Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dawladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa war culus ka soo saartay xaaladda gobolka Gedo, iyadoo eedeyn culus u jeedisay xubno ka tirsan Jubbaland oo Madaxweyne ku xigeenka maamulkaas Maxamuud Sayid Aadan uu ugu horeeyo. War-saxaafadeed ka soo baxay wasaaradda amniga dowladda federaalka ayaa lagu sheegay in isha lagu hayo dhaqdhaqaaqa xubno “qaswadayaal ah oo ka amar qaata eedaysane Axmed Madoobe, kuwaas oo ku mashquulsan shirgoollo iyo falal ay colaad uga hurinayaan Gobalka Gedo,” sida lagu yiri qoraalka. Sidoo kale, Dowladda Federaalka ayaa qoraalkaan ku sheegtay in ragaasi ay faafinayaan warar been abuur iyo marin habaabin ah oo ay ku qarinayaan danbiyada ay faraha kula jiraan. “Xubnahaas waxaa ka mid ah Maxamuud Sayid Aadan oo horay ugu lug lahaa tacadiyo badan oo ka dhacay Gobalka Gedo, waxaana uu maalmahaan danbe ku lug lahaa xogo uu uga been sheegayo xiisadda Gobalka Gedo,” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka dowladda federaalka. Dowladda ayaa sheegtay in Gobalka Gedo ay ku sugan yihiin Ciidamada Qaranka oo halkaas ka hawlgelaya. “15-kii sano ee lasoo dhaafay ayuu Ciidanka Qaranka joogaa Gobalka Gedo, iyagoo gudana waajibaadkooda Qaran ee uu dastuurku u xilsaaray,” ayaa lagu yiri War-saxaafadeedka dowladda. Dowladda ayaa sheegtay Ciidamada Qaranka oo kaashanaya shacabka Gobalka Gedo ay sii wadi doonaan gudashada waajibaadka ka saaran difaaca dalka iyo adeegga bulshada deegaanka. “Ciidamada ayaa u idman sugidda amniga, xasilinta gobolkaas iyo la dagaalanka argagixisada,” ayaa lagu yiri bayaanka. Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya digniin u dirtay shaqsiyaadka yo kooxo ay sheegtay inay ku howlan yihiin xiisad abuurka, kuwaas oo lala socdo dhaqdhaqaaqooda, isla markaana lala xisaabtami doono haddii ay ka waantoobi waayaan ficiladooda gurracan, sida qoraalka lagu yiri. “Dawladdu waxay u mahadcelinaysaa Shacabka Gobalka Gedo iyo maamulkooda, kuwaas oo muujiyay midnimo, dawlad-jacayl iyo waddaniyad, waxayna dawladda Federaalka garab taagan tahay shacabkeeda,” ayaa lagu soo gabagabeeyey war-saxaafadeedka ay soo saartay Wasaaradda Amniga Soomaaliya.

Minneapolis (Caasimada Online) – Nin Soomaali ah oo degan gobolka Minnesota ayaa Arbacadii lagu xukumay 28 sano oo xabsi federaal ah, kadib markii lagu helay door muhiim ah oo uu ku lahaa qorshe ay xeer-ilaalintu ku tilmaantay inuu ahaa musuq-maasuqii ugu weynaa ee la xiriira masiibadii COVID-19 ee dalka Maraykanka – qorshe “si weyn loo habeeyay oo xeeladaysan,” kaasoo lagu lunsaday in ka badan $47 milyan oo dollar oo loogu talagalay in lagu quudiyo carruurta baahan. Abdiaziz Shafii Farah, oo 36 jir ah, ayaa lagu tilmaamay maskaxdii ka dambeysay nidaamkan musuq-maasuqa, kaasoo si arxan darro ah looga faa’iideystay barnaamij ay dowladda dhexe maalgelinaysay si carruurta loogu quudiyo xilligii uu socday safmarkii COVID-19. Isaga iyo dadkii la shaqeynayay waxay si been abuur ah u sheegeen inay bixiyeen in ka badan 18 milyan oo cunto ah iyagoo adeegsanaya goobo aan jirin, si ay u lunsadaan lacago laga soo qaaday canshuur-bixiyeyaasha. Marka laga reebo xukunka xabsiga, Garsooraha Maxkamadda Federaalka ee Degmada Minnesota, Nancy E. Brasel, ayaa sidoo kale ku amartay Farah inuu bixiyo magdhow lacageed oo gaaraya $47.9 milyan. Xukunkan ayaa yimid kadib dacwad socotay muddo toddoba toddobaad ah, halkaas oo xeer-beegti ay ku heshay Farah dambiyo dhowr ah, oo ay ka mid yihiin khiyaano elektaroonig ah, laaluush, iyo lacag dhaqid. “Halkan Maraykanka waxaad ka gaartay guulo, laakiin waxaad muujisay tixgelin la’aan iyo ku tumasho sharciyada dalka Maraykanka,” ayay tiri Garsoore Brasel xilligii xukunka la ridayay, iyadoo falkiisa ku tilmaantay mid ka dhashay “hunguri aan xad lahayn.” Liisas been abuur ah iyo laaluush Dacwaddan ayaa qayb ka ah baaritaan ballaaran oo lagu magacaabay Feeding Our Future, taasoo ku saabsan hay’ad aan faa’iido doon ahayn oo fadhigeedu ahaa Minnesota, isla markaana xeer-ilaalintu sheegtay inay kormeeraysay musuq-maasuq baaxad weyn oo gaaraya $300 milyan. Dowladda Maraykanka ayaa si weyn u fududeysay shuruucdii Barnaamijkeeda Quudinta Carruurta ee Federaalka (Federal Child Nutrition Program) xilligii masiibada, si loo hubiyo in carruurtu aysan gaajoon – fursad uu Farah si xun uga faa’iideystay. Laga bilaabo Abriil 2020, Farah wuxuu shirkaddiisa Empire Cuisine & Market u diiwaan geliyay inay tahay goob qaybisa cuntada. Wuxuu si degdeg ah u aasaasay in ka badan 30 xarumood oo la sheegay inay cunto qaybiyaan, kuwaasoo intooda badan ahaa dhulal bannaan ama xafiisyo maran oo aan marnaba cunto laga bixin. Si ay u xoojiyaan sheegashadooda beenta ah, Farah iyo saaxiibbadiis waxay gudbiyeen qaansheegadyo iyo liisas tirakoob cunto oo la been abuuray. Waxay sidoo kale soo gudbiyeen liisas ay ku qoran yihiin carruur aan jirin, iyagoo adeegsanaya magacyo been abuur ah sida “Serious Problem” iyo “Britishy Melony,” sida ku cad dokumentiyada maxkamadda. Si uu qorshuhu si habsami leh u socdo, Farah wuxuu bixiyay kumanaan doollar oo laaluush iyo gunnooyin sharci darro ah oo uu siiyay shaqaale ka tirsan hay’adaha kafaala qaada sida Feeding Our Future iyo Partners in Nutrition. Farah wuxuu shakhsi ahaan jeebka ku shubtay in ka badan $8 milyan oo dollar muddo 18 bilood gudahood ah – lacago uu u adeegsaday inuu ku noolaado nolol raaxo iyo barwaaqo leh. Xeer-ilaalintu waxay soo bandhigtay fariimo qoraaleed uu u diray mid ka mid ah eedeysaneyaasha la shaqeynayay, isagoo leh: “7 bilood gudahood, haddii ay arrimuhu sidaan ku sii socdaan, waxaad noqonaysaa multi-milyaneer aan wax deyn ah lagu lahayn.” Wuxuu iibsaday gaadiid raaxo leh oo ay ka mid yihiin Porsche, Tesla, iyo GMC qiimihiisu kor u dhaafayo $300,000. Waxa uu sidoo kale dhaqay ku dhowaad $4.2 milyan isagoo ku iibsaday guryo iyo dhulal ku yaal Minnesota iyo Kentucky, oo ay ku jiraan laba dhul oo ku yaal agagaarka haro, halkaas oo uu qorsheynayay inuu ka dhiso guri casri ah. Lacagta la lunsaday ayaa sidoo kale loo diray dibadda. Farah wuxuu hanti ka iibsaday dalka Kenya, oo ay ku jirto dhismo dabaqyo dhaadheer ah oo ku yaal Nairobi, sidoo kale wuxuu lacag ku dhaqay hay’ado ku yaal Shiinaha. Sida laga soo xigtay Xafiiska Xeer-ilaaliyaha Guud ee Maraykanka, hantidan ayaa haatan ka baxsan gacanta hay’adaha sharci fulinta ee dalka. Fadeexadda Feeding Our Future Musuq-maasuqa uu Farah hormuudka ka ahaa wuxuu qeyb ka ahaa shirqool ballaaran oo salka ku hayay hay’adda aan faa’iido doonka ahayn Feeding Our Future, taasoo ahayd in ay noqoto kafaala-qaade iyo maamulaha barnaamijka cuntada ee federaalka. Taas beddelkeeda, waxay noqotay xarunta shabakad lunsatay boqollaal milyan oo dollar. Wasaaradda Cadaaladda ee Maraykanka (U.S. Department of Justice) ayaa dacwado la xiriira fadeexaddan ku soo oogtay in ka badan 70 qof, taasoo ka dhigtay mid ka mid ah kiisasii ugu waaweynaa ee la xiriira musuqmaasuq la xariira masiibada COVID-19 ee dalka ka dhacay. Kiiskan ayaa si qoto dheer u saameeyay jaaliyadda Soomaalida Maraykanka ee Minnesota, halkaas oo ay kasoo jeedaan qaar badan oo ka mid ah eedeysanayaasha iyo dhibanayaashooda. “Cawaaqibka dambigaaga waxaa laga dareemi doonaa Minnesota iyo bulshadaada – bulshada qaxootiga – muddo dheer,” ayay tiri Garsoore Brasel. Dambiyada Farah ma ahayn oo keliya musuqmaasuqa. Kadib markii wakiillo federaal ah ay ka qaadeen baasaboorkiisa intii lagu jiray baaritaan bishii Janaayo 2022, wuxuu si been abuur ah u sheegay in baasaboorku ka lumay si uu u helo mid cusub. Wax ka yar laba toddobaad kadib, waxaa lagu qabtay isagoo isku dayaya inuu raaco diyaarad hal jaho ah oo ku socotay dalka Kenya. Mid ka mid ah dhacdooyinkii ugu yaabka badnaa ayaa dhacay intii ay socotay maxkamadayntiisa bishii Juun 2024, markaas oo Farah iyo afar qof oo kale lagu eedeeyay inay isku dayeen inay laaluushaan xubin ka tirsan xeer-beegtida, iyagoo ula tagay boorso ay ku jirto $120,000 oo lacag caddaan ah si loogu beddelo go’aanka maxkamadda. Farah ayaa dambigaas qirtay, waxaana la filayaa in lagu xukumo goor dambe. Ku-simaha Xeer-ilaaliyaha Guud ee Maraykanka, Joseph H. Thompson, ayaa ku eedeeyay Farah inuu khiyaamay dalkii siiyay magangalyada iyo fursad nololeed. “Dalkan wuxuu Farah siiyay wax walba… waxbarasho jaamacadeed oo bilaash ah,” ayuu yiri Thompson. “Haddaba sidee buu ugu abaal-guday dalkan iyo gobolkan? Isagoo naga dhacay hantidii ummadda.” Sargaalka sare ee Hay’adda Dambi-baarista Federaalka (FBI), Alvin M. Winston, Sr., ayaa ku tilmaamay dambigan “khiyaano lagu sameeyay aaminaaddii bulshada,” isagoo ballan qaaday in hay’adaha sharci fulinta ay “aan ka laaban doonin” dadaallada lagu la xisaabtamayo “kuwa dhibaateeya dadka ugu nugul bulshadeenna.”

Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa si kulul uga hadashay dhacdooyinkii ugu dambeeyay iyo xaaladda gobolka Gedo, ayadoo eedeyn culus u jeedisay siyaasiyiin uu ku jiro madaxmeyne ku xegeenka maamulka Jubbaland Maxamuud Sayid Aadan oo deegaannadaas ka wada abaabul ciidan. saxaafadeed ay soo saartay Wasaaradda amnigu ayaa waxaa lagu yiri” Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya waxay si dhow ula socotaa dhaqdhaqaaqyo qaswadayaal ah oo ay hormuud u yihiin xubno ka amar qaata eedeysane Axmed Madoobe, kuwaas oo wali ku hawlan shirqoollo iyo falal lagu hurinayo colaado cusub oo ka dhaca Gobolka Gedo. Sidoo kale, waxay sii wadaan faafinta warar been abuur ah iyo marin habaabin ujeeddadiisu tahay in lagu qariyo dambiyada ay gacanta kula jiraan. Xubnahaas waxaa ka mid ah Maxamuud Sayid Aadan, oo horey loogu eedeeyay tacaddiyo badan oo ka dhacay Gobolka Gedo. Maalmihii u dambeeyay, Maxamuud waxaa uu ku lug lahaa olole been abuur ah oo uu si khaldan ugu sheegayo xaaladda dhabta ah ee gobolka. Gobolka Gedo waxaa hadda ku sugan Ciidamada Qaranka Soomaaliyeed oo muddo 15 sano ah halkaas ka fulinayay waajibaadkooda Qaran, sida uu Dastuurka dalka u xilsaaray. Ciidamadan, oo kaashanaya shacabka deegaanka, waxaa ka go’an inay sii wadaan hawlgalladooda, si ay u sugaan amniga, xasilloonida, una wajahaan la dagaallanka argagixisada iyo kooxaha nabad-diidka ah. Dowladdu waxay si cad uga digeysaa shaqsiyaadka iyo kooxaha ku hawlan xiisad abuurka iyo fidinta dacaayadaha, iyadoo ay dowladda ka go’an tahay in lala xisaabtamo cid kasta oo carqalad ku ah nabadda iyo wada noolaanshaha shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Ugu dambeyn, Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya waxay u mahadcelinaysaa shacabka iyo maamulka Gobolka Gedo, kuwaas oo muujiyay midnimo, dowlad-jacayl iyo wadaninimo. Dowladda Federaalka ah waxay mar walba garab taagan tahay shacabka Soomaaliyeed ee u taagan difaaca dowladnimada iyo midnimada dalka”. Warsaxaafadeedkani wuxuu muujinayaa go’aanka adag ee Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ay ka qaadatay wax ka qabashada hardanka siyaasadeed ee uu wajahayo gobolka Gedo, lama oga waxa xiga ee dhici doona maadaama dhinaca maamulka Jubbaland uu wado is abaabul Ciidan oo ay dib ugu qabsanayaan baladxaawo, Itoobiyaanka aaggaas joogana lagu xanto inaysan arrintan dhexdhaxaad ka ahayn oo Axmed Madoobe ay taageersanyihiin. Source: goobjoog.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Guddoomiyaha maamulka gobolka Banaadir, ahna duqa magaalada Muqdisho Xasan Maxamed Xuseen (Muungaab) ayaa saaka daah-furay olole wayn oo lagu nadiifinayo caasimada, kaas oo ay ka qayb-galeen xildhibaanno iyo wasiirro ka tirsan dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya. Muungaab oo qaatay oo badiilka ayaa ku dhawaaqay in magaalada Muqdisho ay ka dhigi doonaan magaalo nadiif ah, isla markaana ay soo celin doonaan bilicdii caasimada. Sidoo kale wuxuu tilmaamay inay kordhiyeen shaqaalaha waaxda nadaafadda, isla markaana hadda kadib si gaar ah looga war qabi doono, si ay u qabtaan shaqo muhiim ah. “Halkan waxaan ka bilownay mashruuca ololaha nadaafadda maalmo dhaweyd markii aan xilka la waeegnay bil kadib waxaan waaxda nadaafadda ku biirinay illaa shaqaale gaaraya 300 oo mushaari ah” ayuu yiri guddoomiyaha maamulka gobolka Banaadir. Waxaa kale oo uu raaciyay “Shaqaalaha nadaafadda waxa ay noqon doonaan kuwa ugu muhiimsan ee la siiyo dheerogelinta gaarka ah, waxaan dooneynaa magaaladaan inay nadiif ahaato”. Duqa Muqdisho oo hadalkiisa sii wata ayaa shaaca ka qaaday in ololahan uusan noqon doonin igu sawir, ayna ku dadaali doonaan in la gaarsiiyo caasimadda oo dhan. Sidoo kale mas’uuliyiinta dowladda iyo dadka shacabka ah ayuu ugu baaqay inay qaataan doorkooda, isla markaana ay ka shaqeeyaan horumarinta caasimada. “Ololahaan igu sawir ma’ahan waa mid rasmi ah oo shaqo ah mas’uul kasta oo gobolka Banaadir ka tirsan inuu ka qayb qaato ololaha nadaafadda ee Muqdisho” ayuu ku daray. Muungaab ayaa tan iyo markii la magacaabay waday dadaallo horumarineed oo ku aadan caasimada, isaga oo sidoo kale isbeddal wayn ku sameeyay hoggaanka gobolka Banaadir.

MINNEAPOLIS, United States – A Minnesota man was sentenced Wednesday to 28 years in federal prison for his central role in what prosecutors have called the largest COVID-19 pandemic fraud scheme in the United States, a “breathtakingly elaborate” plot that siphoned over $47 million intended to feed needy children. Abdiaziz Shafii Farah, 36, was a principal architect of the fraud, which exploited a federally funded child nutrition program during the global health crisis. He and his co-conspirators falsely claimed to have served more than 18 million meals from shell locations to embezzle taxpayer funds. In addition to the prison term, U.S. District Judge Nancy E. Brasel ordered Farah to pay $47.9 million in restitution. The sentencing comes after a seven-week trial where a jury convicted Farah on multiple counts, including wire fraud, bribery, and money laundering. “You achieved successes here in the United States and yet you’ve shown utter and flagrant disregard for the laws of the United States,” Judge Brasel told Farah during sentencing, describing his actions as motivated by “pure unmitigated greed.” Phony rosters and bribes The case is part of the sprawling “Feeding Our Future” investigation, named after the Minnesota-based non-profit that prosecutors say oversaw a massive $300 million fraud. The U.S. government dramatically eased rules for its Federal Child Nutrition Program during the pandemic to ensure children would not go hungry, a change that Farah and others ruthlessly exploited. Beginning in April 2020, Farah enrolled his company, Empire Cuisine & Market, as a food distribution site. He quickly established more than 30 purported distribution centers, many of which were merely vacant lots or empty offices where no food was ever served. To support their fraudulent claims, Farah and his associates submitted falsified invoices and meal count sheets. They also created rosters of fictitious children, using absurd and fake names such as “Serious Problem” and “Britishy Melony,” according to court documents. To ensure the scheme continued uninterrupted, Farah paid thousands of dollars in bribes and kickbacks to employees at the sponsoring organizations, Feeding Our Future and Partners in Nutrition. Farah personally pocketed over $8 million from the scheme in just 18 months, which he used to fund a lavish lifestyle. Prosecutors presented evidence of text messages where he boasted to a co-defendant, “In 7 months, if things stay the same, you are a multi-millionaire with 0 debt.” He purchased a fleet of luxury vehicles, including a Porsche, a Tesla, and a GMC truck valued at over $300,000. He also laundered approximately $4.2 million through real estate purchases in Minnesota and Kentucky, including two lakefront lots where he planned to build a custom home. The stolen funds were also moved overseas. Farah bought property in Kenya, including a high-rise apartment building in Nairobi, and laundered money through entities in China. According to the U.S. Attorney’s Office, these international assets are beyond the reach of American law enforcement. ‘Feeding Our Future’ scandal The fraud orchestrated by Farah was part of a much larger conspiracy centered around the non-profit Feeding Our Future, which was supposed to act as a sponsor and administrator for the federal food program. Instead, it became the hub of a network that embezzled hundreds of millions of dollars. The U.S. Department of Justice has charged over 70 individuals in connection with the scandal, making it the largest prosecution of pandemic-related fraud in the country. The case has deeply impacted Minnesota’s Somali-American community, from which many of the defendants and their victims were drawn. “The repercussions of your crime will be felt in Minnesota and your community—the refugee community—for a long time,” Judge Brasel noted. Farah’s criminal activity did not end with the fraud. After federal agents seized his passport during a raid in January 2022, he falsely claimed it was lost to obtain a new one. Less than two weeks later, he was arrested while attempting to board a one-way flight to Kenya. In a stunning development during his trial in June 2024, Farah and four others were charged in a separate case for attempting to bribe a juror with a bag containing $120,000 in cash in exchange for a not-guilty verdict. Farah has since pleaded guilty to the bribery charge and will be sentenced for that crime at a later date. Acting U.S. Attorney Joseph H. Thompson argued that Farah betrayed the nation that had offered him refuge and opportunity. “This country gave Farah everything… a free college education,” Thompson said. “And how did he repay this country and this state? By robbing us blind.” FBI Special Agent in Charge Alvin M. Winston, Sr. called the crime “a betrayal of societal trust,” vowing that law enforcement would remain “unyielding” in holding accountable “those who prey on the most defenseless in our communities.”

Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud ayaa u magacaabay Danjire Aweys Xaaji Yuusuf in uu noqdo Lataliyaha Amniga Qaranka ee Madaxweynaha. Danjire Aweys waxa uu leeyahay khibrad qoto dheer oo ku saabsan maamulka iyo amniga qaranka, isagoo hore u soo qabtay xilal muhiim ah oo ay ka mid yihiin: • Hogaaminta Xafiiska Qorshaynta Siyaasadda ee Madaxtooyada Qaranka (2012–2016), halkaas oo uu hormuud ka ahaa dejinta siyaasadaha guud ee amniga, dhaqaalaha iyo dib-u-habaynta dowladda. •Hoggaaminta wadahadallada heer-sare ee amniga iyo iskaashiga dhaqaale ee u dhexeeya Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya iyo saaxiibbadeeda caalamiga ah. •Safiirka Soomaaliya ee Boqortooyada Sucuudiga (2023–2025), isagoo door weyn ka qaatay xoojinta xiriirka amni iyo istaraatiijiyadeed ee labada dal. Madaxweynaha oo ku tixgeliyey Lataliye Aweys waayo-aragnimadiisa amni iyo hoggaamineed, ayaa ka rajeeyey in uu doorkiisa ka qaato xoojinta amniga qaranka iyo istiraatiijiyadda dowladda ee dagaalka ka dhanka ah argagixisada. Madaxwaynaha Jamhuuriyadda ayaa sidoo kale uga mahad celiyay Lataliyihii hore ee Amniga Qaranka Mudane Xuseen Macalin Maxamuud hawlihii uu ka qabtay horumarinta arrimaha amniga qaranka muddadii uu xilka hayay. Source: goobjoog.com

Muqdisho, waxaa maanta ka dhacay kulan muhiim ah oo u dhexeeyay Hay’adda Aqoonsiga iyo Diiwaangelinta Qaranka (NIRA) iyo Hay’adda Socdaalka iyo Jinsiyadda Soomaaliyeed, kaas oo diiradda lagu saaray is-waafajinta adeegyada dowladda ee ku saabsan Kaarka Aqoonsiga Qaranka. Go’aannada Muhiimka ah ee Kulanka: Laga bilaabo 1-da Sebteembar 2025, qof kasta oo qaadanaya baasaboorka Soomaaliya waa inuu haystaa Kaarka Aqoonsiga Qaranka. Laga bilaabo 1-da Janaayo 2026, dhammaan socdaalka gudaha dalka waxaa lagu xirayaa isticmaalka Kaarka Aqoonsiga Qaranka. Ujeeddada go’aannadan ayaa ah: Sugidda saxnaanta iyo kalsoonida xogta muwaadiniinta. Dardargelinta aqoonsiga caalamiga ah ee baasaboorka Soomaaliga. Xoojinta isku xirnaanta nidaamyada xog-wadaagga ee NIRA iyo Hay’adda Socdaalka. Mas’uuliyiinta kulanka ka hadlay ayaa tilmaamay in tallaabooyinkan ay qayb ka yihiin dadaallada lagu mideynayo xogaha muwaadiniinta, isla markaana lagu horumarinayo hufnaanta iyo amniga adeegyada dowliga ah. Source: goobjoog.com

