There is a political problem in Somaliland, which can only solved through politics. And no amount of bullets, violence and arrest of youth can solve the political underlying issue, it will only make it worser leading to deterioration of security and economics.

Wondering what the content of that agreement is? But The Somali airline industry needs a shake up and compete fairly. Nowhere in Africa and the developing world one pays the same extortive prices, and to make matters worse all airlines charge exactly the same prices for each route, it’s a cartel industry that needs to be reformed. Specially as many people can’t travel by road due to security and are forced to use these airlines for short domestic trips.

Agree with you, Somali’s interest lies in a true and equitable federation. But for this to becomes reality, Somali’s need to start aligning themselves closely to the Center amid the chaos, and ensure they are prepared, reconciled and have a common agenda they can advance with Abiy and whoever and whatever comes after him. And you are right without this reconciliation and shared common agenda, the risk is there that Abiy will be replaced by another centrist regime continuing the oppression and inequality, with Somalia becoming continuing to be the biggest victims. And one needs to break the cycle by doing things different, and preparing oneself for whatever might come and to influence/steer the federations directions when momentum present itself. And I can imagine potential scepticism from many Somali’s, and doubt if one can really assert influence among much more ‘politically advanced’ tribal groups and complex dynamics of Ethiopia. But It’s perhaps in this complex, volatile and violent political and polarised dynamics of Ethiopia, where the simplicity of a Somali driven call and singular ‘agenda’ for true equality and autonomy could thrive and be heard. Whereas on the contrary, the politics and agendas of the Tigray, Amhara, Oromo and Southern Nations are often marred by shifting and opportunistic agendas that are the basis of the clashing interest and alliances. Every dog has his day and perhaps the opportuun momentum for Somali’s might be on the horizon.

It’s not Xunjuf he is open to new ideas. but it’s not wanting to change and reform, instead propagating bad ideas, as their people are taking inspiration and example of rights they see in neighbouring SL and have been putting pressure demanding for democratic rights on leadership.

Abiy will become desperate very soon if not already feeling the heat. And he would need a Somali partner, as they would offer reliable support and are in no way a treat to him or can challenge the federal state, or in a position to align themselves with Amhara and Tigray, as perhaps Oromo, Afar and others can. And when that time comes, Somali leadership need to have a clear and strategic agenda they can demand in return, and be transparant about it. It will be a small price to pay for stable and reliable support from Kilinka as turmoil and turbulent times might engulf the Federal state leadership. The question is, how would such an agenda look like?

Why are you surprised on this line of thinking? It’s clear Xunjuf doesn’t want an open and democratic system but rather would become an informal and unrecognised autocratic state, a combination of Transnistria and Djibouti of sorts. A sort of hub run as an efficient maffia cartel, without all of that rule of law and state recognition, as that only would lead to all sorts of formal, legal obligations, commitments and accountability. Who needs all of that if you can have the cake and eat it, without ever having to pay any price or dues for it.

O folks unity and directions is crucial in this, not sure how dynamics have changed since Abiy and Cagjar came to power. Dhaanto cusub loo baahanyahay iyo Abwaank Abtigiis inu laxanka no saaro.

That’s not necessary a bad position, to be regarded as a separate culture or ethnic group specially in a context of hostile power competition between ‘Ethiopian’ national groups, for Somali’s to be regarded seen as a third party lesser threat. The question is how could Somali’s utilise this unique position and predicament, and how could they play a role in leveraging their position to play role of peacemakers for stabilising Ethiopia and relations between ‘Ethiopian’ groups? I sense that Somali’s need first to get their own house in order, change the current internal political dialectics starting with O groups and leaving behind localised village political narratives and localised grievances and set the bar higher in terms of ambitions and getting a bigger piece of the cake. And I do understand grievances of the past run deep, nevertheless one has to overcome these, even if takes months and months of traditional peace dialogues under a tree. Che, the alternative that you are perhaps rooting for that in Ethiopia’s crumpling a Somali nation would get the breathing space to evolve might not materialise, on the contrary a crumpled Ethiopia might lead to emergence of clan warfare and warlords aligned with different Ethiopian groups competing for power in the already volatile and fractured region is quite the likely scenario.

