If parties don’t resolve things it could lead to a UN resolution for expanding AMISOM mission to Somaliland? Don’t see how this would benefit either sides. War balaayo ha isku yeedhina

If Gedo can’t be part of Jubbaland, why u think Jamame or even Jilib would? Don’t draw conclusions on any regions or people political fate, simply because a politician fails to see that you can’t solve decades of conflicts simply by the barrel of the gun, just putting his signature on a piece of paper or populating regional Parliaments with his clan cronies.

Same as you would negotiate with AMISOM on their departure from Somalia, with Kenya on their withdrawal from Kismayo, with the UAE on stopping their political interference, with Ethiopian on trespassing and violating your borders and sovereignty. It’s not that difficult, it’s called diplomacy and understand that it’s a job, a profession and also a trait which some people are highly gifted in. And definitely not something every Abdi, Farah and Faisal in Somali politics should be tasked with.

The political differences are not impossible to bridge, it won’t be easy coming to an acceptable compromise and for sure it will come with a price for either parties. But that’s what you have leadership for to navigate through these kind of issues, to take action not just a position.

Not a smart move for several reasons; 1. SL Parliament will loose its parliamentary privilege and immunity from court interferences. There is already a procedure to remove the Chair or elect a new chair or correct Members of Parliament through its internal codes and procedures. And this latest move will mean Parliament, the only state body who are still working within their originally elected and valid mandate period, will loose its political space, weights and influence when the courts can interfere in their work and jurisdiction of electing and holding their own Chair accountable, instead of a court. 2. To have the SL Parliamentary Chair being part of SSC, might be beneficial politically for any future dialogue, negotiations and settlement. perhaps as a potential conduit for dialogue or even the perceptive narrative could contribute to the symbolic value of seeking SL to (re-)unite as a whole again. 3. This stap will pave the way for any future governments of SL using same tactics to silence Parliament, interfere in Parliamentary procedures or use courts to silence MPs from doing their work. Furthermore, I assume Somalia’s Federal or State government to also start emulating this latest constitutional and political misstep further fueling political disputes, as has been custom politically to copy all the bad moves SL comes up with. Good example is the term extensions that has also become a political tradition in the South, with all the negative consequences as result.

The kid like much of the common people in SL have been emotionally manipulated, deceived and blinded from the real issue at hand and the real underlying causes, and who they should directly their blame on.

I suggest you direct your anger towards your own political leaders, as only they are responsible for the current state of affairs in Somaliland or ‘itaaldarada’ as you call it. Burning down your own or the neighbors house in the hopes of the spreading fire will draw attention from the International community is an act of desperation, that will absolutely not lead to your desired goals. As if the international community has miracle solution, that has solved Somalia’s, Sudan’s or Yemen’s problems. Wake up and smell the coffee. Nobody can solve your problems if you are not willing, able or incompetent to do so. And this previous policy that has not worked, I assume you mean the one that SL has abandoned its own agreement with Khaatumo negotiated over the course of years with even explaining why it abounded it? The that one that has alienated intellectuals, academics, traditional leaders, and all clans not beloning to the Habro clans from politics and from SL? The same policy in which the few political elites were too busy with enriching themselves looting public properties and dividing up the economy with the few conglomerates, competing for who had more millions, owed more land and more buildings, so they were to pre-occupied to witness and solve what was going on in every single region and village outside of their little elites areas and shopping malls in Hargeisa? Put of your emotionally tainted glasses and smell the coffee, Somaliland’s problems have not been caused by anyone else then it’s own greedy elites, who are now beating the clan drums to distract the people from their own incompetences, failures by creating a smokescreen and external boogie man in the form of the ‘H**** clan and D*** traditional leaders. Furthermore, complaining and threatening others for daring to have their own political thoughts, aspirations and ideas, conflicting with your own is like complaining about the elements, yes droughts messes up crops and livestock. And so does every single Somali have their own political clan narrative, as you have yours. it’s a fact of life, deal with it!

You are right that a solution will not come from Xamar, but neither will it come from the battle field. Just as for all civil conflicts and wars, the Somali civil wars and clan conflicts can only be ended through sincere dialogue, mediation and a negotiated political settlement, can be the only solution, even if takes decades of protracted conflict. Surely, we should have learned that by now from the decades of civil war and clan conflicts we have seen.