Saaka aroortii hore ayaa ciidamada dowladda Soomaaliya waxay bilaabeen howlgal ballaaran oo burburin ah oo ka socda Suuqa Siinaay ee magaalada Muqdisho. Goobjoogayaal ayaa sheegay in cagaf-cagafyo culus lagu soo daad gureeyay suuqa, halka waddooyinka soo gala deegaankaas lagu xiray xalay saqdii dhexe si aysan dadka iyo ganacsatadu u soo galin. Axmed MacallinCumar oo Goobjoog la hadlay , ayaa yiri: “Waxaa muuqata in howlgalka uu si qorshaysan u dhacay, iyadoo aysan jirin cid ka socota mucaaridka dowladda oo goobta jooga. Dhulka suuqa waxaa durba la sheegay in iibkiisu bilowday.” Sidoo kale, ciidamada dowladda ayaa la sheegay inay dul dhigeen ciidan xoogan guriga xildhibaan Yaasiin Fareey, oo dhowrkii maalmood ee lasoo dhaafay ka soo horjeeday burburinta suuqa. Ganacsatada suuqa ayaa ka walaacsan khasaaraha hantiyeed ee ka dhashay burburinta, iyagoo sheegay in aan la siin ogeysiis ku filan ama xal kale oo beddel ah. Source: goobjoog.com

Wararka ka imaanaya magaalada Doolow ee gobolka Gedo ayaa sheegaya in saacado ka hor saraakiil sar sare oo militariga Itoobiya ka tirsani ay halkaas booqdeen, kuwaas oo la kulmay guddoomiyaha degmada iyo masuuliyiin kale oo dhinaca maamulka Jubbaland ah. Saraakiishan oo la socday diyaarado militari, islamarkaana aan ka tirsanayn howlgalka Midowga Afrika ee AUSSOM ayaa ka hadlay xaaladda gobolka Gedo, ayadoo amar ku bixiyay in ciidanka dowladda ee dhowaan la wareegay magaalada Baladxaawo ay muddo seddax bari ah uga baxaan degmadaas. Amarka ay soo saareen saraakiishani ayaa ku soo beegmaya xilli maalmo yar ka hor ciidanka Itoobiya ay weerareen xarumaha ciidamada qalabka sida ee Soomaaliya ay ku leeyihiin magaalada Doolow, islamarkaana halkaas ay ka afduubteen askar iyo taliyaal, saldhigyo muhiim ahna ay burburiyeen. Amarkan ka soo baxay ciidanka Itoobiya ee aan ka tirsanayn howlgalka Midowga Afrika ee AUSSOM ayaa waxaa si kulul uga hadlay guddoomiyaha gobolka Gedo ee dowladda Soomaaliya oo fadhigiisu yahay Garbahaarey, balse DFS wax tillaabo ah ma qaadin. Source: goobjoog.com

Xafiiska Xeer Ilaaliyaha Guud ee Qaranka ayaa maanta shaaciyay in gacanta lagu hayo kiisaskii ugu badnaa ee la xiriira lacag-dhaqid iyo maalgelinta kooxaha argagixisada, kuwaas oo gaaraya in ka badan 250 kiis. Sida lagu sheegay war-saxaafadeedka rasmiga ah ee la soo saaray, xafiisku wuxuu ku guuleystay in la burburiyo shabakad maaliyadeed oo kooxaha argagixisadu isticmaali jireen si ay u dhaawacaan hantida shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Xafiiska ayaa sheegay in la ogaaday in in ka badan 3,500 akoonto bangi ay si toos ah ama dadban u adeegsanayeen kooxaha argagixisada. Tallaabadan ayaa keentay in la xayiro lacag dhan HAL MILYAN oo doolar, taasoo qeyb ka ah dadaallada xafiisku ku xaqiijinayo in hantidaas ay dowladda Soomaaliyeed dib ula wareegto. War-saxaafadeedka ayaa si gaar ah u xusay in NUUS MILYAN (500,000) doolar oo kamid ah lacagahaas la hayay, si rasmi ah loogu wareejiyay dowladda Soomaaliya, kadib markii si sharci ah loo adkeeyay xiriirka lacagahaasi la leeyihiin argagixisada. Xafiiska ayaa sidoo kale sheegay in ay xukun ku ridayaan 13 eedeysane, halka in ka badan 50 kiis oo kale loo haysto dadka ku lugta leh lacag-dhaqidda iyo maalgelinta argagixisada. Qaarkood ayaa dibadda ku maqan, waxaana xafiisku ka dalbaday Booliska Caalamiga ah ee INTERPOL in la soo qabto. Ugu dambeyn, Xeer Ilaaliyaha Guud wuxuu ugu baaqay ganacsatada, hay’adaha maaliyadeed iyo shacabka Soomaaliyeed in ay si dhow ula shaqeeyaan hay’adaha garsoorka iyo laamaha baarista, si looga hortago dhaq-dhaqaaq kasta oo taageeraya kooxaha argagixisada. Source: goobjoog.com

Boqortooyada Ingiriiska ayaa sheegtay inay bilaabi doonto fulinta heshiis cusub oo dib loogu celinayo muhaajiriinta qaarkood ee ku yimaada doonyaha yaryar, maalmo gudahood, kaasi oo ah qeyb muhiim ah oo ka mid ah qorshaheeda lagu dhimayo socdaalka sharci darrada ah, kaddib marka la ansixiyo heshiiska salaasada. Heshiiska cusub wuxuu dhigayaa in Faransiisku oggolaado inuu dib u qaato dadka aan sharciyeysnayn ee ku yimaada Ingiriiska doonyaha yaryar, iyada oo Britain-na ay oggolaatay inay aqbasho tiro la eg oo ah magangalyo-doon sharci ah oo leh xiriir qoys oo ka dhaxeeya iyaga iyo dad ku sugan Britain. Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Britain Keir Starmer iyo Madaxweynaha Faransiiska Emmanuel Macron ayaa bishii hore ku dhawaaqay qorshe tijaabo ah oo la yiraahdo “mid soo gala, mid baxa” oo la xiriira celinta muhaajiriinta. In ka badan 25,000 qof ayaa illaa iyo hadda sanadka 2025 ku yimid Britain iyagoo adeegsanaya doonyo yaryar, waxaana Starmer ballanqaaday inuu joojin doono kooxaha tahriibinta si uu hoos ugu dhigo tirada dadka imanaya. Toddobaadyadii la soo dhaafay, waxaa gudaha England ka dhacay mudaaharaadyo dhowr ah oo ku saabsan hoteelada lagu hoysiiyo magangalyo-doonka ku yimid doonyaha yaryar. Mudaaharaadyadaas waxaa ka qayb galay kooxo kasoo horjeeda muhaajiriinta iyo kuwo taageersanba. Source

Adeegga internet-ka dayax-gacmeedka ee Starlink, oo ay leedahay shirkadda caanka ah ee SpaceX, ayaa si rasmi ah uga bilowday shaqadii gudaha Soomaaliya. Tani waxay albaab cusub u furaysaa helitaanka internet degdeg ah oo lagu kalsoonaan karo, gaar ahaan deegaannada fog-fog ee aan horey u lahayn kaabayaal isgaarsiineed oo dhulka ah. Elon Musk, Maareeyaha Guud ee SpaceX, ayaa Talaadadii ku shaaciyay bartiisa X (Twitter), isagoo yiri: “Starlink hadda waa laga heli karaa Soomaaliya!” Sidoo kale, bogga rasmiga ah ee Starlink ayaa si cad u xaqiijiyay warbixinta, iyadoo lagu sheegay: “Internet-ka xawaaraha sare leh ee Starlink oo leh latency yar ayaa hadda laga heli karaa Soomaaliya!” Starlink waxa uu adeeggiisu ku saleysan yahay shabakad dayax-gacmeedyo ku wareegaya dhulka (Low Earth Orbit – LEO), taasoo u suurta galisa in adeeg internet xawaare sare leh laga helo meelo fog oo horay u adkeyd in adeegyo noocan ah laga hirgeliyo. Tani waxay ka dhigan tahay in Soomaaliya ay si toos ah uga faa’iideysan doonto adeegyo casri ah oo la jaanqaadaya horumarka tiknoolajiyadda adduunka. Khariidadda adeegga Starlink ayaa muujinaysa in hadda laga heli karo adeeggan dhammaan gobollada dalka, taasoo dhabar-jab ku noqonaysa caqabadihii horay uga jiray adeegyada internet-ka ee aan gaarsiisnayn deegaannada miyiga ah ama meelaha aan lahayn xiriir joogto ah. Qorshaha Guryaha – $70 bil kasta, wuxuuna la socdaa qalab buuxa oo lagu magacaabo Starlink Standard Kit, qiimihiisuna yahay $390. Qorshaha Dhaqdhaqaaqa (Roam) – $50 bil kasta, wuxuuna siinayaa isticmaalaha 50GB xog ah, isagoo ku habboon dadka safarka badan ama goobaha aan joogtada lahayn. Labada qorsheba waxay leeyihiin 30-maalmood oo tijaabo ah, qandaraas la’aan, iyo adeegga oo la filayo in la keeno gudaha 1 ilaa 2 toddobaad. Source: goobjoog.com

Warbixin caalami ah oo ay daabacday warbaahinta Al-Mayadeen English ayaa Somaliland ku tilmaantay jasiirad xasilloon oo ku dhex taalla badweyn siyaasadeed. Warbixintu waxay intaas ku dartay in Somaliland ay si isa soo taraysa u kasbanayso xiisaha quwadaha caalamiga ah iyo kuwa gobolka, sida Maraykanka. Waxay sidoo kale tilmaantay in Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland oo ku dhex taalla Geeska Afrika oo ah mandaqad ay hadheeyeen qalalaase siyaasadeed, falal argagixiso iyo colaado baahsan. Haddana Jamhuurdiyadda Somaliland ay astaan u noqotay, xasillooni siyaasadeed, dimuqraadiyad firfircoon iyo xukuumad ku dhisan maamul-wanaag. Taasina ay tahay sababta ka dhigtay meel gaar u ah degganaansho iyo dawladnimo ku saleysan rabitaanka shacabka. Istaraatijiyadda Juqraafiyeed ee Somaliland: Warbaahintu waxay sidoo kale sheegtay in Somaliland ay caalamka u leedahay muhiimad istaraatiiji ah, maadaama oo ay leedahay xeeb aad u ballaadhan oo dhererkeedu yahay 460 km. Xeebtaasi oo si toos ah ugu fidsan Gacanka Cadmeed, una dhow marinka muhiimka ah ee Bab al-Mandab kaas oo ah albaabka laga galo Badda Cas. Isla markaana ah marin istaraatiiji ah oo ay maraan saddex meeloodow meel maraakiibta ganacsiga caalamku. Amniga Badda iyo Khataraha Gobolka: Warbixintu waxay iftiimisay in xiisaha iyo muhiimadda sii kordhaysa ee Somaliland ay xoojinayaan hanjabaadaha joogtada ah ee Budhcad-badeedda, tahriibinta hubka sharci darrada ah iyo kooxaha argagixisada sida Al-Shabaab iyo Xuutiyiinta. Arrimahaas oo dhammaantood muujinaya muhiimadda Somaliland u leedahay ammaanka badda iyo badbaadinta marinnada ganacsiga caalamka. Maraykanka iyo Xiisaha Cusub: Sidoo kale, warnixinta ayaa xustay in waddamada reer Galbeedka, gaar ahaan Maraykanku ay u arkaan Somaliland fursad istaraatiji ah. Inkasta oo aan si buuxda loo shaacin, balse ay haddana muuqato xiise cusub oo ku wajahan iskaashi dhinacyo badan leh, iyada oo quwadaha waaweyni ay u baratamayaa iskaashiga Somaliland oo ah dal curdin ah, balse leh Awood dhaqaale, qiime istaraatiji ah iyo fursado waaweyn oo ka muhiimsan qaar ka mid ah waddamada la aqoonsan yahay ee dunida. Warbixinta ayaa lagu soo gabagabeeyay in nidaamka dimuqraadiyadeed iyo ilaalinta kala dambayntu ay si weyn kor ugu qaadeen sumcadda Somaliland. Taas oo keentay in ay kasbato xiisaha quwadaha caalamiga ah iyo kuwa gobolka, kuwaas oo u arka Somaliland fursad cusub oo istaraatiji ah, kaalin weyna ka qaadan karta xoojinta xasilloonida gobolka. Source

