal member states hold the Somali people hostage every four years? And why must the private interests of this small elite silence the voices of the millions of people they claim to represent? In Somalia since 2012, all presidents, including myself, have been elected to a four-year term. But given that it is essential that the country’s future leadership be determined through an inclusive democratic process, the 2021 elections were delayed to fulfill this requirement. In the last two elections, Somali clan elders played a major role in selecting the political representatives for entire communities under a strict clan power-sharing formula. These clan elders represented, and still do, the five major Somali clans that share governance powers within Somali society. Since all previous elections were indirect and concentrated enormous political power and influence in the hands of 135 clan elders, I was keen to prepare an improved model for elections rather than maintain the status quo. The fact that there were sequential peaceful transfers of power in Somalia in the past, despite the delays in all previous elections, is a testament to the increasing political maturity of our fragile state. At the core of the disagreement is a conflict between my government’s goal of universal suffrage through direct elections and those who insist on an indirect election model that empowers elites and denies ordinary citizens a vote. In Somalia, our federal model also necessitates a strong partnership between the federal government and the five federal member states, namely Puntland, Jubaland, South West, Galmudug, and Hirshabelle. These federal member states play a key role in the national electoral process. Given that Somalia is a representative democracy, the federal member states are vital constituencies for political representatives in both the House of the People and Senate, with the latter solely representing their interests at the federal government level. From the beginning of my tenure starting February 2017, my government opened the political space for dialogue in advance of any electoral process to all the federal member states, which are the main election stakeholders. In fact, it was always our clear ambition to transition Somalia from indirect elections to full universal suffrage within my four-year term, and it seemed possible after we reached an agreement with the federal member states in June 2018. This was not immediately possible, however, because all five federal member states reneged on the agreement. Instead, they opted for a renegotiated election model, because they opposed the multiparty system based on proportional representation that returned power to the people and excluded the established monopoly of clan elders. With much regret and dismay on the part of the main stakeholders, including federal lawmakers who wanted multiparty elections, an indirect election was negotiated and agreed to on Sept. 17, 2020, as the way to preserve and build on our national democratic traditions and aspirations. In all post-conflict and fragile recovering states, state-building processes are constantly negotiated and shaped by dialogue and compromise. Trust is also in short supply. Understanding this all too well, I accepted the September 2020 agreement, which was finalized by a panel of technical experts representing the federal government and its member states. It was a dramatic shift from the goal of universal suffrage to return to a clan-based model simply to accommodate the continuously shifting views and needs of the federal member states. This agreement and its implementation processes provided a clear road map and reasonable schedule to meet the election timeline. This process broke down as soon as Puntland and Jubaland leaders returned from their trip to the United Arab Emirates and Kenya—two countries which Somalia did not enjoy strong bilateral relations with—in late November 2020. Then, last month, the Somali House of the People, in line with its constitutional mandate, decided that the only way to remedy this paralyzing situation and to preserve Somalia’s nascent democracy was to return to the aspiration of universal suffrage within no more than two years. This period was necessary to effectively prepare the elections. Continue to read - Foreign Policy magazine

Atheist Kiikuuyo reject qashin lapdog, Soomaali aad isku dhajineysid ma tihid, Soomaali issues does not concern you.

Senate committee recommends removal of Wajir governor A special committee of the Senate has recommended the removal of Governor Mohamed Abdi Mahamud for endangering the health of the people Wajir County. The committee chaired by Nyamira Senator Senior Counsel Okong’o Omogeni found Mr Mahamud guilty of gross violation of the Constitution, County Governments Act, Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Act and the Public Finance Management Act. The Senators, however, dismissed claims of abuse of office and gross misconduct against Mr Mahamud saying the allegations were not substantiated. While impeaching Mr Mahamud, the MCAs accused the Governor of endangering the health of the people of Wajir because the health sector is in deplorable condition despite being allocated a total of Sh2.4 billion since 2018, an amount that is equivalent to 22 per cent of the budget. They said the county referral hospital laboratory, which also serves the region, cannot conduct coronavirus tests for lack of kits and lack of reagents. This, they said, is despite the fact that the county got an additional Sh194 million in the 2019/20 financial year to curb the spread of the virus. Xigasho

Guddoomiyihii gobolka Wajeer oo xil ka qaadis lagu sameeyay Aqalka Senetka dalka Kenya ayaa u coddeeyay in xilka laga qaado guddoomiyihii gobolka Wajeer Maxamed Cabdi Maxamuud kaddib markii ay u coddeeyeen xil ka qaadistiisa 25 xubnood oo ka tirsan Aqalka. Barasaabka ismaamulka Wajeer ayaa waxaa horey xil ka qaadis ugu sameeyay golaha wakiilka ee ismaamulka Wajeer. Aqalka Senetka ka hor waxaa xil ka qaadistiisa u codeeyay Golaha wakiilada oo markii danbe go'aanka ay gaareen u soo gudbiyay Aqalka Senetka oo ugu danbeyntii ku raacay Golaha Wakiilada Waxaa lagu eedeeyay guddoomiyaha in uu jabiyay sharciga dowladda ismaamulka Wajeer iyo in uu ku tuntay sharciga qandaraas bixinta. Waxaa uu barasaabkii ismamaulka Wajeer Maxamed Cabdi Maxamuud noqonayaa barasaabkii ugu horeeyay ee ka soo jeeda gobolka ay Soomaalida degto ee Waqooyi bari Kenya oo xil ka qaadis lagu sameeyo. Xigasho

