Just as in nature, there is a sense of ideal balance and equilibrium in the aspects of man’s life and social order. And extreme imbalances will eventually correct themselves, if not gradually and thus softly then for sure instantly and the hard and painful way. Yes the elites(both from the ruling and opposition parties) have forgotten the plurality and dire conditions of the majority who are at the bottom of the pyramid and barely surviving to make ends meet. The issue is not just one man being the obstacle, but the whole elite who are there for own interest and to enrich themselves, incl those from the opposition whose track record is neither hidden on this. And therefor see what’s happening as a correction of extreme imbalances and hoping that a more balanced and better Somaliland will emerge from this crisis, a Somaliland that is more in harmony and in peace with itself and wider surrounding region.

I think that most of his peers (traditional elders) viewpoints aren’t to far from his thinking and neither have much of an alternative propositions. But the stumbling block aren’t the traditional elders but the political leaders and perhaps as somewhat of an outlander who thinks outside of the box, might be able to break the deadlock. Remember that he has a track record and proven himself to be able during these sort of difficult crisises to bring parties together.

This Somali think tank wrote a short policy piece on having a Presidential one term-limit of 6 years. Preventing any extensions and power struggles for a second term, while extending term to 6 years giving incumbent suffixen time to deliver his agenda. Made quite some sense actually. https://halbeeg.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/05/RETHINKING-SOMALIAS-PRESIDENTIAL-TERM-LIMIT.pdf

And by the way this could also be through diplomacy, don’t exclude that option, as SL reasons for maintaining presence in Goojacade is based on very thin arguments, the current stalemate is leading to nowhere and hardly fan count on popular support. And I really think that option is still possible.

Yes, but for that people need to stand behind Cagjar and stop distracting him with nitty gritty sub-clan and village politics, so he can exalt the region to playing regional politics.

I think the most important goal for SSC is to maintain and keep the unity, for that was the purpose of the struggle and dream all along since those first Khaatumo and SSC initiatives a decade ago, to see a united Garaad Clan which is today a reality. And everything should be done to maintain that unity, and it’s that unity which is in the (long) interest of even Somaliland, Puntland and Federal Government, even-though many might think the opposite. Yes, even from Somalilands (long) interest SSC unity is crucial, as you then can talk and negotiate, and either part ways or come to a mutual understanding with a united SSC rather than return to the days of divisions and fractions. However, I think all possible (future) political options should be considered and weighted against pro’s and con’s, and one should be cautious in deciding the end goal as the ever changing realities of the context might put SSC in a position that is a) difficult to achieve, and b) might lead to divisions along the way. Learn from others mistakes and be cautious in putting the car before the horse, as you don’t want to put up future generations with unattainable pathways be cause of decisions that have been taken in the wave of emotions and spur of a moment.

The current Guurti has lost the mantal long time ago, the true traditional elders who act as the moral compass seem to be outside system. Check Boqor Buurmadoow apologizing for the grave gaffes uttered by Saleebaan Gaal. SL needs people like Boqor Buurmadoow in this chaotic and confusing times, someone needs to bring him back asap.

Galbeedi, isn’t this Awdal Conference just another tactic from Awdalites to extort more political and economic leverage and positions from ruling government? What makes it different this time from all previous Awdal, Awale and Adal initiatives that all have ended in transactional gestures?

This happened with the UDUB MPs in 2012, they all become partyless and joined the different parties that did got elected. I don’t who you mean with you guys, as Awdal also voted in majority for Kulmiye. And you know how Biixi leader of Kulmiye while majority of politicians from his own sub-clan opposed him as you might have forgotten. Same as Cirro and Faisal become the candidates for their parties, through SL party shenanigans. I think we still have a while to go before real change and reform can take place. I dont epxpect any war in the west. Kolay meesha we la dhuuqiyan sida caadada u ah western regions (Gebiley, Borama) ee la dhuuqaan habar kasta. We don’t have much alternative than to save this tree of governance. Imagine that in places like Baardhere, Beletweyn, Baidoa and Balcad, one is trying to build the basic governance and service delivery that have been set-up in Borama, Burco and Berbera. Do you want to destroy everything in order to start from scratch because a monkey drove your car and caused some damage, or do you try to salvage and repair the car.