We might share a clan lineage but definitely don’t share the same political political opinions and attitudes. For one, many of us belief that the fundaments of peace in Somaliland were build through political settlement, mediation and shared ownership, and its maintenance is priority that outweighs all other political and economic considerations. The divisiveness, reactionary, hawkish politics that you and others display in social media and seems to have blatantly trapped the political discourse of Somaliland, is one that is not shared by many. Second, whereas some seem to display daydreams about a singular, homegenius and inward looking clan narratives to impose or dominate others, we want an inclusive, equitable and plural Somaliland. Third, while some hope or work actively to maintain and exploit disputes and conflicts with all those that don’t belong to their clan or with neighboring regions, we aspire for a Somaliland that is in peace with it selves and with all its neighbors. Fourth, were you profess that Somaliland belongs only to those that belong to their clan or share their narrow political concourse, many of us belief it’s the people that make up and own the land and thus a the share and stakeholders of its political directions and one can’t impose on each other political thoughts and only through political compromise, consensus and settlements will Somaliland be to exist or able to move forward. Sir, I think the point is quite clear and you don’t represent me and others with narrow, shallow, reactionary and politicized clannish thoughts and pundits enticing group emotions, fueling polarization, in order to distract from what matters and create divisions to reinforce the larger public being kept in the narrow and clannish discourses that have made it impossible to move forward and really address the societal and political problems.

I am talking about a new emerging form.

Before we go in to how fascism looks like in the Somali context, let us first have a look at the ingredients or properties of fascist ideologies. Here is a list of 10 properties that are often imbedded components of fascist ideologies and movements; 1. “aggressive form of ethnic-nationalism”, also known as ethno-nationalism that incorporates the belief in own ‘superiority’ over the “inferior others” showcased through military subjugation. Political power derived from endorsing myth and promoting lies of group ‘superiority’. 2. "Disagreement is treason" – fascism devalues intellectual discourse and critical reasoning as barriers to action, as well as out of fear that such analysis will expose the contradictions embodied in a false sets of beliefs and actions. Disdain for intellectuals and the arts not aligned with the fascist narrative. 3. "Fear of difference and diversity", which fascism seeks to exploit and exacerbate, often in the form of racism or an appeal against ‘other’ groups (ethnicities, clans, neighboring groups, etc). Oppose any initiatives or institutions that are inclusive, divers or ethnically harmonious. 4. "Obsession with a plot" and the hyping-up of an enemy threat. This often combines an appeal to xenophobia with a fear of disloyalty and sabotage from marginalized groups living within the society(domestic) working with external forces trying to destroy the ‘state’. The Identifications of “enemies”/scapegoats as a unifying cause. 5. "There must always be an enemy to fight” justifying to build up the war machines intended to enforce supremacy of the military and embrace of paramilitarism as. fascist arm people and justify and glorify violence as “redemptive”. 6. “Authoritarian, exclusionary leader”, highly authoritarian political leadership and system with leader solely commands, directs, and coordinates the activities of the regime and all facets of government, parliament and courts. Loyalty to the leader is paramount and often more important than competence.The leader never admits mistakes and doesn’t tolerate criticism. 7. “Obsession with security and extreme violation of human rights”. Obsession with national security, crime and punishment, and fostering a sense of the nation under attack.Imprison of media, intellectuals, opposition group leaders. Police apparatus that prevents, controls, and represses dissidence and opposition, including through the use of subversion, intimidation and organized terror. 8. “Fixation with perceived historic humiliation, or victimhood”, strong emphasize on narrow historical narratives of victimhood and Identifications of “enemies”/scapegoats to instill a sense of unified cause and blind loyalty to leader and political narrative and 9. “Corruption, cronyism and control of corporate business, media and elections”. Control of Control of mass media and undermining “truth”, corruption and cronyism of corporate business often for leaders own gain and maintain check on capital power. Fraudulent elections and creation of a one-party state. 10. “False historical narratives of own ethnic or group lineage superiority”. False narratives of hidden histories of the groups own ethnic or group superior lineage, proving a sense of justification for in-group rule, exclusion of those considered as out-groups

I mean fascism based on clan, but beyond the one dimensional hatred towards each other, but rather crafted as an elaborate and though through political ideology and movement.

I have always thought that fascism was something of the past and as an ideology it was a concept that was grounded in western political ideologies (communism, national socialism and far right extremist) and only came to African shores through regimes mimicking fascist beliefs, practices and aesthetics in order to create a genuine political phenomenon with identifiable characteristics to hold on to power. I really thought fascism was a foreign concept for Somali’s that some might have flirted with in the last decade, only to discover that there is a homegrown, indigenous and hidden form of Somali fashiiste (fascist) political ideologies amongst our people. To understand what I am talking about and to discover how this Somali version of fascist ideology look like and recongnise those that unconsciously and consciously are propagating this false and dangerous ideas and narrative, we need to first look at what fascism is and how it’s defines, looks like and it’s dangerous to communities and societies at large.

