Ciidanka Booliska Somaliland ayaa qoraal ay soo dhigeen baraha bulshada waxa uu u qornaa sodan hoos ku qorn Warbixin :- Xalay Habeenimadii waxa lagu dilay degmada Macallin Haaruun ee Magaalada Hargeysa Marxuum Maxamed Saleebaan Quule , waxaana Ciidamada Boolisku degdeg uga hawlgaleen kiiskaasi markii lagu soo wargeliyay , waxaanay ku jiraan Baadhid-dheerada , wixii kasoo baxana waxaanu la soo wadaagi doonaa bulshada. Waxaanan ku boorinaynaa Bulshada Somaliland in ay xogaha rasmiga ah ka sugan Ciidamada Booliska JSL. Sidoo kale , Muwaadiniinta JSL waxaanu ka codsanaynaa in cidii xog dheeraada haysaa nala wadaagto. Qaran News

Dhamaan hawl wadeenada iyo maamulka shabkadda Qaran news waxa ay tacsi tiiraanyo leh u dirayaan dhamaan qoyskii iyo qaraabadii uu ka baxay Alle ha u naxariistee marxuum Ciise Cawad Cige oo maalintii shalay ahayd ku geeriyooday magaaladda Liverpool ee cariga Ingriiska. Waxa aanu tacsi gaar ah u diraynaa xaaskii, caruurtii iyo aqoonyahan/Qoraa Cabdilaahi Cawid Cige Waxa aanu Ilahay uga baryaynaa in uu marxuumka uu naxariistii Jano ka waraabiyo dhamaanteena uu samir iyo iimaan inaga siiyo Aamiiiin Qaran News

Golaha Wasiirrada Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland ayaa qaaday tallaabooyin diblomaasiyadeed iyo kuwo siyaasadeed oo lagu difaacayo madax-bannaanida dhuleed iyo ilaalinta xuduudaha dalka. Golaha Wasiirradu waxay si cad u digniin adag oo ku wajahan dawladda Muqdisho, taas oo si isdaba joog ah ugu kacday faragelin iyo hadallo aan masuuliyad ku dhisnayn oo ka dhan ah qarannimada JSL. Intaa waxaa dheer, Golaha Wasiirradu waxay soo saareen baaq nabadeed iyo mid siyaasadeed oo caalami ah. Waxay carrabka ku adkeeyeen in Somaliland ay mar kasta diyaar u tahay inay khilaaf kasta ku wajahdo si nabad ah oo masuuliyadi ku dheehan tahay, taasoo muujinaysa biseylka siyaasadeed iyo aragtida qaranimo ee Somaliland. Fadhigii aan caadiga ahayn ee Golaha Wasiirrada JSL yeeshay 02/July/2025, kaas oo uu shir-guddoominayay Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland Mudane Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Cabdillaahi (Cirro), oo uu wehelinayey Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka dalka Mudane Maxamed Cali Aw Cabdi, ayaa si adag loogu cambaareeyey faragelinta qaawan ee dawladda Muqdisho ka waddo deegaannada Bariga Sool iyo Sanaag. Waxay Golaha Wasiirradu sheegeen in tallaabooyinkaas ay yihiin kuwo ay dawladda taagta daran ee Muqdisho ay uga danleedashay hurin colaado qabyaaladaysan oo si toos ah loogu beegsanayo xasilloonida bulsho iyo tan siyaasadeed ee muddada dheer ka hanaqaadday Somaliland. Fadhigaasi wuxuu noqday mid taariikhi ah, isla markaana muujiyey in dawladdu si dhab ah ugu taagan tahay difaaca madax-bannaanida dhuleed, siyaasadeed, iyo qaranimo ee Somaliland. Golaha Wasiirradu waxay si geesinimo ku muujiyeen go’aan cad iyo tallaabooyin muhiim ah oo diblomaasiyadeed oo lagu ilaaliyo madax-bannaanida dalka iyo xuduudihiisa. Digniinta loo diray dawladda fadhiidka ah ee Muqdisho: Digniinaha dhabta ah ee loo diray dawladda fadhiidka ah ee Muqdisho ayaa ah kuwo ku salaysan xaq oo waqtigeeda la gaadhay. Dawladdaas, oo aan xukumin dhulkeeda gaarka ah, haddana ku kacaysa sheegashooyin iyo faragelin baal marsan xeerarka caalamiga ah, waxaa la gudboon ka hor inta aanay Somaliland qaadin tallaabooyin cad cad oo lagaga jawaabayo in ay si degdeg ah u joojiso tallaabooyinkeeda carqaladeynta ah. Golaha Wasiirradu waxay si cad u muujiyeen in Somaliland aanay marnaba oggolaan doonin wax dhaawacaya jiritaankeeda qaranimo iyo xaqa ay u leedahay inay noqoto dal madax-bannaan. Digniintan waxa ay sidoo kale ku wajahan tahay beesha caalamka, gaar ahaan ururrada IGAD, Midowga Afrika iyo Qaramada Midoobay, in aan la dayacin xaaladaha khatarta ah eek a dhalan kara damaca indho la’aanta ah ee dawladda Muqdisho, taas oo khatar ku ah xasilloonida gobolka. Baaqyada Nabadeec iyo Siyaasadeed: Dhinaca kale, baaq nabadeed iyo mid siyaasadeed oo ay Golaha Wasiirradu soo saareen ayaa markale adkeeyay in Somaliland ay mar kasta u taagan tahay nabad, is-faham iyo wada-hadal, balse aanay marnaba u dulqaadan doonin daandaansi siyaasadeed, ficillo hagardaamo ah, ama damacyo khatar ku ah xasilloonideeda. Tani waxay tusaale u tahay korniinka siyaasadeed ee Somaliland iyo kaalinta muhiimka ah ee ay ku leedahay nabadda Geeska Afrika. Gunaanadkii, Golaha Wasiirrada Somaliland waxay muujiyeen midnimo qaran, karti, iyo go’aan siyaasadeed oo geesinimo leh. Tani waa caddayn buuxda oo muujinaysa in Somaliland ay tahay dal leh haykal dowladeed oo shaqaynaya, kuna dhisan aragti qaran-dhis ah oo salka ku haysa sharaf, xornimo, iyo mas’uuliyad. Waxaa lagama maarmaan ah in dhammaan hay’adaha dawladda, shacabka, iyo warbaahintu ay garab istaagaan go’aannadaasi, si loo ilaaliyo masiirka qaran iyo madax-bannaanida Somaliland. Go’aanka Golaha Wasiirradu maaha kaliya fal-celin siyaasadeed; waa farriin cad oo difaac qaran ku dhisan. Somaliland ma aqbali doonto in lagu xadgudbo xuduudaheeda, madaxbannaanideeda, iyo rabitaanka shacabka oo si cad ugu doortay qaranimo. Qore Axmed M. Saleebaan Qaran News