Ciidanka Booliska Somaliland ayaa qoraal ay soo dhigeen baraha bulshada waxa uu u qornaa sodan hoos ku qorn Warbixin :- Xalay Habeenimadii waxa lagu dilay degmada Macallin Haaruun ee Magaalada Hargeysa Marxuum Maxamed Saleebaan Quule , waxaana Ciidamada Boolisku degdeg uga hawlgaleen kiiskaasi markii lagu soo wargeliyay , waxaanay ku jiraan Baadhid-dheerada , wixii kasoo baxana waxaanu la soo wadaagi doonaa bulshada. Waxaanan ku boorinaynaa Bulshada Somaliland in ay xogaha rasmiga ah ka sugan Ciidamada Booliska JSL. Sidoo kale , Muwaadiniinta JSL waxaanu ka codsanaynaa in cidii xog dheeraada haysaa nala wadaagto. Qaran News

Dhamaan hawl wadeenada iyo maamulka shabkadda Qaran news waxa ay tacsi tiiraanyo leh u dirayaan dhamaan qoyskii iyo qaraabadii uu ka baxay Alle ha u naxariistee marxuum Ciise Cawad Cige oo maalintii shalay ahayd ku geeriyooday magaaladda Liverpool ee cariga Ingriiska. Waxa aanu tacsi gaar ah u diraynaa xaaskii, caruurtii iyo aqoonyahan/Qoraa Cabdilaahi Cawid Cige Waxa aanu Ilahay uga baryaynaa in uu marxuumka uu naxariistii Jano ka waraabiyo dhamaanteena uu samir iyo iimaan inaga siiyo Aamiiiin Qaran News

Golaha Wasiirrada Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland ayaa qaaday tallaabooyin diblomaasiyadeed iyo kuwo siyaasadeed oo lagu difaacayo madax-bannaanida dhuleed iyo ilaalinta xuduudaha dalka. Golaha Wasiirradu waxay si cad u digniin adag oo ku wajahan dawladda Muqdisho, taas oo si isdaba joog ah ugu kacday faragelin iyo hadallo aan masuuliyad ku dhisnayn oo ka dhan ah qarannimada JSL. Intaa waxaa dheer, Golaha Wasiirradu waxay soo saareen baaq nabadeed iyo mid siyaasadeed oo caalami ah. Waxay carrabka ku adkeeyeen in Somaliland ay mar kasta diyaar u tahay inay khilaaf kasta ku wajahdo si nabad ah oo masuuliyadi ku dheehan tahay, taasoo muujinaysa biseylka siyaasadeed iyo aragtida qaranimo ee Somaliland. Fadhigii aan caadiga ahayn ee Golaha Wasiirrada JSL yeeshay 02/July/2025, kaas oo uu shir-guddoominayay Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland Mudane Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Cabdillaahi (Cirro), oo uu wehelinayey Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka dalka Mudane Maxamed Cali Aw Cabdi, ayaa si adag loogu cambaareeyey faragelinta qaawan ee dawladda Muqdisho ka waddo deegaannada Bariga Sool iyo Sanaag. Waxay Golaha Wasiirradu sheegeen in tallaabooyinkaas ay yihiin kuwo ay dawladda taagta daran ee Muqdisho ay uga danleedashay hurin colaado qabyaaladaysan oo si toos ah loogu beegsanayo xasilloonida bulsho iyo tan siyaasadeed ee muddada dheer ka hanaqaadday Somaliland. Fadhigaasi wuxuu noqday mid taariikhi ah, isla markaana muujiyey in dawladdu si dhab ah ugu taagan tahay difaaca madax-bannaanida dhuleed, siyaasadeed, iyo qaranimo ee Somaliland. Golaha Wasiirradu waxay si geesinimo ku muujiyeen go’aan cad iyo tallaabooyin muhiim ah oo diblomaasiyadeed oo lagu ilaaliyo madax-bannaanida dalka iyo xuduudihiisa. Digniinta loo diray dawladda fadhiidka ah ee Muqdisho: Digniinaha dhabta ah ee loo diray dawladda fadhiidka ah ee Muqdisho ayaa ah kuwo ku salaysan xaq oo waqtigeeda la gaadhay. Dawladdaas, oo aan xukumin dhulkeeda gaarka ah, haddana ku kacaysa sheegashooyin iyo faragelin baal marsan xeerarka caalamiga ah, waxaa la gudboon ka hor inta aanay Somaliland qaadin tallaabooyin cad cad oo lagaga jawaabayo in ay si degdeg ah u joojiso tallaabooyinkeeda carqaladeynta ah. Golaha Wasiirradu waxay si cad u muujiyeen in Somaliland aanay marnaba oggolaan doonin wax dhaawacaya jiritaankeeda qaranimo iyo xaqa ay u leedahay inay noqoto dal madax-bannaan. Digniintan waxa ay sidoo kale ku wajahan tahay beesha caalamka, gaar ahaan ururrada IGAD, Midowga Afrika iyo Qaramada Midoobay, in aan la dayacin xaaladaha khatarta ah eek a dhalan kara damaca indho la’aanta ah ee dawladda Muqdisho, taas oo khatar ku ah xasilloonida gobolka. Baaqyada Nabadeec iyo Siyaasadeed: Dhinaca kale, baaq nabadeed iyo mid siyaasadeed oo ay Golaha Wasiirradu soo saareen ayaa markale adkeeyay in Somaliland ay mar kasta u taagan tahay nabad, is-faham iyo wada-hadal, balse aanay marnaba u dulqaadan doonin daandaansi siyaasadeed, ficillo hagardaamo ah, ama damacyo khatar ku ah xasilloonideeda. Tani waxay tusaale u tahay korniinka siyaasadeed ee Somaliland iyo kaalinta muhiimka ah ee ay ku leedahay nabadda Geeska Afrika. Gunaanadkii, Golaha Wasiirrada Somaliland waxay muujiyeen midnimo qaran, karti, iyo go’aan siyaasadeed oo geesinimo leh. Tani waa caddayn buuxda oo muujinaysa in Somaliland ay tahay dal leh haykal dowladeed oo shaqaynaya, kuna dhisan aragti qaran-dhis ah oo salka ku haysa sharaf, xornimo, iyo mas’uuliyad. Waxaa lagama maarmaan ah in dhammaan hay’adaha dawladda, shacabka, iyo warbaahintu ay garab istaagaan go’aannadaasi, si loo ilaaliyo masiirka qaran iyo madax-bannaanida Somaliland. Go’aanka Golaha Wasiirradu maaha kaliya fal-celin siyaasadeed; waa farriin cad oo difaac qaran ku dhisan. Somaliland ma aqbali doonto in lagu xadgudbo xuduudaheeda, madaxbannaanideeda, iyo rabitaanka shacabka oo si cad ugu doortay qaranimo. Qore Axmed M. Saleebaan Qaran News