The 10x ruling Kulmiye governments is in the wrong; 1. The ruling governments announced the political parties to be opened only after they lost the Local and Parliamentary elections to the opposition end of 2021, showcasing not only that they are bad losers but will also do anything to prevent being ousted from power. 2. Elections are based on rules and precedence, the regime decided to change the rules of the game unilaterally without even having any underlying laws in place to support direct political party elections to take place. 3. Somaliland’s social contract is based on dialogue and consensus, and every elections that took place in Somaliland’s history was based on concerns us between ruling government and opposition. And this is the first time that a party (the ruling government) is pushing its agenda without seeking political consensus. 4. Opening the political parties while there is a conflict in Las Anod and some of the major party contenders from those constituencies not being able to participate (Xaglatoosiye, Cataash), and those constituencies not being represented doesn’t make any sense and would only reinforce political system domination by Habro’s, and excluding every chance of inclusivity and northern clans to have a shared political platform. And logic would dictate that it’s in SL interest to open the party system after resolving the SSC conflict, as political ownership of SL is the core in the conflict. 5. Having national party elections decoupled from local council elections means that there are no local councillors who can observe a fair vote and ensure guarding the votes they receive in each polling station. Local political party observers can easily be bought and wouldn’t be fully be able to ensure fair vote counting on polling station level, as previous incident with the last Presidential elections have shown with some of the UCID votes being redirected as UCID observers were easily bought and had no big stake in the game. As direct party elections is quite new and hasn’t been done so far, it has its risks and can lead to new gaps and loopholes nobody is prepared for. 6. The current ruling party after becoming a national party, contested twice the Presidential elections before they had to compete in new party elections. Kulmiye contested for the Presidency in 2003(lost to UDUB), and 2010(won against UDUB) before the parties were opened in 2012. And now Kulmiye is denying Wadani that same chance and precedence of being having to compete twice with the same party. Wadani only run against Kulmiye in 2017, and should have a chance to run a second time against Kulmiye as is precedence and accordingly with the original constitutional time-schedule of the elections. 7. The Presidential mandate has expired, the electoral laws for Presidential elections are there and the electoral committee has stated last year it can organise these elections already earlier this year. And there is nothing holding SL back from going in to Presidential elections, were it not for the sole refusal of the ruling party. This is also new as term for elections is determined by electoral committee, which has been overruled by the High Court without substantial legal arguments. 8. We know from past Political party elections these lead to heightened clan polarization and tensions, more so than with any other political elections. And with the current political tension, insecurity and violence in Las Anod and Gacan Libaax it doesn’t make sense to further divide and polarize the people by holding party elections in which divisions appear even on sub- sub-clan levels. 9. If the ruling government can provide a political solution and directions forward, who else will take that responsibility. In addition they have politicized the Guurti elders without an agreement, making them toothless and are in no position to offer mediation as per custom, making SL without a body to offer moral leadership that can facilitate arbitration or mediation in any sort of dispute. 10. The stapling of legal, political and violance in the country without offering any sort of roadmap or consultation process to explore a way out, while at the same time pushing for party election showcases that the sole purpose of the regime is to stay in power and prolong its chances to stay in office and see these continuing disputes as pathways to achieve that goal.

10x the ruling SL government is the wrong, and 1x why the opposition is in the wrong. The Oppositions wrong 1. The opposition is not completely free of blame and is one time in the wrong, because they agreed in 2021 to elections that decoupled the local government elections from the political party elections, and combined it with the Parliament elections. Thinking that it was in their and Kulmiye’s interest to avoid opening of the political parties, while knowingly ignoring the constitution clearly states that every 10 years the party system should be opened up. And the current discussion could have been avoided if the opposition would have raised that issue in 2021, and would have acted as a more genuine defender of the rule of law by maintaining the legal precedence of holding the local government elections with the political party system. This could have been done in 2021, which still would have been constitutionally. And it looks like the opposition was silent and perhaps accomplice when the rule of law was being threatened upon, reminding us of the old Somali proverb ‘Labadii xaqdarada ku heshiiya, xaqa ayee ku diriraan’.

