This is a scenario that very few of the narrow minded Somali leaders have held for possible, that a day might come in which external military could pose a threat against their sovereignty. As they made it quite easy for Ethiopia to potential capture without effort any part of the country. As they have welcomed Ethiopia military bases and presence across the country, and worst of all they have created a politics of enmity between one another, making it very difficult to come together as they have started seeing eachother as political enemies instead of political opponents that can set their differences aside under certain circumstances. Abiy’s call might be a wake up call for Somalis and their leaders, and so we reverse this politics of enmity and extreme polarisation, for tomorrow might come a day one might need on another.

https://youtu.be/9dq4m-4gPvY?si=NfomBRjAfFVCAswG

You still haven’t the question and discrepancy here. Why include those form outside the region and exclude those from the region.It doesn’t make much sense.

Galbeedi, Irrelevant of what any Somali says, on whatever administrative subdivisions is devised by Somalis for local governance and wether one call these States, Provinces, Districts, Counties, etc, at the end of the day nobody is moving and everyone will remain in the same place and localities with the same neighbouring clans and communities, who will have the same development/ poverty issues, and societal challenges with clannism and inequality. Even though devolution or decentralised is positive, but just saying don’t expect sudden miracles as it won’t solve the chronicles problems.

I don’t think the issue is about funds for the road infrastructure itself, reer Awdal were actually the first community decades ago to mobilize funds and build the main road from Kalabaydh to Dilla/ Borama. Think the issue is about strategic (clan) access or economic control of the main road to Ethiopia. But you are right we don’t the know exact details of the road and issue at hand. And the issue can get out of hand and might fuel tension if not addressed sooner then later.

Hence why Gedo won’t settle as long as those injustices continue, and why neither Jubbaland will be able to excerpt any control beyond Kismayo surroundings. I came across the lists of ministers in Jubbaland it’s really a far cry from the aim that Somalia adopted a federal system, and kinda explains why these states will never become feasible, as they are emulating occupying forces rather as representative bodies. the Irony is that Siyad Barre folks while having more seat in Jubbaland then all the other non-Dar*** together, are still not on board with Jubbaland project and neither does Jubbaland exercise control over their localities. As long as the basis of the representation is based on inequality and inequity, governance and stability won’t materialize. Jubaland leader unveils cabinet dominated by his clan WWW.KEYDMEDIA.NET The leader has been holding power for almost 8 years since the establishment of Jubaland....

But the question is how would that federalism look like, so far we haven’t gotten past the point of clans dressing up as states without states actually exercising control over their territories nor representing the people and localities they claim. The point I was making is that the states so far have not shown or portrayed having any inclination for their regions specific ‘realities’, ‘ways’, ‘customs’, ‘values’ and ‘norms’. But are more vehicles for personal power grap and for those leaders to get a pie of the national cake. You haven’t addressed that point. If we recognize the importance of traditional elders for the stability of the system, why not define and specific their roles while designing the system and you’re at it. it might have been written down but does it mean that there is a coming agreement or understanding on the process, Hence why since 2012 it’s been impossible to finalise the constitution. My point is that one doesn’t need only a smart person to write down whatever on paper, but you need a genuine inclusive consultation process that takes in to account the context specific realities, issues and values for it to be a workable basis for a system of governance.

That doesn’t make much sense, I don’t think Mudug has even a border with SSC, unless you plan to annex Hawd region of Ethiopia in to SSC. Second, it doesn’t answer if Maakhir is integral part of SSC or they are not, thirdly reer Nugaal and Sool have a clear alienated border both provincially and clan wise as well. And above all, it goes against everything federalism should be standing for having an authority closest to the people it’s representing and it’s local realities, and when u have a federal state and you stuff it with clansman from other regions wouldn’t that defy the very essence of federalism. It would have made more sense if you said we will include representatives of the HJ, HY, Ay*, UgaasL* and Gab** and others who are native to SSC regions.

I get it, decision making is under deliberations. And what do u think personally would be the best or ideal course of action for SSC-Khaatuma trajectory?

Galbeedi what’s this issue exactly about and what consequences or impact does it have on people? And how long has this been known or been in pipeline.