The coast guard cooperation agreement, signed last month in Taipei by Somaliland Coast Guard Commander Admiral Ahmed Hurre Hariye (left) and Taiwan Coast Guard Administration Director-General Chang Chung-lung, aims to strengthen collaboration in maritime security, training, and joint exercises (Photo: Horn Diplomat) Addis Abeba – Last month, Taiwan and Somaliland signed a landmark maritime security agreement aimed at enhancing cooperation in areas such as maritime safety, personnel training, and joint exercises. The coast guard cooperation pact was formalized in Taipei, witnessed by Taiwan’s President Lai Ching-te and Somaliland’s Foreign Minister Abdirahman Dahir Adam. This agreement represents a major turning point for the two diplomatically isolated yet de facto sovereign entities, as they move to strengthen maritime security ties. The recent bilateral relationship between Taiwan and Somaliland represents one of the most compelling and unconventional developments in contemporary international diplomacy. These two de facto states—Taiwan, a diplomatically isolated yet economically prosperous East Asian democracy, and Somaliland, a self-governing polity in the Horn of Africa lacking international recognition—have forged a practical alliance that challenges the foundational principles of diplomatic legitimacy, sovereignty, and state recognition. Their partnership is not only a pragmatic convergence of mutual interests but also a deliberate exercise in norm entrepreneurship, redefining the parameters of legitimate state behavior in the absence of formal, de jure recognition. Taiwan and Somaliland possess fully functioning political systems, conduct regular elections, uphold the rule of law, and maintain autonomous foreign policy institutions. Yet both have historically faced limited diplomatic freedom, having been excluded from formal multilateral bodies such as the United Nations. Taiwan’s isolation is largely sustained by the People’s Republic of China’s enforcement of the One China Policy, under which other states are pressured to sever official ties with Taipei in exchange for economic or political incentives. A parallel challenge confronts Somaliland through the so-called “One Somalia” doctrine, which asserts the territorial integrity of Mogadishu—despite the fact that Somaliland has maintained de facto independence since its unilateral declaration of statehood in 1991 following the collapse of the Somali Democratic Republic. It is within this broader context of systemic exclusion that the July 2025 five-day visit by a high-level Somaliland delegation, led by its foreign minister, to Taipei—and the subsequent signing of a formal maritime security cooperation agreement—should be understood. This was far from a symbolic gesture; it marked a significant step in the normalization and institutionalization of diplomatic relations between two unrecognized or semi-recognized democratic entities. The signing of the coast guard cooperation accord not only deepens sectoral collaboration in maritime security, capacity-building, and the blue economy, but also sends a clear message: democratically governed and effectively sovereign entities assert their right to engage in diplomacy, irrespective of their formal legal status. Moreover, the implications of this agreement extend beyond the signatories themselves. It reflects a growing trend of recognition-resistant diplomacy, where cooperation among non- or limited-recognized actors emerges as a form of defiance against prevailing hegemonic principles of recognition. This article analyzes the diplomatic, normative, and strategic dimensions of the Taiwan-Somaliland relationship, situating their engagement within the broader framework of international relations theory. Specifically, it draws upon constructivism and recognition theories, as well as contemporary scholarship on informal diplomacy and sub-state agency. Through its analysis of this unique alliance, the article argues that Taiwan and Somaliland are jointly advancing an alternative model of diplomacy—one rooted in democratic legitimacy, identity-based solidarity, and functional sovereignty. To provide a solid foundation for this argument, the article begins by exploring three key theoretical frameworks that offer valuable insight into the Taiwan–Somaliland case: informal diplomacy and para-diplomacy; recognition theory and contested sovereignty; and constructivist approaches to diplomatic identity. Informal diplomacy and para-diplomatic practice Historically, diplomacy has been closely tied to the sovereign state system, wherein only fully recognized states enjoyed the legal and normative authority to engage in bilateral and multilateral diplomacy. However, this framework has significantly evolved in recent decades with the rise of informal diplomacy and para-diplomatic activity, expanding the scope of international engagement well beyond traditional boundaries. Informal diplomacy refers to diplomatic practices that are not anchored in formal treaties or agreements between recognized states. It often involves non-state actors, subnational entities, or polities with contested or no recognition. Para-diplomacy, by contrast, involves the external relations conducted by subnational governments or quasi-states, typically aimed at fostering economic development, asserting identity, or forming strategic partnerships. Taiwan and Somaliland represent a more advanced form of horizontal informal diplomacy—two diplomatically marginalized yet politically autonomous entities engaging in mutual cooperation across technical, developmental, and security domains. Their partnership is neither purely symbolic nor entirely transactional; rather, it reflects a hybrid approach to diplomacy driven by shared governance capacities and a mutual interest in circumventing the constraints imposed by global recognition hierarchies. Unlike classical para-diplomacy, which operates under the authority of a larger, recognized central state, the Taiwan–Somaliland relationship is more radical in nature, as it exists entirely outside the framework of sovereign oversight. The diplomatic engagement between Taiwan and Somaliland can be interpreted as a challenge to the dominant international recognition regime—one that conflates legal statehood with geopolitical alignment.” This mode of engagement may be best described as post-sovereign diplomacy: a form of statecraft that operates beyond the traditional club of internationally recognized states, emphasizing collaboration in sectoral development, soft power, and normative legitimation strategies. Such diplomacy does not merely supplement conventional state-to-state relations—it challenges and redefines them, illustrating that functional legitimacy and shared democratic values can serve as viable alternatives to formal legal recognition. Politics of sovereignty and recognition theory At the core of the Taiwan–Somaliland relationship lies the issue of contested recognition. Although both entities exhibit the characteristics of sovereign states—as defined by the Montevideo Convention, which includes a permanent population, defined territory, effective government, and the capacity to engage in relations with other states—they remain constrained by the international legal order due to political factors beyond their control. Recognition theory is commonly divided into two categories: de jure recognition (legal recognition by the international community) and de facto recognition (based on actual existence and governing capacity). As argued by Richard A. Falk, an American professor emeritus of international law, recognition is not a neutral legal process but is “highly politicized, hierarchical, and exposed to hegemonic interests.” Mikulas Fabry, associate professor at the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs, reinforces this view, noting that gatekeeping practices are not exclusive to powerful states but function as strategic tools to determine who gains entry into the international system—often guided more by geopolitical interests than by legal principles. Taiwan provides a clear example of this dynamic. Its diplomatic isolation is largely orchestrated by the People’s Republic of China, which insists on adherence to the One China policy and persistently lobbies international actors to withhold recognition of the Taiwanese government. In Somaliland’s case, both the African Union and Western powers continue to uphold Somalia’s territorial integrity, despite Somaliland’s demonstrated stability, functional governance, and credible historical claims to independent statehood. Thus, the diplomatic engagement between Taiwan and Somaliland can be interpreted as a challenge to the dominant international recognition regime—one that conflates legal statehood with geopolitical alignment. Their partnership, which also seeks to involve other democratic states, constitutes a form of counter-hegemonic diplomacy. It advances the argument that recognition should be based on performance and normative legitimacy, rather than on political expediency. By signing agreements related to security and development—such as the 2020 Taiwan–Somaliland accord—both parties signal a shift in the understanding of sovereignty. These agreements assert that sovereignty need not be granted solely from above by powerful states but can also emerge from below—through effective governance and mutual, horizontal recognition. Constructivism and development of diplomatic identity Whereas materialist theories emphasize capabilities, boundaries, and recognition, constructivism lays stress on the way that international actors construct identities, norms, and interests on the basis of social interaction. The Taiwan-Somaliland relationship, according to the constructivist outlook, was more than a strategic affiliation; it had a profound ideational interest, which is synonymous with having collective experiences of marginalization, normative desire, and democratic self-rule. These two actors claim that they both are functional democracies that exist in areas with either authoritarian or fragile regions. This self-perception is not accidental but part and parcel of how they behave in their foreign policy. As a result of repetitive engagement and reciprocal validation, Taiwan and Somaliland have developed a discourse of the diplomatic self as the democracies in exile, those nations that do not match the legal framework of the international system, yet the normative basis of their governance via rule of law, elections, and peaceful progress makes them legitimate actors of global affairs. This identity-making procedure is supplemented by symbolic diplomacy, which involves a public celebration of common values, the visiting of high-level officials, and the conclusion of agreements that give cooperation a specific language of democracy. President Lai Ching-te’s description of Somaliland as a beacon of democracy, along with Somaliland’s portrayal of Taiwan as a partner in peace and democratic governance, should not be seen as mere political theater but rather as the enactment of a shared identity within a common normative world. This is also an indication that both Taiwan and Somaliland are practicing what is so-called norm entrepreneurship, and it is the role of the actors to whom the rest of the existing orders of international practice are denied to create alternative non-traditional diplomatic norms. These include standards based on democratic legitimacy and recognition derived from mutual agreement rather than great-power endorsement. Their collaboration is an example of how marginalized actors can co-create meaning, assert agency, and construct legitimacy within a system that often denies them formal inclusion. Functional diplomacy driving statehood through maritime cooperation The bilateral compliance deal establishes a working relationship on maritime domain awareness, anti-smuggling, combined patrols, and training between the Taiwan Coast Guard Administration and the emerging maritime forces in Somaliland. Theoretically speaking, this project is a paradigmatic example of functional diplomacy, i.e., a diplomacy tool that allows marginalized actors of diplomacy to use sectoral cooperation to circumvent diplomatic restrictions on minimizing their de facto international legitimacy. In the case of Somaliland, where the 850-kilometer-long seafront on the shore of the Gulf of Aden lies at one of the most strategic sea chokepoints in the world, maritime security is both a domestic prerogative and a sovereignty performance device. Through providing maritime policing and liaising with outside partners, Somaliland enhances its empirical right to successful statehood, a basic provision of the Montevideo Convention. De facto the agreement acts as a symbolic border control and a mode of real operation, which is increasing the territoriality that belongs to Somaliland and strengthening its juridical claim in recognition. The alliance also offers Somaliland essential aid in materials and technical support in a region that has been ignored by the central government in Mogadishu long enough. The agreement accordingly turns into a security multiplier and proxy of recognition, allowing Somaliland to reveal the capacity of international engagement, which is a major feature of contemporary sovereignty. To Taiwan, the deal serves as a strategic weapon for its diplomacy and positioning aspects in the globe. It enables Taipei to have its footprint in the Red Sea-Indian Ocean maritime route, which is considered one of the critical arteries in global trade and energy transportation. Such a shift is a manifestation of the developing foreign policy orientation in Taiwan to establish its position as the supplier of international public goods, especially in the vulnerable areas prone to security voids and geopolitical rivalry. The partnership also reinforces to the democratic allies (such as the U.S., Japan, and EU states) the commitment to a value-based order…..” Active participation in maritime capacity-building in Somaliland and Taiwan is not just trying to combat the PRC’s diplomatic lockout, but this helps it to place itself in the line of the liberal internationalism approach to the principles of regional stability, non-traditional security, and regional governance building. It is this quiet diplomacy of capacity that can help to counter Beijing’s narrative of Taiwanese isolation and help stabilize Taipei’s position as a relevant partner by use of soft power projection on the Global South. Geostrategic signaling through regional autonomy, soft balancing In addition to the multi-layered geopolitical signaling that accompanies technical cooperation, the pact is encompassed by multiple layers of varying geopolitical messaging to different audiences and stakeholders. Somaliland is claiming autonomy in its diplomatic abilities and has declared its autonomy to regional actors (especially Somalia, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Gulf countries), thus bypassing the constitutional right of the federal government of Somalia. The agreement shows a clear message that Somaliland is capable of negotiating security terms with foreign partners—especially where it pertains to the areas of its territorial and maritime integrity. To the global powers, the Taiwan-Somaliland cooperation is a case of soft balancing where diplomatically hobbled members and interests collude to counter the influence of the hegemonic actors, in this case coercive diplomacy on the part of China and exclusive territorial claims of Somalia, but without explicitly resorting to military or ideological challenges. Such soft balancing is reflected in the nuanced dimension of the size of the pact: it is not formally recognized but allows cooperation with high impact in sensitive aspects. The partnership also reinforces to the democratic allies (such as the U.S., Japan, and EU states) the commitment to a value-based order and prioritizes the following principles: self-determination, democratic governance, and functional sovereignty. The direct reference to the democratic solidarity and mutual legitimacy is addressed toward liberal democracies, which became sensitive to authoritarian intrusion in the region. It is noteworthy that the agreement is not going on in a geopolitical vacuum. China has already opened a naval station in Djibouti and closely cooperates with Somalia, and due to its naval bases in the region, China is also extending its influence in the Gulf of Aden and Arabian Peninsula. The Taiwan-Somaliland partnership serves up a balance of power, a kind of check, to the strategic monopolization of the Taiwan region in its maritime infrastructure and diplomacy. Moreover, the agreement creates an additional depth to the developing Indo-Pacific security discourse, whose peripheral escalation of Taiwan and Somaliland involvements puts them indirectly in the circle of other democratic players striving to ensure the preservation of the freedom of navigation, maritime rule of law, and regional resilience. Although both sides do not make direct allusions to the Indo-Pacific strategy, the maritime pact places the two states, both geographically and normatively, within its zone of operations. In sum, the 2025 maritime cooperation agreement exemplifies how non-recognized or diplomatically constrained actors can exercise strategic agency through sectoral diplomacy. It reflects a dual strategy of sovereignty assertion and soft balancing: Somaliland uses the pact to consolidate its functional statehood and regional role, while Taiwan leverages it to expand its diplomatic space, resist international marginalization, and contribute to regional public goods. Both actors exploit the strategic ambiguity of informal cooperation: the agreement avoids the legal thresholds of recognition while producing real-world diplomatic, security, and normative dividends. In doing so, they reshape the margins of the international system, challenging the notion that recognition is a prerequisite for strategic relevance. Expanding frontiers of democratic solidarity Although conventional international relations are in many cases very strategic in their calculation, asymmetrical power, and material interest, the Taiwan-Somaliland relationship proves beyond doubt the rising importance of normative legitimacy and democratic identity as the basis of establishing modern diplomacy. The relationship represents an example of democracy-to-democracy diplomacy whereby the mutual recognition, symbolic alignment, and institutional cooperation are based not on international legal status but on the shared view of adopting liberal democratic values. The description of Somaliland by President Lai Ching-te as a beacon of democracy in the Horn of Africa is a paradigmatic representation of what constructivist IR theory considers a norm-based diplomacy practice of a wholly ideational form, in which Somaliland is embedded in the transnational community of liberal democracies. These expressions are not purely ceremonial displays but are norm-reinforcing styles of diplomatic speech performance declaring a commitment of both parties to the identity practice of being democratic actors against the regional authoritarianism and world exclusion. On the other hand, the Somaliland Foreign Minister has labelled Taiwan as a “reliable ally in peace and democracy, which is an intentional discursive construction of the relationship as based on the collective shared democratic legitimacy and not geopolitical utility per se. Such reciprocal pledges create a common normative script, or a type of global interaction by which legitimacy is a product of democratization performance, high-level governance, and rights-based orderings rather than formal statehood or approval through hegemonic approval. This congruence represents an opportunity to exploit what can be theorized by Keohane and Nye, where both sides have access to what can be termed as transgovernmentalism or horizontal cooperation based on the bureaucratic and sectoral level with reference to institutions, possibly beyond the sight of conventional diplomatic treaties. In the case of Taiwan and Somaliland, this has occurred in the form of memoranda of understanding, security agreements, joint development programs, and reciprocated offices of representation that avoid the formalities of treaty making yet still hold the contents of bilateral relations. Besides, this collaboration is an example of normative agency, which refers to the active presence of actors beyond the international system attempting to redefine the standards of international legitimacy. Interestingly, through their endorsement of common democratic standards and rule of law principles and the accountability of electoral politics, Taiwan and Somaliland have attempted to decolonize the predominant realpolitik calculation that global recognition regimes are driven by. Their collaboration is with the traditional view that international legitimacy is bestowed by the recognition of the great powers or membership of formal bodies such as the United Nations. Instead, the model of democratic solidarity diplomacy suggests offering a counter-narrative: that legitimacy can be enacted, affirmed, and co-constituted around common norms, institutional procedures, and public diplomacybetween forgotten but democratic actors. The Taiwan-Somaliland relationship in this case transforms the situation of norm diffusion to a micro level where states that are not recognized play the role of norm entrepreneurs promoting an international system that looks at how good a government is rather than geopolitical loyalties. This normative repositioning also speaks to the ethics of recognition. Scholars like Axel Honneth and Charles Taylor have argued that recognition is not only a legal process but also a moral imperative grounded in respect for identity, autonomy, and dignity. The Taiwan–Somaliland alliance leverages this moral grammar of recognition, making the case that democratic governance, peaceful engagement, and public legitimacy should be sufficient to warrant international partnership—even in the absence of formal diplomatic status. In this light, their cooperation becomes not only a diplomatic strategy but also a form of international normative protest—a challenge to a system that routinely rewards authoritarian regimes with recognition while excluding democratic entities on procedural or geopolitical grounds. Marginal Diplomacy: Challenges, opportunities The Taiwan-Somaliland arrangement takes place somewhere between changing international diplomatic realities and established stakes of sovereignty, recognition, and legitimation. The interaction of the two actors concerning the limitations they experience as a result of their contested status works as the crucial study of changes and tensions in contemporary diplomacy as experienced at the periphery. Taiwan and Somaliland is a classic example of a post-Westphalian process of international diplomacy that challenges the borders of the traditional concepts of sovereignty and recognition, which were introduced after the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. The classical Westphalian model balances diplomatic relations on maximum sovereignty and legal legitimacy of states, but the dynamics of globalization, complex interdependence, and non-monopoly statehood have breached these hard boundaries. The Taiwan-Somaliland arrangement takes place somewhere between changing international diplomatic realities and established stakes of sovereignty, recognition, and legitimation.” In this regard, the collaborations between Taiwan and Somaliland serve as an indication of the trend in functional legitimacy and normative integration as substitute currencies of the diplomatic capital. Their relationship favors the proper governance, democratic moves, and the acknowledgment of each other rather than having the formal legal legitimacy in international law. This questions the orthodox distinction between the recognized and unrecognized states and purports a relative value in the field of diplomatic recognition to the point that effectiveness and values can override official sanction. What is more, this dynamic indicates the appearance of a pluralistic diplomatic order that has room in it to include a variety of types of international agency such as international agency of quasi-states or self-proclaimed republics, as well as international agency of disputed sovereignties. It is echoed in new analyses that view sovereignty as the moral imperative of something like sovereignty as responsibility or the phenomenologically constructed and performative sovereignty. Taiwan and Somaliland are two prime examples of a reconfiguration of the post-Westphalian order through deep engagement in the governance, security, and normative community-building processes, indicating a general decentralization and diversity in the actors of diplomacy. Although the symbolic and substantive progress—exemplified by the signing of the maritime security pact and recent diplomatic visits—holds promise for advancing the Taiwan–Somaliland partnership, significant geopolitical and legal obstacles continue to hinder the relationship. The first challenge lies in geopolitical dynamics. Taiwan is once again being pushed into a shrinking international space due to China’s growing global influence and increasingly assertive foreign policy. Beijing’s use of diplomatic coercion, economic leverage, and pressure within multilateral institutions poses a persistent threat to Taiwan’s efforts to strengthen informal alliances, such as its ties with Somaliland. These realities necessitate a careful diplomatic balancing act by Taiwan to avoid escalation that could jeopardize its existing partnerships. The second issue concerns the sovereignty claims of Somalia. Somaliland’s claim to statehood remains unrecognized by the African Union and most countries, including Somalia, which still asserts territorial claims over the region. This unresolved sovereignty dispute presents a constant risk of legal and political retaliation—ranging from multilateral interventions to potential interstate conflict. Arrangements such as the maritime pact may be perceived by Somalia and its allies as threats to national integrity, further complicating Somaliland’s quest for broader recognition. Another pressing challenge is the legal ambiguity surrounding the agreement. The maritime security pact, being informal and non-binding, reflects the inherent weaknesses of collaborations formed outside any reputable international legal framework. Such agreements lack legal enforceability in international contexts and are vulnerable to shifts in political will or foreign interference. This precarious foundation limits the prospects for long-term planning and the institutionalization of cooperation. Finally, there is the issue of international systemic resistance. The existing global order, which privileges established and recognized state actors, tends to ignore or marginalize entities lacking formal recognition. Taiwan and Somaliland, as unrecognized or partially recognized entities, operate within a normatively exclusionary system. Their ambitions are frequently constrained by the reluctance of dominant powers to challenge the status quo—even when it comes to pragmatic bilateral engagements. Nonetheless, the positive impacts of the Taiwan–Somaliland partnership can also be seen in how diplomatic agency may be expanded through multilateral and coalition-based diplomacy. The first avenue is trilateral and coalition building. Both parties have expressed a clear intention to expand their cooperation into trilateral or broader multilateral relationships—particularly with the United States and other democratic nations. This coalition-based approach to diplomacy offers a pathway to strengthen their diplomatic legitimacy and enhance their security assurances by aligning with established powers that uphold democratic values and a rules-based international order. Second is participation in global governance forums. Engagement in developmental and thematic multilateral platforms—such as those focused on the blue economy, maritime security, and climate change—provides Taiwan and Somaliland with opportunities to contribute meaningfully to international discourse. These forums allow informal actors to exercise soft power and exert normative influence beyond the confines of traditional diplomatic channels. Third is the development of academic and technical networks. Expanding partnerships in education, research, and technical capacity-building fosters people-to-people connections and institutional linkages. These relationships help embed resilience and longevity into the partnership, reinforcing diplomatic efforts through knowledge exchange and social collaboration. Such people-centered diplomacy complements formal state-level engagement by establishing legitimacy through grassroots and institutional interaction. Finally, there is normative identity. Taiwan and Somaliland can strategically leverage the interplay between normative identity and other elements—such as interests and power—to cultivate sympathy and support from international civil society, advocacy networks, and diasporic communities. By consistently framing their cooperation around shared values of democracy, peace, and self-determination, they can build an informal yet powerful constituency of global supporters. In conclusion, the Taiwan–Somaliland partnership highlights both the transformative possibilities and persistent challenges of diplomacy conducted “from the margins.” As traditional norms of sovereignty and recognition face growing contestation, this relationship models a pragmatic, value-driven, and functional approach to international engagement that may increasingly characterize diplomatic interactions in the 21st century. AS Editor’s Note: Gulaid Yusuf Idaan is a senior lecturer and researcher specializing in diplomacy, politics, and international relations in the Horn of Africa. He can be contacted at Idaan54@gmail.com Qaran News