Why Somaliland’s Hard-earned Peace And Stability Is At Risk? by Qaran News | Aug 8, 2023 Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli, an Italian diplomat, author, philosopher and historian who lived during the Renaissance, wrote in his best known book, the prince, “A prudent man should always follow in the footsteps of great men and imitate those who have been outstanding. If a man’s prowess fails to be compatible to that of great men, at least it must have an air of greatness. Man, if he is prudent, should behave like those archers who, if they are skillful, when the target seems too distant, know the capabilities of their bow and aim a good deal higher than their objective, not in order to shoot so high but so that by aiming high they can reach the target.” The above quote reflects how oldgenerations, particularly men who born ito lead and those who were kingmakers, viewed and valued the prerequiste skills of leadership. No one can ever become a leader without talents. Becoming a leader depends much upon the capacity to convince people to agree with his or her viewpoint and vision, especially when we are talking about the developed world. The way Somalis view leaders doesn’t rely on one’s capacity to gain people’s hearts through his or her vision and viewpoints. Skills, talent, competence, capability, and knowledge are not totally the identified criteria by which S/land people choose their leaders. Tribalism just plays the role. S/land people are still unconcerned about the qualities that leadership requires.They don’t even mind if the leaders they elect don’t care for them. They don’t care about who a leader has become even after being elected. They just care for who one is and which tribe he hails from. But, all in all, Somalis never seem to understand that being arrogant is not a skill that makes a good leader. If a leader doesn’t care for the people he leads, he is useless, and even worse than useless. The true test of any leader is whether or not the people the leader is in charge of have become better off under his leadership. Having said that, it is wrong if we always expect perfection from leaders. Leaders are humans and are not infallible of mistakes. But what do people generally expect from their leaders? As teachers expect from students to arrive punctually, attend regularly, behave appropriately, and be well prepared in order to have the books and materials necessaryfor assignments and examinations, people expect honesty and integrity from their leaders in the first place. That is, a leader should come up with a sincere interest and concentrated effort to do and manage all pressing issues, preserve and protect the supreme law of the country and be considerate of the rights of all, both friends and foes. The most important message in public expectations is a desire to see leaders’ unwavering attention and honest initiatives to lead society with aspirations that can keep all of them together. This desire or expectation means what people want and hope to happen and can only be achieved when people themselves persistently weigh and watch what leaders actually do. The best way to measuring what leaders do is to evaluate their performance in four areas in which all good leaders always excel at: a) Clarity of vision – the ability to see the future and create the path to get there; b) Capacity-building – the position a leader takes in improving and developing the skills, abilities, and resources that communities need to survive, and thrive in this fast-changing world, c) Consideration of common voice, which means that a leader should not impose his opinion on the people but understand the collective aspirations of the people and work to make them a reality, and d) Situational awareness – knowing what is going on around at any given time, which is the ability to see, articulate and analyze the living conditions of the people in the context of what the leader is trying to do. In sum, good leadership consists of three fundamental aspirations and availabilities: creating vision, embracing commitment to that vision and managing progress toward the realisation of the vision. How leadership development be monitored? One way of monitoring if government high ranking officials, they be presidents, parliamentarians, or ministers, are maturing and developing as good leaders, is to check whether or not they have the instincts to understand that they should be more mindful of pacing themselves to take the time to self-evaluate and learm from their mistakes. When leaders self-evaluate themselves, they come to find out in where they are weak and where they are strong. Self-evaluation enables leaders to admit their mistakes, which in turn enables them to learn new experiences that show something they didn’t do it right, reveal somethings they haven’t done, discover the true level of their skill, and make them know what matters most to the public and what doesn’t. That is, knowing where one is right or wrong, sounds to be the most important experiences that any leader can acquire and accomulate in leadership role. Oddly enough, S/land leaders don’t have a learning behavior of that sort, whether they are the mujahids (the two Colonels), the ministers, the parliament memvers, the Guurti, or the judicial authorities, the three most powerful branches of S/land government. They neither follow in the footsteps