Ethiopia needs some serieus soul searching and dialogue on the directions of the county. Clearly Abiy is perceived as the new Emperor and one hasn’t seen the prospect of shared common ownership of the country. I still don’t think he is to blame for the current problems, as both the armed ethnic groups and broken promises of ethnic federalism are the legacy of the TPLF, nevertheless it’s now his problem to solve it.

SL ruling political elites still trying comprehend and grasp at narratives to explain Sool uprising, midowga Galkacyo ayee marisaa maanta

It makes sense to have a electoral threshold for national political parties to achieve before in order to be entitled to representation in the legislature. The idea is that it prevents fragmentation of political parties, and having dozens of parties with just one seat. Many countries have this threshold Germany(5%), Italy(4%), Sweden(4%), Turkey (7%). In the Somaliland context the reason why number of parties have limited to 3 was to prevent fragmentation of having political parties along sub-clans and to force parties to seek broader support among constituencies. The 3 political parties need to get minimum of 20% votes(threshold) in atleast 4 of the 6 regions. The background of this lies in the 1960s, when dozens of sub-clan parties would emerge creating on local and sub-clan level a very polarised environment. And this is the risk that Puntland faces with the 8 parties, that each party might be become fully associated with a sub-clan and get only votes from single clan constituencies, leading to a fractures political dynamics. This could be mitigated, by the 8 parties perhaps eventually forming two political alliances as per example of Kenya, Italy. Not sure how these alliances would be governed and decision making organized, outside of the formal constitution. But much needs to be thought through and each step needs to be headed by a process of open consultation with all stakeholders, as process and pathways is quite risky.

Somali’s tend to confuse a couple of things, and I fear that we will remain in this endless loop of backwardness till we start defining the scope of issues a bit better and seperate 1. First of all, one doesn’t need to destroy what is there in order to improve or to build on something better. There is a tendency among Somali’s to think that one needs to first destroy in order to build. Its that destructive behaviour why we have been unable to build institutions, because even if you start something completely new, why do you think the next generations will maintain it and won’t repeat the same and restart destructive cycle that has set the precedence? 2. There is a genuine need for people to have a greater say and role in the development of their locality and region. Its called devolution or decentralisation, and one should debate it as such. But electing or having a new Central Great man at the helm on whatever governance level won’t lead to that development, as it doesn’t address the central issue for people to have a greater say. Electing regional strong Governors or regional Presidents’ is just creating a new layer of centralisation and administrative burden, which will only lead to further ineffective administration that wont address itself the core issue of development. e.g. the example of Somalia’s FMS is a good example of what not to do, where each region you have more then two dozens of Ministries waiting for their office to be build, to be staffed, salaries paid, get budgets, and this is even before a single school, hospital or basic service has been delivered in their regions. 3. The ‘Wa baxnayna ama taginaa’ mentality. Irrelevant of what governance structure is adopted (Independence, Federal State, Autonomous, Provincial government, municipality, metropolitaan, etc), nobody is going anywhere, as much of the interest of peoples, specially those neighbouring eachother are interdependent and will always remain intertwined, no matter what politics is adopted. And ignoring this interdependence is actually deceptive because it also means you won’t be able to address things separately and neither solve common issues and problems. Next to that your communal neighbors will remain there as neighboring community, the sooner one realizes that the sooner one can start solving the political and governance differences and one can’t prevent inflicting unnecessary collateral damage.

I wouldn’t call people who have genuine political desires fanatics, but it’s rather those that are unwilling or unable to accept a differing point of view and whose extreme and obsessive beliefs are leading to unreasonable behaviour and even violence that are fanatics.

This is what one calls political gaslighting, difficult to have political debates when intention is for psychological manipulation and control by sowing doubts in people’s own judgement through deliberately and systematically feeding false information intended to distract of issue, trivialization of facts, thoughts and realities, rewriting history, discrediting of memories.