Madaxweynaha dowladda Puntland, Siciid Deni ayaa maanta Boosaaso ku qaabiley safiirka Turkiga u qaabilsan Soomaaliya, Alper Aktaş oo ay weheliyaan mas’uuliyiin iyo saraakiil ciidan oo ka tirsan dowladda Turkiga. Qoraal ka soo baxay Madaxtooyada Puntland ayaa lagu sheegay in wefdiga Turkiga uu daba socday xiriir muddo u dhexeeyey dowladda Puntland iyo Turkiga oo ku saabsan Markabka MV Sea World iyo shixnadda saaran, iyadoo dowladda Turkiga ay la wadaagtay dowladda Puntland cadeymaha in ay leeyihiin dhammaan hantida saaran. “Safarka Waftiga Dowladda Turkiga ayaa daba socday xiriir muddo u dhexeeyey Dowladda Puntland iyo Turkiga oo la xariira Markabka MV Sea World iyo shixnadda saaran, iyadoo Dowladda Turkiga ay la wadaagtay Dowladda Puntland cadeymaha in ay leeyihiin dhammaan hantida saaran” ayaa lagu yiri Warkan ka soo baxay Madaxtooyada Puntland. Dowladda Puntland ayaa sidoo kale sheegtay in ay go’aansatay in ay mas’uuliyadda markabka Sea World iyo shixnadda saaran ay ku wareejiso Turkiga, iyadoo tixraacaysa caddaymaha Turkigu soo gudbisay iyo baaritaankii lagu sameeyay Markabka. “Dowladda Puntland oo ka duulaysa cadeymaha ay soo gudbisay Dowladda Turkiga iyo baaritaankii lagu sameeyay Markabka iyo Shixnada uu sido , ayaa go’aansatay in masuuliyada Markabka MV Sea World iyo hantida saaranba lagu wareejiyo Dowladda Turkiga” ayuu sii raaciyay Warka Puntland. PUNTLAND POST The post Puntland oo Turkiga u fasaxday Markabkii Hubka siday ee Sea World appeared first on Puntland Post.

Madaxweynaha maamul Goboleedka Puntland, Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni, ayaa maanta Boosaaso ku qaabilay wafdi sare oo ka socday Dowladda Turkiga, oo uu hoggaaminayo Safiirka Turkiga ee Soomaaliya, Alper Aktaş. Wafdig ka socday Dowladda Turkiga ayaa u tagay Puntland si ay u dhammeystiraan wada-xaajood muddo socday oo la xiriira markabka MV Sea World iyo shixnadda saaran, taasoo markii hore muran iyo tuhun amni dhalisay. Puntland ayaa shaacisay inay markabka iyo hubka saarna ku wareejisay Dowladda Turkiga, kaddib markii ay heshay caddeymo rasmi ah oo muujinaya in dhammaan hantida saaran markabka ay leedahay Dowladda Turkiga. Arrintan ayaa ka dambeysay baaritaan ay sameeyeen hay’adaha ammaanka Puntland iyo is-dhaafsi warqado rasmi ah oo ay Turkiga u gudbiyeen maamulka Puntland. Markabkan oo wata calanka dalka Comoros ayaa la qabtay 18-kii July, xilli uu marayey xeebaha degmada Bareeda ee gobolka Raas Caseyr, isagoo ka soo ambabaxay dekedda Izmir ee Turkiga kuna sii jeeday magaalada Muqdisho. Puntland ayaa markii hore sheegtay in hubka iyo gaadiidka saaran ay sheegteen dad ganacsato ah oo kasoo jeeda Muqdisho iyo sidoo kale safiirka Turkiga, taasoo dhalisay su’aalo la xiriira sharciyadda iyo cidda loogu talagalay. Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa sheegtay in shixnadda loo waday xarunta tababarka milatari ee Turkigu ku leeyahay Muqdisho (Turkeysom), balse ma aysan soo bandhigin dukumenti rasmi ah oo arrintaasi caddaynaya. Puntland ayaa horay walaac uga muujisay in hub sharci-darro ah uu dalka lasoo galiyo xilli uu jiro khilaaf siyaasadeed oo ka dhex aloosan Garowe iyo Villa Soomaaliya. Source