of great men, nor they are able to demonstrate that their leadership skills have even an air of worthiness to lead. In view of this weakness in S/land current government institutions, writing on today’s incumbent leadership character is like trying to make something out of nothing. The common vice of today’s S/land leadership is the disregard for the difference between who builds up S/land and who destroys it; who divides its people and who unites them; who stirs up conflicts in the communities and who has the concern to calm and cure conflicts before they turn into clashes and confrontations; who leads S/land with naive outlook and attitude that might put the nation in irresistable troubles and who has clearly identified vision and the plan to achieve the vision that can get S/land to where it has never been; who alway has the agenda that devices wicked plans and who has the heart that sows harmony among S/’land societies; who has the feet that are quick to shed blood of innocent people and who has the spirit for healing the wounds people suffer from, without distinction and discrimination. Having an open mind that can seek other people’s opinions is one way of knowing if an individual can be a leader. Having problem-solving skills like the late great elder Haji Abdi Warabe is also a sign of being a leader. Showing positive attitude is still another trait that displays the eligibility of being a leader. Referring back to one’s background, as to who one is personally, and how are his skills towards changes and challenges, his approach to handle conflicts, and his behavior with regard to social and political role and responsibility is provingly the best way to figure out if a person could be a responsible leader. It is unlikely that a person who lacks those leadership qualities can become a leader at any rate, for any nation, where people refer to a person’s level of knowledgeability when choosing a leader. Somaliland is not a country where a person’s knowledgeability is respected or recokned with. The person who is respected and whose manliness is reckoned with is the one who doesn’t get lazy at being not only a prominent figure, but a predator of every kind and shape. The disregard for leadership qualities mostly comes up when communities fail to check and make sure the true character of the person who can be a leader and who can’t. Of course, failure by S/land communities to give attention to elect the right person into the position of public trust has put our nation into leadership and political crisis. In fact, leadership and political crisis that S/land people suffet constantly include poor judgement, poor leadership preparation, incapacity to predict the future, resistance to listen to public voice, lack of learning behavior, inability to manage differences that arise when two sides disagree on certaian issues. The two Colonels in power are not really above those weaknesses in today’s S/land leadership role. They are below those crises, without doubt. Contrary to how some people think, S/land leadership crisis is not only when those who are in control show the tendency to run and rule the country according to their own outlook, but it is also when those in power become unfit for the job they have for the people and become unable to lead the country in the right and required way. More importantly, S/land poor leadership turned out to be a disaster as the two Colonels took the decisions that threaten S/land’s peace and stability. Most people say that the two Colonels and their cronies have failed in leading this nation aright; a thought that simply shows the fact that leaders cannot be prefect. In that people may have a point, but there are points that most people fail to notice. The points which need to be clear to everybody are such that the two Colonels and those that always rally behind them have already made up their little minds and determined to stay in power at any cost, even if the consequences of their staying in power might ultimately result in an irreversible catastrophy that will, in turn, cause S/land”s sudden crumble and collapse. The two Coloneĺs and their cronies have succeeded in formulating a chain of conpiracies that enabled them to stay in power as long as they want, without public consent. The two Colonels believe that S/land people can be governed by force and that use of power is only what really works well, when it comes to ruling nations. They think that goverance is being scoped always by brutality. They don’t know that persuation is better than use of force. Punishing and brutalising people instead of treating them fairly and paying attention to what they need or say is totally what the Colonels have grown to accustom. The two Colonels and their father of tribalism, Saleebaan Geel, never shy away to keep S/land people in crisis and conflicts; they never shy away to create what pulls S/land people apart; they never shy away to divide S/land people into foes and friends; they never shy to do what even women shy away to do. Muse Bihi and his collegues in his administration never shy to arrest citizens who speak In their minds like Bushaare Baanday, the freelance journalist, who had been caught by S/land security forces in Wajaale, and every other body who tries to tell something about the Colonels’ conspiracy theories to prolong their pennicious ruling behavior. The two Colonels