Axmed Muumin Seed oo ka Dayriyay Dhaqdhaqaaqyo Guracan oo Xukuumaddu ka wado Wajaale by Qaran News | Oct 20, 2023 Axmed Muumin Seed oo ka Dayriyay Dhaqdhaqaaqyo Guracan oo Xukuumaddu ka wado Wajaale Hargeysa(Qaran news)-Siyaasiga Axmed Muumin Seed ayaa ka dayriyay dhaqdhaqaaqyo guracan oo xukuumaddu ka wado magaalada Wajaale oo ay horumarka kagala dagaalayso muwaadiniin qaar kalena xuquuq dheeraad ah ku siinayso. Sudaasna wuxuu ku sheegay qoraal uu soo saaray oo u qornaa sidan:- “Walee Wajaale Waxa Ka Soo Socdiyo Wabiga Yaa Weyn Wajaale warka ka soo yeedhayaa ma wanaagsana, damiirka uma wanaagsana, dawladnimada uma wanaagsana, dadnimada uma wanaagsana, damaceena dal-madaxbanaan ahna uma wanaagsana. Wajaale xukuumadu waxa ay ka wadaa qorshe ay ku weecinayso jidkii laamiga ahaa ee Barbara corridor ee hore Survey-ga loogu sameeyay, kaas oo lagu waday in uu maro Waqooyiga magaalada, isaga oo markaas 4km oo kaliya ku gaadhi lahaa badhtama Wajaale & Xuduuda Ethiopia, waxana ay xukuumadu geed dheer u fuushan tahay sidii ay jidkaas ugu leexin lahayd dhinaca Koonfureed ee Wajaale, taas oo markaa jidka ka dhigaysa mid masaafo dhan 10km oo jihada Koonfureed ah ku gaadhaya Wajaale iyo xuduuda Ethiopia. Waa habdhaqan ku dhisan talo guracan, waa kala-godobsasho iyo xad-gudub badheedh ah in ay xukuumadu is hortaagto wado 4km ah oo dhex-maraysay beeraha iyo dhulka dad muwaadiniin ah, iskuna qaawiso sidii ay jidkaas uga leexin lahayd majarahiisa iyada oo u leexinaysa dhinaca beero kale oo ay leeyihiin muwaadiniin kale oo ay xukuumadu isku qancisay in ay dadka kale ka xaq iyo xuquuq badan yihiin. Dabcan, qorshahaas waa mid aan laga fiirsan, waa mid god-dheer ku ridaysa kalsoonidii lagu qabay in beelaha ku somaliland wax wada yeelan karaan. Waa mid mugdi iyo kala aamin bax u horseedaya bulshada, soona cimri-dadajinaya himiladeena ah helitaanka dal la wada leeyahay, loona siman yahay qaybsiga khayraadkiisa. Xaalka sidaas ah waxa uu waajibinaya in masiirkeena wax wada lahaasho la iska waydiiyo su’aasha ah “side ayaa dawladnimo & khayraad loola wadaagi karnaa dadka iyo xukuumada is huwan ee 4km oo jid ah u quudhi la’ dad ay wax isku darsadeen? Si kastaba ha ahaatee, waxa aan shacabka reer Somaliland ugu baaqaya in ay amniga ilaashadaan, sidoo kalena waxa aan xukuumada ugu baaqayaa in qorshahaas shaydaan ay faraha kala baxdo, jidkaasna u dayso tubtii hore loogu sahmiyay, kana shaqayso danta guud iyo maslaxada dadka degaanka Wajaale ee ay kala godobsanayso. Eebe Ha Idin Waafajiyo Talada Wanaagsan.”

I partly disagree with Boqor Buurmadoow and Xil Khaliif here, both are saying Garaads should stick to the Khaatuma cause and not interfere with Somaliland ( or rather the rest of SL). But the Garaads concern and interference in Somaliland only shows that the communities in Somaliland(the North) fate is inseparable and their futures destiny is inter-wined. They might differ in political views, future’s political discourse and even name of the region (Somaliland/SSC/Gobolada Waqooyi), but irrelevant of that all, eventually when the disputes cooo down and emotions settle, peace will return and they will walk in the same direction towards one of those possible pathways(willingly or unwillingly). So the Garaads intervention to influence the direction of common pathway is quite rational and makes sense, as the future is not here yet and it’s for those that shape it.

Ilyria, how do u see the role of SSC-Khaatumo representations and participation in Puntland’s elections?