Somaliland’s Hidden Advantage: How Lithium and Location Could Secure Recognition Introduction Since declaring independence in 1991, Somaliland has persistently sought international recognition. Despite notable progress in peacebuilding, democratic governance, and institutional development, the quest for recognition remains unrealized. This article explores how other nations have strategically leveraged their natural resources in exchange for political recognition or international support. Drawing lessons from such global examples, it proposes a strategic framework through which Somaliland can use its abundant natural resources as diplomatic capital to gain international recognition. 1. Global Precedents: Natural Resources as Leverage for Recognition 1.1. Kuwait (1961–1990) Kuwait, once a small protectorate under British rule, effectively utilized its vast oil reserves as diplomatic leverage. Britain, recognizing its economic interests in Kuwait’s oil, pressured Iraq to accept the country’s independence. This resulted in Kuwait receiving widespread international recognition and solidified its sovereignty. 1.2. South Sudan (2011) Despite being engulfed in civil conflict, South Sudan attracted international attention due to its rich oil resources. Countries like the United States saw strategic interest in stabilizing the region and supporting the formation of a new government aligned with their interests. Consequently, South Sudan gained rapid recognition and became a member of the United Nations within months of its independence. 1.3. East Timor (2002) Located near Australia and endowed with offshore oil and gas reserves, East Timor benefitted from strong international advocacy, especially from Australia. Although the region was plagued by conflict, pressure from international institutions and strategic interests in its resources led to Indonesia’s withdrawal and East Timor’s get full independence. 2. Somaliland’s Natural Resources: Untapped Potential for Diplomatic Capital Somaliland possesses a wealth of natural resources that remain largely underutilized on the international stage. These include: • Lithium Reserves: As the world transitions to clean energy, lithium has become a vital mineral for electric vehicles and battery storage. Geological surveys indicate the presence of lithium deposits in Somaliland, positioning it as a potential supplier in the global green economy. • Oil and Gas: Multiple regions in Somaliland have shown promise for oil and natural gas exploration, though exploitation is still in its early stages. • Agricultural Land and Livestock: With fertile lands and a strong livestock sector, Somaliland has the capacity to be a regional hub for food security and export. • Strategic Geographic Location: Situated near the Bab-el-Mandeb strait and the Red Sea shipping lanes, Somaliland holds a geostrategic position critical to global maritime trade and regional security. 3. Strategic Resource Diplomacy for International Recognition The international cases discussed above illustrate how countries can wisely trade their natural resources for political and diplomatic gains. Somaliland can adopt similar strategies through the following actions: 3.1. Forming Alliances with Interested Global Powers Somaliland should strengthen diplomatic and economic ties with countries that have vested interests in the Horn of Africa—such as China, the United States, Australia, and the European Union—by offering resource-based partnerships in exchange for political support. 3.2. Entering Resource-Based Diplomatic Agreements Somaliland can formalize bilateral contracts that grant exploration or extraction rights over specific resources in return for diplomatic backing. Such agreements should be structured under international law and promote mutual benefit and sovereignty. 3.3. Enhancing International Awareness and Advocacy A coordinated media and policy campaign can amplify Somaliland’s strategic importance in global trade, energy transition, and regional stability. Engaging think tanks, international research institutions, and diaspora networks could shape favorable narratives and increase pressure for recognition. Conclusion Somaliland’s untapped natural wealth presents a historical opportunity to achieve longsought international recognition. As demonstrated by the cases of Kuwait, South Sudan, and East Timor, natural resources—when strategically managed—can become tools of diplomatic influence and statehood legitimization. Somaliland’s current leadership, particularly under President Abdirahman Mahamed Abdilahi holds the potential to convert this opportunity into reality. A united national strategy focused on resource diplomacy could turn the country’s lithium, oil, livestock, and geographic assets into pathways toward full international recognition. Recommendations: 1. Establish a National Resource Diplomacy Taskforce: A multidisciplinary team dedicated to designing and implementing resource-based diplomatic initiatives. 2. Conduct Market-Oriented Resource Valuation Studies: Empirical studies to assess the commercial value and strategic appeal of Somaliland’s key resources. 3. Develop a Strategic Recognition Roadmap: A comprehensive plan outlining targeted diplomatic engagements, partner states, and resource-leveraged deals aimed at securing recognition. Authored:by Abdiaziz Mahamoud Yusouf Young Political Activist email: burgal1986@gmail.com Mobile 0634479223 Qaran News

Mas’uuliyiinta safaaradda dowladda Turkiga ee Muqdidho ayaa sida la filayo ku wajahan magaalada Boosaaso, halkaasi oo Puntland ku hayso markabkii Hubka siday ee Sea World. Mas’uuliyiinta safaaradda Turkiga ee imaanaya Boosaaso ayaa lagu wadaa in ay halkaasi shir ku saabsan xaaladda markabka Sea World kula yeeshaan madaxweynaha Puntland Siciid Deni oo dhawaanahan ku sugan magaalada Boosaaso. Markabkan oo hadda ku xiran dekedda Boosaaso, kaddib markii Puntland qabatay, islamarkaana uu baaritaan ku socdo ayaa ka soo shiraacday dekedda magaalada Izmir ee dalka Turkiga, waxaana uu ku sii jeeday Muqdisho oo uu u siday shixnadda habka ah ee saaran. Dowladda Puntland waxay horay u xaqiijisay in Ganacsato Reer Muqdisho ah iyo Safiirka Turkiga oo la soo xiriiray mid kasta uu sheegtay shixnadda Hubka ah ee saaran Madkabka, taasi oo abuurtay shaki ku saabsan cidda sax ahaan u leh hantidaasi. PUNTLAND POST The post Mas’uuliyiinta safaaradda Turkiga ee Muqdisho oo ku wajahan Boosaaso appeared first on Puntland Post.

U.S. Congress Orders Review of #Somaliland Ties Ahead of Irro’s Washington Visit In a landmark decision, U.S. Congress has directed the State Department to submit a report within 120 days exploring expanded engagement with Somaliland in areas such as security, diplomacy, trade and development, coinciding with President @Abdirahmanirro ’s anticipated visit to Washington later this year. This shift, welcomed by sources as showing bipartisan interest including from @GOP and @realDonaldTrump , highlights Somaliland’s democratic stability and strategic value, particularly its Berbera port and role in Red Sea security. While the directive stops short of formal recognition, sources say it could pave the way for deeper U.S.–Somaliland cooperation. Euro Times Qaran News

Addis-Ababa (Caasimada Online) – Codsi-qoraal ah, oo ay xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya Abiy Ahmed u gudbiyeen, koox isugu jirta odayaal, aqoonyahanno, iyo hoggaamiyeyaal bulsho oo ka soo jeeda Dowlad Deegaanka Soomaalida, ayaa looga codsaday dowladda federaalka in ay soo farageliso si looga hortago wax ay qorayaashu ku tilmaameen “burbur maamul oo dhammaystiran” oo ka jira deegaanka xilliga hoggaanka Madaxweyne Mustafe Maxamed Cumar. Codsigan oo ka kooban siddeed bog, ayna heshay warbaahinta The Reporter, ayaa lagu faahfaahiyay eedaymo ay ka mid yihiin musuq-maasuq baahsan, xawilaad lacageed oo sharci-darro ah, eex qabyaaladeed, iyo khataro amni oo sii kordhaya oo ka jira deegaanka. Codsiga oo ay qoreen in ka badan laba dersin qof, oo ay ku jiraan hoggaamiyeyaal beeleed, culimmo diin, iyo aqoonyahanno ka soo jeeda deegaanka Soomaalida, ayaa xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha la gudbiyey 28-kii Luuliyo, 2025. Eedaymaha warqadda ku xusan ayaa tilmaamaya “burbur isku-dubaridan” oo saameeyay maamulkii dowliga ahaa, hay’adihii sharci-fulinta, iyo nabadgelyada, iyadoo mas’uuliyiinta deegaanka lagu eedeeyay inay awooddooda ugu adeegteen dano gaar ah, iyagoo iska indha-tiraya danta guud ee bulshada. Waxyaabaha udub-dhexaadka u ah dacwaddan waxaa ka mid ah eedaymo ku saabsan musuq-maasuq baaxad leh oo nidaamsan oo la sheegay inuu ka dhex jiro xukuumadda deegaanka. Qorayaasha codsigu waxay ku andacoonayaan in in ka badan 150 mashruuc oo kaabeyaasha dadweynaha ah, oo isugu jira nidaamyo biyo-gelin iyo xarumo wax-soosaarka beeraha, la hakiyay inkastoo si buuxda loogu bixiyay lacagtii qandaraaslayaasha. Waxay ku doodayaan in arrintani ay caddeyn u tahay jiritaanka “shabakad musu-qmaasuq oo ay ku midoobeen qandaraaslayaal iyo mas’uuliyiin.” Mashaariicda codsiga lagu xusay waxaa ka mid ah mashruuca biyo-gelinta Qabridahare, oo la sheegay in la joojiyay ka dib markii lagu bixiyay in ka badan 300 oo milyan oo Birr. Sida warqaddu caddaynayso, waxaa sidoo kale la dayacay mashaariic kale oo kaabeyaasha biyaha ah oo laga hirgelinayay magaalooyinka Jigjiga iyo Baarey, in ka badan 30 mashruuc oo lagu qabanayay biyaha roobka, iyo shan xarumood oo loogu talo-galay warshadaynta wax-soosaarka beeraha, kuwaas oo dhammaantood la iska daayay ka dib markii la bixiyay dhaqaalihii ku baxayay. Codsigu wuxuu mas’uuliyadda fashilkan dusha uga tuurayaa dhaqan-gelin la’aanta sharciga qandaraasyada, eexda iyo nin-jeclaysiga loo adeegsado doorashada qandaraaslayaasha, iyo madax-bannaanida la’aanta xafiiska hanti-dhawrka deegaanka, arrimahaas oo suurtageliyay baaxadda lunsiga maaliyadeed ee la soo warinayo. Warqadda ayaa sidoo kale shaaca ka qaaday in mas’uuliyiin sarsare oo deegaanka ah iyo shakhsiyaad kale oo saameyn ku leh maamulka ay ku lug leeyihiin xawilaado sharci-darro ah oo sii mara magaalada Tog Wajaale—oo ah marinka ganacsi ee ugu muhiimsan ee loo maro Somaliland, gaar ahaan dekedda Berbera. Lacagahaas ayaa la sheegay in lagu maalgeliyo guryo, silsilado hoteello, iyo hanti kale oo qaali ah oo dibadda laga iibsaday. “Baaxadda hantida dadweynaha ee la lunsanayo iyadoo uu ogyahay Madaxweyne Mustafe waa mid aad u ballaaran,” ayaa lagu yiri codsiga, iyadoo la xusay in maalgeshi ganacsi lagu sameeyay waddamada Kenya, Imaaraadka Carabta, Canada, iyo Turkiga. Dokumeentigu wuxuu ku eedaynayaa sarkaalka borotokoolka madaxweynaha iyo shaqaale ka tirsan xafiiska maaliyadda inay maamulaan akoonno banki oo qarsoodi ah, kuwaas oo loo adeegsado in lagu lunsado dhaqaalihii horumarinta deegaanka oo loogu beddelo hanti ma-guurto ah oo dibadda ah. Waxaa sidoo kale loogu baaqay in baaritaan hanti-dhawr oo qoto dheer uu sameeyo heer federaal, lana qaado tallaabooyin dacwado ciqaabeed ah. Qayb kale oo dacwadda ka mid ah ayaa si faahfaahsan uga hadlaysa sida maamulka deegaanku hubka ugu qaybiyay beelo gaar ah, iyadoo la faquuqayo kuwa kale. Dokumeentigu wuxuu sidoo kale ku eedaynayaa maamulka inuu sii hurinayo colaado iyo xurgufo beeleed oo soo jireen ah. “Eexda qabiilka ku salaysan iyo hubaynta shacabka waxay sii qoto-dheereeyeen kala qaybsanaanta, iyagoo khatar gelinaya nabadda iyo amniga qaranka,” ayaa lagu yiri warqadda. Warqaddu waxay xiriir ka dhexaysiinaysaa fashilka maamul iyo isku dhacyo waaweyn oo ka dhacay Wardheer, Birqod, Mooyaale, iyo Shilaabo, waxayna ku qiyaasaysaa in in ka badan 500 oo qof oo rayid ah ay ku dhinteen dhacdooyinkaas, sababo la xiriira colaado hubaysan oo uu maamulku oggolaaday ama uu ka aamusay. “Maamulka hadda jira wuxuu wiiqay dadaallo dib-u-heshiineed oo socday tobannaan sano, gaar ahaan kuwa u dhexeeyay bulshooyinka Soomaalida iyo Canfarta,” ayaa lagu xusay dukumeentiga. Wuxuu xukuumadda deegaanka ku eedeeyay inay dano siyaasadeed awgood dib u soo noolaysay khilaafyo xuduudeed oo muddo hurday. In kasta oo ay jiraan warar rasmi ah oo uu maamulku ku beeninayo jiritaanka xiisadaha beelaha, haddana qorayaasha codsigu waxay ku doodayaan in habka dib-u-habaynta maamulka ee socda uu noqday mid lagu abaalmariyo shakhsiyaadka daacadda ah, laguna cabburiyo kuwa ka aragtida duwan, iyadoo la sheegay in degmooyin dhan dib loogu qaabeeyay saldhig daacadnimo siyaasadeed. Dacwaddu waxay kaloo soo jeedinaysaa digniin culus oo ku saabsan khataraha dibadda ee sii kordhaya, iyadoo maamulka ku eedeynaysa in kormeerka liita iyo maamul-xumida xuduudaha ay u sahashay dagaalyahannada Al-Shabaab inay gudaha Itoobiya u soo gudbaan. “Waxay [hoggaamiyeyaasha deegaanku] muujiyeen taxadar la’aan baaxad leh oo u gogol-xaartay in xagjiriintu ay si dhuumasho ah ku soo galaan kuna dhex-hawlgalaan deegaanka Soomaalida, taasoo halis ku ah qaranimada Itoobiya,” ayaa lagu yiri dukumeentiga. Inkastoo mas’uuliyiin deegaanka ka tirsan oo la hadlay warbaahinta The Reporter ay meesha ka saareen walaaca laga qabo soo dhex-galka cadowga, haddana codsigu wuxuu ku boorrinayaa dowladda federaalka ah inaysan dhayalsan “qaab-dhismeedka amniga deegaanka ee sii burburaya.” “Arrintani kuma koobna dembiyada xuduudaha ka tallaaba, balse waxay si toos ah u taabanaysaa amniga qaranka. Waxa ka dhacaya deegaanka Soomaalida kuma eka halkaas—saamayntoodu waxay gaarayaan guud ahaan Itoobiya,” ayaa lagu yiri warqadda. Codsigu wuxuu kaloo ku eedaynayaa maamulka deegaanka inuu hay’adaha amniga u adeegsaday caburinta bannaanbaxyada dadweynaha, gaar ahaan kuwa ay dhigayaan dhallinyarada iyo kooxaha mucaaradka. “Xukuumadda deegaanku kama aysan bixin jawaab-celin maamul ama mid siyaasadeed oo ku habboon dalabaadka shacabka, balse waxay adeegsatay caburin—iyadoo xirtay dhallinyaro, haween, iyo odayaal, ayna kula kacday jirdil iyo falal kale oo anshaxa ka baxsan,” ayaa lagu yiri. Jawaabta maamulka deegaanka Maxamed Aadan, madaxa xafiiska isgaarsiinta ee maamulka deegaanka Soomaalida, oo la hadlay warbaahinta The Reporter, ayaa ku gacan-sayray eedaymaha lagu soo bandhigay codsiga, isagoo ku sifeeyay kuwo siyaasadaysan. “Eedaymaha musuq-maasuqa waa kuwo gebi ahaanba been abuur ah. Haddii qof sheeganayo in musuq-maasuq jiro, waa inuu keenaa xog iyo caddeyn. Sidaas sahal kuma soo tuuri kartid ereyga ‘musuqmaasuq’,” ayuu yiri. Maxamed wuxuu qorayaasha codsiga ku tilmaamay “shakhsiyaad qaba cabashooyin gaar ah,” isagoo shaki geliyay matalaaddooda, kuna eedeeyay inay xiriir la leeyihiin xisbiyada mucaaradka iyo dhinacyo kale oo dano gaar ah ka leh deegaanka. “Odayaal ma ahan. Waa shakhsiyaad is-abaabulay. Fikirkoodu wax shaqo ah kuma lahan xoojinta nabadda iyo horumarka deegaanka,” ayuu yiri, isagoo ku adkaystay in aragtidoodu aysan ka tarjumaynin rabitaanka shacabka deegaanka. Maxamed wuxuu sidoo kale beeniyay eedaymaha la xiriira eexda iyo hubaynta beelaha. “Ma jirto wax xiisad ah oo beelaha u dhaxaysa. Xaqiiqadu waa taas cagsigeeda. Dadku si diirran ayay u soo dhoweeyeen isbeddellada dhacay,” ayuu ku andacooday. Marka la eego khataraha dibadda, madaxa isgaarsiintu wuxuu qiray inay jireen dhacdooyin hore oo Al-Shabaab ay ku lug lahayd, balse wuxuu ku adkaystay in “xuduuduhu hadda yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, ciidanka difaacana la geeyay, aysanna jirin wax khatar ah oo hadda taagan.” Wuxuu sheegay in maamulka deegaanku aanu dhayalsan arrimaha argagixisada. “Waxa ugu horreeya ee aan cidina illaawi karin waa in Al-Shabaab ay tahay urur argagixiso oo caalami ah. Ma ahan arrin si dhuumasho ah ku dhex-faafta sida arrin beeleed oo kale. Waa koox argagixiso oo caalamku aqoonsan yahay. Dadkan sheeganaya inay odayaal yihiin kama tirsana hay’adaheenna sirdoonka iyo amniga,” ayuu yiri Maxamed. Codsiga ayaa lagu soo gabagabeeyay baaq loo jeedinayo dowladda federaalka oo ah inay soo farageliso deegaanka, waxaana la dalbaday in isbeddel lagu sameeyo hoggaanka sare ee maamulka. Xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha kama uusan soo jawaab celin codsi falcelin oo loo diray.