never shy away to detain any citizen who uses to criticis their foollish actions for a considerable time, without taking into account the fundamental principle of our system of justice that every person accused of a crime is presumed to be innocent unless and until his or her guilt is established beyond a reasonable doubt. How did the Colonels set out their strategy, the roadmap to prolong their rule? The Colonels’ first conspiracy began with the initiative to open new political associations even though Somaliland election system doesn’t accummodate a process in which new political parties election can be held separately from local council elections. But Muse Bihi did not see that the lack of consolidated election laws for presidential and newly registered political parties will create a conflict over holding the election without a law. Muse Bihi and his hotch-potch administration decided to be out of legality and proceeded to form the committee for registration of new political organizations and approval of political parties. Of course Muse Bihi had three main goals in opening new political parties. The first goal was to make Waddani’s growing popularity to gain more fans and votes from H/J less powerful and less effective. The second goal was to eliminate Ucid party out of the political scene. And the third aim was to replace both parties, Waddani and Ucid, with the new parties, an option still standingto be utilized by the ruling junta, should things go as planned. Paralleĺ to this unconstitutional move, Muse Bihi secretly intervened in the former National Electoral Commission Members headed by Riyo Raac and influenced them to resign individually in return of undisclosed reward, bribery to put it in its proper context. The NEC resignation prompted the need to form new NEC that required a considerable time to learn election formalities and acquire the skills for holding elections and voter registration process. In fact, Muse Bihi’s initiative to open new parties and pressure the already existed NEC to quit was a conspiracy to undermine the timeline in which presidential election that was supposed to be held on 15 Nov 2022. After that mission was successfully fulilled, the parliament’s upper house, the Guurti, proceeded to extend Bihi’s mandate by two years without prior agreement between opposition parties and ruling party. The extention was absolutely undemocratic, not authorised or approved by S/land’s supreme laws. The extension can be also interpreted probably as a collusion between Muse Bihi and Saleebaan Gaal, that only meant that no more presidential election will take place in S/land in the years to come. The argument over the constitutionality of opening new parties between Muse Bihi and opposition parties escalated peaceful demonstrations in which S/land police forces killed armless protesters in Eerigabo, Burco and Hargeisa; a well organized assault at opposition supporters which would have been escalated to civil war if the leaders of parties didn’t show up to cool down the peoples’ anger and agony. On the other hand, the war in Lasanod is believed to be a project that meant to manipulate Muse Bihi’s chances to stay in office. The warring strategy which keeps S/land forces to be stationed in and around Goojacade and controls their strength to recapture Lasanod city while they are under constant attack by the local armed militias and their allies just proves that Lasanod war is a conspiracy to prolong Muse Bihi’s term. If those who are in power, at their own discretion, disregard the elements of what basically structures shared values, the building blocks that protect and preserve the nation’s constitution; if those who are in power abandon and ignore the nation’s supreme laws whenever they want and no other legal institution has the power to return them to the nation’s social contract, what else can set out how all the elements of government are organised and how power is carved up among different political units? S/land suffers effects of lawlessness. The laws that are made and meant to regulate how democracy deals with political conflicts are no longer in use. The reason for this to happen is that the head of the incumbent administration is tempted to take the law into his own hands, since other institutions that are supposed to protect national law are not doing their jobs. All above versions show that S/land people see two different attitude in the ruling party leadership and opposition parties leadership: Belligerent attitude and pacifist attitude. All of us know that Muse Bihi always takes belligerent attitude towards political conflicts and refuses to ngeotiate with opposition parties over the form of any joint decision which they might take to manage and resolve the dispute between them. The question is: Who is a threat to S/land’s hard-earned peace and stability? Who wants to lead this nation into war? Who wants to go by his own little mindset and be out of legality? Muse Bihi or Abdirahman Cirro or Faisal Ali? Who cares? That is what the lack of public outcry means. Failure to stop the wrongdoers, the useless Guurti that always endorses whatever the arrogant and ignorant Colonels suggest, from taking further actions that will surely put S/land’s hard-earned peace and stability into risk, will mean the end of S/land state. By:Jamafalaag Somaliland, Hargeisa jamafalaag@gmail.com