Couple of points; A. Even though there is a general definition of federalism different understandings exist around the on the political modes that establishes the constitutionally specified division of powers. The US has its own history, political context and modes for determining those divisions of powers, and so have other federalist country their own modes in which often its the overarching centre that decides on the modes and divisions of powers. And that goes also for Somalia, where the state existed before most of the states or perhaps all states, depending on we define the state and its sovereignty. B. Second, whereas States in other context such as the US guard to have a say, mandate and authority on their local and specific ‘realities’, ‘ways’, ‘customs’, ‘values’ and ‘norms’, the Somali States have so far proven to be vehicles guarding the interest of ‘whoever’ is in power in those states, and whose political priorities are hardly a reflection of issues of most concern to the people. Meaning the States are perhaps closer to the people in terms of physical distance but not necessarily in terms of representation and ownership by the people for the people. Not discounting the need for state authorities to have their say, input or right to be consulted but stating that we should not necessarily assume automatically they know, understand or care about what the people need. C. Issue of Clan. In the Somali context clans tend to that have a certain degree of sovereignty, organisation and authority and clan leadership to a certain extend ‘sovereignty’ and definably higher moral ‘authority’ coming closest to the “people’s will”. As we have seen recently in Las anod the role and authority of the Garaads played, in Somaliland the Saladin solving the political dispute and also in Puntland the Isims are often the last resort and highest authority to resolve the major issues of peace, war and disputes the system and its elected officials are unable to solve. So, I am missing the role of the traditional leaders in your narrative where in you only focussed on the shared authority and division of labour between verticals layers of government (centre and regions), but did not address the horizontal layers of power, roles and division of labour between modern state government and traditional governance, and Traditional leaders who clearly have and will continue to have the higher authority, autonomy and the power to resolve or interfere where others can’t. Specially on the most crucial issues of peace, war and conflicts. And lastly the elephant in the room, which makes our entire discussion a bit impotent is that both the Somali central and regional authorities and officials, don’t even understand the different roles and mandates of governance, government mandates and roles. They hardly comprehend, distinguish or differentiate between the different roles of policy and legislating, enforcement and implementation, operational management and oversight, and role of dispute settlement and custodian of the law (judiciary). This is often the source of the disputes and misunderstandings between the different authorities, government layers and officials, as they don’t distinguish roles and have a common understanding on what their role is exactly and what other authorities roles are. You will hear them say; ‘Anaga maamulna ‘Airportka’, ‘Wadooyinka’, or whatever function, or ‘Anaga ka masuul ah ‘Ganacsiga’, which automatically leads and ignite a dispute and becomes a source of conflict. The amendment of the constitution is a good example, which authority should be consulted, who should be heard, who should be drafting, who should amend, consent, eventually approve and legislate. Surely if there is no clarity on that, how can one expect the constitution to give any more clarity on the exact roles and mandates of government layers.

This current discourse isn’t benefiting anyone, and you are right that one community is more at fault then the other for this.

Galbeedi, I am not complicating things, and neither saying that things should or can remain the same. But saying that the political future of those neighborly and brotherly clans is inseparably connected with one another, and wether their future is in joining Somalia’s federalist project, continued search for independence, joining or whatever other pathway, that its detrimental that they walk that pathway together and going at it separately might lead to a certain demise and trifling outcomes. But you are right that current Habro politics is futile and riding out that train would be fatalistic and doesn’t make sense and for local leaders to do something about the current pathways. I agree with you on that, but the question is what can be done, that won’t lead to an even worsen outcome for all.

I think understanding and speaking Maay definitely would help to integrate and settle. And it’s so widely spoken throughout South-Central.

Indeed have seen that as well that deegaan based connections are more important that clan. Was also suprised how prominent Shariif community is in Baidoa, for some reason I used to think that Shariif Sakiin was a unicorn. Interesting, but Xari*** is correct with a X. By the way how come Eel* are so well known outside of SW while they are not the largest?

I am not saying HSM cares about Puntland, but that a crisis in Puntland is not in his benefit even though he might think that and could lead to a chain reaction in other federal states and could mean a crisis for federalism and thus for the federal government.

Listen to the full video. He talked about those two issues separately. he said the core problem of Somaliland are the Habro’s and they need to solve and come together. Not saying I take him serieus , nor agree with it or think such a convening would have any purpose.

Also I understand that majority of Lay** community are against Laftagareen, and he has partly support from Xad*** community, which doesn’t promise much for his political fortunates without major league players in his corners.

There is no road between Las Anod, Sool districts and Las Qoray, Badhan/Dhahar. And aside from clan connections, the socio-economic connections of regions and linkages differ. Not everything can be based on clan connections, specially for shared governance (Maamul) there needs to be a historic or atleast socio-econimic logic of shared connections, linkages and interest. In that sense Berbera has closer connections to Maakhir than Las Anod has. And Burco has closer connections to Buhoodle and Bocame, than Badhan has. At the of the day, when the clan postering and fevers have reached its heights and one is ready to work on common interest and shared services one needs to sit down with eachother and talk real governance.

Is Abdullahi Balaag the one who wanted to attend funeral of his brother but was refused? I didn’t know the history of maamul dhisid in SW, but understand the destructive postures and consequences that Somali political dynamics can have. But on the other hand, keeping mucaarid close to the power centre’s can also have positive effects, they add to creating an open dynamic atmosphere, boost confidence of diaspora to return and invest, and also boost social and development work as they want to showcase that their adding something to the locality. Another thing what struck me was the aid industry and their local handlers seeming to hardly deliver or being less visible, while SW and Baidoa is an area where aid industry has been operating for decades and claiming to have done a lot, but hardly being visible compared to other regions where at-least 10-20% of work is implemented. I am not sure, but it seemed that there is less scrutiny or pressure on aid and development actors to deliver atleast some of their commitments