Mogadishu, Somalia – In a quiet training room far from the front lines, the new doctrine for Somalia’s war against Islamist insurgents is taking shape: victory, soldiers are being taught, will be won not just with bullets, but by winning the trust of the people. Thirty members of Somalia’s elite, US-mentored Danab Brigade, recently completed a two-week course in Civil-Military Operations (CMO), a strategic shift aimed at undermining the Al-Shabaab insurgency by placing the protection and support of civilians at the heart of military planning. The training, conducted in Somalia by instructors from the U.S. Joint Special Operations University, focused on what one instructor called the “center of gravity” in the long-running conflict. “In insurgency and terrorism, the center of gravity is always the population,” explained instructor Jack Guy. “This course helps students understand how to operate by, with, and through the people.” The initiative comes as the Somali National Army (SNA), alongside African Union peacekeepers and local clan militias, continues a grinding offensive against Al-Shabaab, an al-Qaeda affiliate that has waged a brutal insurgency for over 15 years. While the group has lost significant territory, it maintains control over rural areas. It continues to launch deadly attacks on military and civilian targets across the nation. A new front in a long war For years, the conflict has been defined by kinetic military operations. This new training signals a more profound commitment to a population-centric counterinsurgency strategy, which military experts see as crucial to achieving lasting stability. Al-Shabaab often embeds itself within communities, using a mixture of coercion and rudimentary service provision to maintain influence. Winning local populations over to the government’s side is seen as essential to cutting off the group’s support base and intelligence networks. Students in the CMO course learned to blend military objectives with community engagement through a mix of theory and practical exercises, including a simulated negotiation with village elders to solve complex local problems. “We’re not just fighting an enemy—we’re protecting our people and planning for a peaceful future,” said Sadam, a Danab soldier who participated in the training. He noted that the techniques he learned for building rapport “changed my view when it comes to civilian cooperation.” The Danab (“Lightning”) Brigade, a force of around 3,000 soldiers, is widely considered the most effective unit in the SNA. Forged through years of intensive training by U.S. special operations forces, it serves as the country’s premier counter-terrorism force, often leading major operations against high-value Al-Shabaab targets. Women’s inclusion a ‘critical’ component In a significant milestone for the Somali military, the course included four female soldiers. One was appointed class leader on the first day, a move her instructors said underscored her capabilities. “She’s very, very competent and capable,” said Basil Catanzaro, an instructor who has been working with Somali forces since 2022. He stressed that the inclusion of women is a strategic imperative, not just a social goal. “Having women soldiers who can engage and understand the population is critical,” Catanzaro stated. “Fifty percent of the population is women—their inclusion is not optional, it’s essential.” Female soldiers can often access and communicate with women and children in conservative communities in ways that male soldiers cannot, providing a vital channel for intelligence gathering and building trust. The Somali soldiers left a deep impression on the veteran American instructors. “They are the most civil and composed people we’ve worked with,” said instructor Mike Warmack. “Even under pressure, they demonstrated grace, discipline, and a deep commitment to their mission.” Catanzaro acknowledged the heavy price his students have paid in the conflict. “Some of them have been wounded or even killed,” he said. “Their resilience is nothing short of inspiring.” A partnership for peace The training is part of a broader security partnership between the United States and Somalia, which has deepened since President Joe Biden redeployed several hundred U.S. troops to the country in 2022 to advise and assist local forces. U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) also provides critical intelligence and occasional air support, including drone strikes, against Al-Shabaab. While the junior soldiers who attended the course will not immediately be shaping high-level policy, the skills they acquired are designed to create a ripple effect throughout the army, fostering a new generation of leaders who see civilian engagement as fundamental to their mission. The partnership, instructors said, sends a message that extends beyond military tactics. “Our engagement sends a clear message to the Somali National Army,” said Catanzaro. “They are not alone in this fight. We travel thousands of miles not just to teach, but to stand with them—as partners in pursuit of peace.”

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Kaamirooyinka CCTV-ga ee ku xiran bannaanka hore ee xarunta Telefishinka SMS, oo ah telefishin gaar loo leeyahay oo ka howlgala magaalada Muqdisho, ayaa duubay ciidamo ka tirsan Booliska Soomaaliya oo si xoog ah ku kaxaysanaya weriyayaal kasoo laabanayay shaqo maalmeedkoodii, xilli ay doonayeen inay galaan xarunta TV-ga. Maamulka SMS TV ayaa war-saxaafadeed ka soo saaray dhacdadaas, iyagoo sheegay in weriyeyaasha ay goobta keentay Xildhibaan Faa’isa Jayte, ayna ciidamada sugayeen ilaa uu dhaqaaqo gaariga xildhibaanadda. Sidoo kale, qoraalka kasoo baxay maamulka TV-ga ayaa lagu sheegay in weriyeyaasha la geeyay saldhigga degmada Xamar Jajab, halkaas oo ay weli ku xiran yihiin, iyagoo dowladda ka codsaday in cadaalad loo helo. Xarunta laga kaxeeyay weriyeyaasha ayaa ku taalla xeyndaabka Madaxtooyada, gaar ahaan agagaarka Baar-bulsho. Hoos ka akhri war-saxaafadeedka SMS TV: “Askar ka tirsan booliska, oo ku hubaysnaa gawaari tikniko ah oo ay saarnaayeen qoryaha dhashiikaha loo yaqaan, ayaa weerar ku soo qaaday xarunta Telefishinka SMS ee magaalada Muqdisho. Sida ka muuqata muuqaalka CCTV-ga, waxay si xoog ah u kaxeysteen weriyeyaasha telefishinka, kuwaas oo kasoo laabtay howl shaqo. Waxay sidoo kale qaateen qalabkii warbaahineed ee ay wateen, iyagoo weriyeyaasha ula dhaqmay si arxan darro ah. Weriyeyaasha ayaa la socday baabuur qooqan ah oo ay saarnayd Xildhibaan Faa’isa Jayte. Markii gaarigeedii dhaqaaqay, ka hor intii aan weriyeyaashu gudaha u gelin xarunta, waxaa la arki karaa askar hubeysan oo xoog ku watey. Waxa la sheegaya in ay hadda ku xiran yihiin saldhigga booliska Xamar Jajab, iyadoo aan jirin wax waraaq maxkamadeed ah oo waaran ah oo loo gudbiyay maamulka telefishinka. Waxaan isku daynay in aan la xiriirno Taliyaha Booliska, Macallin Mahdi, balse ma uusan ka soo jawaabin wicitaannada iyo fariimaha aan u dirnay. SMS TV waxay codsaneysaa cadaalad.”