There is a political problem in Somaliland, which can only solved through politics. And no amount of bullets, violence and arrest of youth can solve the political underlying issue, it will only make it worser leading to deterioration of security and economics.

Wondering what the content of that agreement is? But The Somali airline industry needs a shake up and compete fairly. Nowhere in Africa and the developing world one pays the same extortive prices, and to make matters worse all airlines charge exactly the same prices for each route, it’s a cartel industry that needs to be reformed. Specially as many people can’t travel by road due to security and are forced to use these airlines for short domestic trips.

Agree with you, Somali’s interest lies in a true and equitable federation. But for this to becomes reality, Somali’s need to start aligning themselves closely to the Center amid the chaos, and ensure they are prepared, reconciled and have a common agenda they can advance with Abiy and whoever and whatever comes after him. And you are right without this reconciliation and shared common agenda, the risk is there that Abiy will be replaced by another centrist regime continuing the oppression and inequality, with Somalia becoming continuing to be the biggest victims. And one needs to break the cycle by doing things different, and preparing oneself for whatever might come and to influence/steer the federations directions when momentum present itself. And I can imagine potential scepticism from many Somali’s, and doubt if one can really assert influence among much more ‘politically advanced’ tribal groups and complex dynamics of Ethiopia. But It’s perhaps in this complex, volatile and violent political and polarised dynamics of Ethiopia, where the simplicity of a Somali driven call and singular ‘agenda’ for true equality and autonomy could thrive and be heard. Whereas on the contrary, the politics and agendas of the Tigray, Amhara, Oromo and Southern Nations are often marred by shifting and opportunistic agendas that are the basis of the clashing interest and alliances. Every dog has his day and perhaps the opportuun momentum for Somali’s might be on the horizon.

It’s not Xunjuf he is open to new ideas. but it’s not wanting to change and reform, instead propagating bad ideas, as their people are taking inspiration and example of rights they see in neighbouring SL and have been putting pressure demanding for democratic rights on leadership.

Abiy will become desperate very soon if not already feeling the heat. And he would need a Somali partner, as they would offer reliable support and are in no way a treat to him or can challenge the federal state, or in a position to align themselves with Amhara and Tigray, as perhaps Oromo, Afar and others can. And when that time comes, Somali leadership need to have a clear and strategic agenda they can demand in return, and be transparant about it. It will be a small price to pay for stable and reliable support from Kilinka as turmoil and turbulent times might engulf the Federal state leadership. The question is, how would such an agenda look like?

Why are you surprised on this line of thinking? It’s clear Xunjuf doesn’t want an open and democratic system but rather would become an informal and unrecognised autocratic state, a combination of Transnistria and Djibouti of sorts. A sort of hub run as an efficient maffia cartel, without all of that rule of law and state recognition, as that only would lead to all sorts of formal, legal obligations, commitments and accountability. Who needs all of that if you can have the cake and eat it, without ever having to pay any price or dues for it.

O folks unity and directions is crucial in this, not sure how dynamics have changed since Abiy and Cagjar came to power. Dhaanto cusub loo baahanyahay iyo Abwaank Abtigiis inu laxanka no saaro.