How long now ee calaacalayaan kuwaan? More than a year? Haddee beeran lahaayeen dhir kale qudaar ah, xilligaan wax ayaaba u soo bixi lahaa. They also used to complain ceaselessly after Holland banned jaadka back in 2013. Then their complaints moved to Ingiriiska after it banned in 2014. I have been to Kenya many, many times since 1990s, what you would hardly see is anyone on the streets in Nayroobi who chews jaad. The few men who do is that the sellers of the jaad itself and late-night Kiikuuyo men who man the kiosks. Dad jaad caadi u qayilaayo kuma arkeysid, except Soomaalida wareersan in Islii.

What do you expect the Kiikuuyo servile mercenary writer? You will never see them use Kenyan tribal names when they discuss Kiikuuyo politics, but when it comes to Soomaaliya, it is all isku dirid. Nijaas iskudire ah waaye. Finally, qof ila fahmay eeygaan. They use KiikuuyOnline (GarooweOnline) and other sites like Sahal itself as well to criticize Soomaaliya horumarkeeda.

Wax la yiraahdo kulahaa. Saan maa kaa daacad ah? Anyway, aqoonyahanka Maxamed Xaaji Mukhtaar ma maqashay iyo buugaagtuu qoray? How about Cabdi Kuusoow? How about Virginia Luling and her book, Somali Sultanate: The **** City-State over 150 Years? This the first book written by a non-Soomaali solely about a Somali sub-clan's history.

Dunida Muslimka dhanaa saan ah. Waa astaamaha ka mid ah in aakhiro samaanka soo dhowyahay. My father joined SYL, too, in late 1940s in Jubbada Sare (Alta Jubba). His own first cousins joined ururkii ku dhisnaa qabiilka (HDM) in 1950s after he refused to join. They also challenged him in each election and kept losing. Soomaalidii dooran jirtay xalaal ayee ahaayeen oo maankooda saafi ah and not influenced by qabiil. Heck, they even voted next to my old man's district in Xuddur a Buraashadleey xildhibaan asalkiisa 'geegii mariidi' ahaa, kana soo jeeday Nugaal. His name was Aaden Diiriye, father of Nuuradiin Aaden Diiriye.

It is just weird when every faarax and jimcaale from their non-informed fadhi-ku-dirir chairs like to speak for Reer Koonfur Galbeed. Since Reer Koonfur Galbeed are too busy for fadhi-ku-dirir and don't waste their times, whether the live one or the online, hence the online jimcaales assumption for the position of speaking for Reer Koonfur Galbeed by pretending to be an expert they have no reason to be. One such one is this post, which has madfac-sized flaw holes in it. First of all and the wrong, usual assumption of reer faradheer/maryooleey, is that Reer Koonfur Galbeed as a whole are mono-culture of beeraleey community. They are not; some are nomads, some are beeraleey and others are malaay ayee dabtaan. Bakool has one of the largest geel population in Soomaaliya. Reer Jubbooyinka are lo'leey. Istunka is not played by only Reer Koonfur Galbeed proper. Istunka is more like Banaadiri culture than anything else and is played by communities that settled the original Banaadir region - from Shabeellaha Dhexe, Banaadir to Shabeellaha Hoose. Xoolo dhaqato, beeraleey iyo malaaydabto ayaa wada dheelo ciyaar dhaqameedkaan. One thing that is the correct fact is that beeraleyda and malaaydabtada, who are always settled communities, are far more civilized than the nomadic-based communities. War is their last resort since it leads into inevitable destruction of their environment. It is a universal fact. Nomadism does not know the value of keeping the land in peace since they are constantly on the move. Just ask the old miyiga Carabta and Mongooliya. Now maryooleey wrongly again assume this reticence of war is some-kind of political naivete. It is not. Just ask Moorgan, Cumar Jees and Caydiid Junior who felt the full wrath of Reer Koonfur Galbeed after they run out of patience.

Ciid wanaagsan.

It is one of these probably banned person who only likes to resuscitate old threads of his with virus-ridden and spam posts with multiple registered accounts.

Caasimada is not a credible site, though. Do we even have credible Soomaali news sites? It is only Hiiraan Online, but it is stuck in 1990s JavaScript.

Xamaas finally forced to close Telabiib airport. It seems they acquired during the lull times more advanced rockets. I am sure Xisbu-allaah, too, did.

Dalmar, don't insult brother Dhagaxtuur. Also don't blame him considering what transpired in Xamar in the recent few weeks. Even me, a diehard defender of Muqdisho being the undisputed capital city for us Soomaalis for almost two decades here on SOL - what happened recently in Xamar certainly gave me a pause. We thought we moved away from mooryåånimo mentality since 2006. I still support Xamar as a capital of Soomaaliya, but what happened a few weeks ago should and must not be repeated.

What is wrong with this tweet?