All hearsay, we have nothing to attest that. But it would seem very unlikely that a newly elected President would start signing oil contracts without his cabinet or even having technical people in place to review any kind of agreement. Furthermore, Parliament and future governments could declare those agreements null and void.

Xaaji, have you even listened to the video. Had nothing to do with politics, ciyaalka bashaal ayaa loo xidhay. Cadoowga dalka maha.

Tiktokers, facebookers, YouTubers, kuli wa target. Laakin waxa ka baad baaday Snapchatters, sawirka ayee masaxaan

Laga yaaba iney kheyr keento for Somalia and both domineering clans, hadii la keeno dad ka dhex dhexaad ah duopolyga jira

Wee biloobmatay miyaa. hada ninku wali shaqadii muu biloowin oo cabinet musoo magacaabin. Wakhti siiya, perhaps he might surprise us.

They do exist, I have met many southerners who have nostalgia for the Italians and feel Somalia has a special bond with that Italians or with other countries(e.g.Turkey). In Italy you have even Somali-Italian associations coming together to commemorate that special bond, history and sing italian-Somali songs. But perhaps the difference is that Southern would never blast it shamelessly out in the open, as some of our ‘British’ oriented Somali’s tend to do.

It’s not only with the British, also with Djibouti and Ethiopia one can see the same one sided favourable and unreciprocated admiration, without getting much back for it. And perhaps this has more to do with SL having little to no experience in foreign affairs and developing relations based on national interest rather then sentimental attachment.

Is this perhaps what a possible regional O political agenda could look like? -Ethiopia and Kenya: Champion free movement of people and goods, and cross border road and transport linkages. -Jubbaland: Ambition for this region to become the model region for Somalia through seeking dialogue, re-approachment and inclusive regional government with other communities. Set target for an all inclusive Jubbaland regional government to be elected in a competitive elections, if necessary sacrifice Ahmed Madoobe. Liberate with those communities as many localities as possible, to expand outreach of regional authority. -Puntland: Prevent regional from drifting away from federal government or to extreme poles in opposition. Visit region as much as possible, strengthen linkages with different actors in Bosasso, Garowe and Galkacyo, enforce role of Boqor Burhan as the King of the clan umbrella. -South-West: Seek stronger political alliance with community in federal system, address local grievances, showcase inclusion of community in Jubbaland. -Galmudug/Hirshabbele; Mediate in local disputes, empower marginalised lineages (continuing legacy of Farmaajo), prioritise inclusive regional government, and common agenda of fighting against extremist. -Banadir Region; Accommodate population to have a greater say in local governance while aligning with federal government mandates, organise there the first local elections, showcase and promote diversity of the City. -Somaliland; Open back channel dialogue via Jig Jiga, use poetry in conveying messages if necessary, with Jig Jiga becoming a mediator(Ergo) in the talks with Somalia. In meantime seek greater collaboration and consolidation between Jigjiga, Jabuuti and Somaliland, utilise people’s diplomacy through, knowledge exchanges, sports, culture, literature, etc. -Somali region of Ethiopia; Provide full support to Mustafe’s agenda in curtailing extremist and reactionary O politics, form alliances with other non-O clans to solidify regional government, promote region is open for business and investment in the region and among diaspora. -Northeastern: Main communities political accord to focus on common economic and external development agenda of the region, under a Northern 2040 Economic Agenda. Seek dialogue with cross border brethren communities and address grievances to stop extremist attacks. Promote regions linkages with Somalia through trade, mobility and investment. Promote and Encourage among Somalis from Eastleigh and elsewhere, and Kenyans to invest in the region. Prevent local politicians from mingling in Kenyan and choosing sides between different groups, stay neutral on Kenyan internal politics and become an acceptable partner and improve image of Somalis in Kenya and wider region.

I assume the 30% trade flow through Berbera is an intention but not guaranteed in a agreement, the license for operating the dry port is a good move, but keep in mind that SL owns a minority share in that company, so UAE will largely be benefiting from this as well. Hope SL can use that again to its advantage in negotiations towards the UAE! But all in all it’s better then nothing and previously was the case, SL is learning. Next should be Djibouti, and developing rational relationships and trade deals that also benefit SL.

What did SL get back for its hundred million worth of imports/flow of dollars to Ethiopia in this trade agreement?

Bio-engineering is most effective against sand dunes and other forms of soil and coastal erosion. Unfortunately many coastal cities have been lost partly due to sand dunes such as Bulahaar. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sand_dune_stabilization

I think you have misread one or two things, I am not from Puntland, neither am I advocating for the current status quo to remain on the contrary I applaud the rising influence of the O community in the region.