That’s not necessary a bad position, to be regarded as a separate culture or ethnic group specially in a context of hostile power competition between ‘Ethiopian’ national groups, for Somali’s to be regarded seen as a third party lesser threat. The question is how could Somali’s utilise this unique position and predicament, and how could they play a role in leveraging their position to play role of peacemakers for stabilising Ethiopia and relations between ‘Ethiopian’ groups? I sense that Somali’s need first to get their own house in order, change the current internal political dialectics starting with O groups and leaving behind localised village political narratives and localised grievances and set the bar higher in terms of ambitions and getting a bigger piece of the cake. And I do understand grievances of the past run deep, nevertheless one has to overcome these, even if takes months and months of traditional peace dialogues under a tree. Che, the alternative that you are perhaps rooting for that in Ethiopia’s crumpling a Somali nation would get the breathing space to evolve might not materialise, on the contrary a crumpled Ethiopia might lead to emergence of clan warfare and warlords aligned with different Ethiopian groups competing for power in the already volatile and fractured region is quite the likely scenario.

Ethiopia needs some serieus soul searching and dialogue on the directions of the county. Clearly Abiy is perceived as the new Emperor and one hasn’t seen the prospect of shared common ownership of the country. I still don’t think he is to blame for the current problems, as both the armed ethnic groups and broken promises of ethnic federalism are the legacy of the TPLF, nevertheless it’s now his problem to solve it.

SL ruling political elites still trying comprehend and grasp at narratives to explain Sool uprising, midowga Galkacyo ayee marisaa maanta

It makes sense to have a electoral threshold for national political parties to achieve before in order to be entitled to representation in the legislature. The idea is that it prevents fragmentation of political parties, and having dozens of parties with just one seat. Many countries have this threshold Germany(5%), Italy(4%), Sweden(4%), Turkey (7%). In the Somaliland context the reason why number of parties have limited to 3 was to prevent fragmentation of having political parties along sub-clans and to force parties to seek broader support among constituencies. The 3 political parties need to get minimum of 20% votes(threshold) in atleast 4 of the 6 regions. The background of this lies in the 1960s, when dozens of sub-clan parties would emerge creating on local and sub-clan level a very polarised environment. And this is the risk that Puntland faces with the 8 parties, that each party might be become fully associated with a sub-clan and get only votes from single clan constituencies, leading to a fractures political dynamics. This could be mitigated, by the 8 parties perhaps eventually forming two political alliances as per example of Kenya, Italy. Not sure how these alliances would be governed and decision making organized, outside of the formal constitution. But much needs to be thought through and each step needs to be headed by a process of open consultation with all stakeholders, as process and pathways is quite risky.

Somali’s tend to confuse a couple of things, and I fear that we will remain in this endless loop of backwardness till we start defining the scope of issues a bit better and seperate 1. First of all, one doesn’t need to destroy what is there in order to improve or to build on something better. There is a tendency among Somali’s to think that one needs to first destroy in order to build. Its that destructive behaviour why we have been unable to build institutions, because even if you start something completely new, why do you think the next generations will maintain it and won’t repeat the same and restart destructive cycle that has set the precedence? 2. There is a genuine need for people to have a greater say and role in the development of their locality and region. Its called devolution or decentralisation, and one should debate it as such. But electing or having a new Central Great man at the helm on whatever governance level won’t lead to that development, as it doesn’t address the central issue for people to have a greater say. Electing regional strong Governors or regional Presidents’ is just creating a new layer of centralisation and administrative burden, which will only lead to further ineffective administration that wont address itself the core issue of development. e.g. the example of Somalia’s FMS is a good example of what not to do, where each region you have more then two dozens of Ministries waiting for their office to be build, to be staffed, salaries paid, get budgets, and this is even before a single school, hospital or basic service has been delivered in their regions. 3. The ‘Wa baxnayna ama taginaa’ mentality. Irrelevant of what governance structure is adopted (Independence, Federal State, Autonomous, Provincial government, municipality, metropolitaan, etc), nobody is going anywhere, as much of the interest of peoples, specially those neighbouring eachother are interdependent and will always remain intertwined, no matter what politics is adopted. And ignoring this interdependence is actually deceptive because it also means you won’t be able to address things separately and neither solve common issues and problems. Next to that your communal neighbors will remain there as neighboring community, the sooner one realizes that the sooner one can start solving the political and governance differences and one can’t prevent inflicting unnecessary collateral damage.