Xaaji, surely we are not debating history for it has been engraved in the memories of people and pages of documentation. So I am wondering what is driving this new push for historical revision, what is your intention of equating Somaliland with SNM and propagating SNM principles as some sort of common and shared values? And why start attempting to revive a clan based ideological that is divisive and exclusionary, three decades after the end of SNM in a time when the country and people are already strongly polarised along political clan lines by the same political clan ideology?

Xaaji, Governments, like humans, make mistakes. Sometimes documents or laws can be poorly written, politicians make choices contrary to what was agreed or expected, administration and clerical errors are inevitable. But just as mistakes happen, it’s also important to address those past mistakes head on. But if one thinks that issue will dissipate by choosing denial over admittance or acceptance, sowing confusion over giving clarity, being dismissive instead of taking responsibility, then surely one has to admit that this hasn’t worked so far as it’s contrary to the laws of God, the laws of Nature and the laws of Government. The reason why I have kept reminding on this monumental mistake of Somaliland abandoning the Khaatumo agreement, is not to seek blame or embarrassment of the ruling elites, but it’s for Somaliland government to behave maturely, accept its own mistakes, and only after acceptance it can take responsibility and really work on solving things. You might think what happened 6 years ago might not be relevant for todays issues and it’s solutions, but it’s exactly this institutional memory that is instrumental for better understanding and decision-making, and not latest social media cycle that one might think is determinant for understanding and solving issues. Somaliland signed an agreement, it was even Co-signed by both former President Siilanyo and Minister Sa’ad Ali Shire on Somaliland side containing 13 points, for exact copy of text you would need to check with those officials involved and government archived. Halgan.Net HALGAN.NET Ceynabo:-Maamulada S/land iyo Khaatuma ayaa kala saxiixday heshiis ku aadan Mideynta labada maamul waxaana uu Heshiiskooda ka dhacay...

Xaaji’s SNM politicians will be remembered for the greed and looting in the pages of history, for that is what the end goal of the armed struggle seemed to entail. Contrary to other armed struggles this one has been devoid of any agenda of wanting to progress the people, instead pushing people and time back in to regression of the inter-clan animosity of 30 years ago.

SNM might have been responsible for the civil war that brought down the Somali State, while the state building in Somaliland is accredited to those Presidents and Vice-Presidents that were not part of the SNM. You can distort history, while many of those that have lived it are still alive and take credit for their achievements. On the other hand historians put the blame and responsibility for the civil war in Somaliland of the 90’s solely with those politicians from the SNM. And many even blame them for the current civil war for that same SNM figures, Mujahid Cali Guray among others. Siyaasi Soo Jeediyay Inaan La Dhayalsan Ciidan Urursiga West Burco Clan Ku Hawlanyahay HADHWANAAGNEWS.CA ''Waar Hooya Belaayo Madax La Qabtay Leedahaye Mijo La Qabto Ma Leh''

Since when have Ciro, Faisal and Cigaal aun, become part of SNM? And where did you leave Riyaale who has led SL for more then decade. You are conflating clan with political clan ideology in blatant effort trying to rewrite history here, emulating narrow and divisive ‘TPLF’ strategies. Here is Faisal in his own words setting the record straight about those divisive principles;

Except for one or two, the rest marked are not his family.

So your giving up on Somaliland basically and it’s aspiration, a multi-clan country based on the former British Somaliland borders?

I wouldn’t bet on Kulmiye, no matter who becomes the leader. It’s an empty shell which no constituency will go near it. Buuri maran oo dusha lagu x**** Second it’s not clear how these direct national party elections will take place, as it has been decoupled from local councillors elections and thus not clear how fair voting wil be ensured between 13 contenders who don’t have local councillors to guard their votes.

As usual the car has been put before the horse. Process for election has been planned out, while the basic legalities not even in place. And everybody getting worked up while nobody has even seen this revised law that stipulates the process for the elections.

The majority of people are sincere about Somalilands state aspirations, but it’s becoming clear that divide and rule tactics are used to manipulate the masses. Somalia’s regime and the atrocities it committed does not absolve anyone for denying people their political, economic and individual rights and dignities.