The coast guard cooperation agreement, signed last month in Taipei by Somaliland Coast Guard Commander Admiral Ahmed Hurre Hariye (left) and Taiwan Coast Guard Administration Director-General Chang Chung-lung, aims to strengthen collaboration in maritime security, training, and joint exercises (Photo: Horn Diplomat) Addis Abeba – Last month, Taiwan and Somaliland signed a landmark maritime security agreement aimed at enhancing cooperation in areas such as maritime safety, personnel training, and joint exercises. The coast guard cooperation pact was formalized in Taipei, witnessed by Taiwan’s President Lai Ching-te and Somaliland’s Foreign Minister Abdirahman Dahir Adam. This agreement represents a major turning point for the two diplomatically isolated yet de facto sovereign entities, as they move to strengthen maritime security ties. The recent bilateral relationship between Taiwan and Somaliland represents one of the most compelling and unconventional developments in contemporary international diplomacy. These two de facto states—Taiwan, a diplomatically isolated yet economically prosperous East Asian democracy, and Somaliland, a self-governing polity in the Horn of Africa lacking international recognition—have forged a practical alliance that challenges the foundational principles of diplomatic legitimacy, sovereignty, and state recognition. Their partnership is not only a pragmatic convergence of mutual interests but also a deliberate exercise in norm entrepreneurship, redefining the parameters of legitimate state behavior in the absence of formal, de jure recognition. Taiwan and Somaliland possess fully functioning political systems, conduct regular elections, uphold the rule of law, and maintain autonomous foreign policy institutions. Yet both have historically faced limited diplomatic freedom, having been excluded from formal multilateral bodies such as the United Nations. Taiwan’s isolation is largely sustained by the People’s Republic of China’s enforcement of the One China Policy, under which other states are pressured to sever official ties with Taipei in exchange for economic or political incentives. A parallel challenge confronts Somaliland through the so-called “One Somalia” doctrine, which asserts the territorial integrity of Mogadishu—despite the fact that Somaliland has maintained de facto independence since its unilateral declaration of statehood in 1991 following the collapse of the Somali Democratic Republic. It is within this broader context of systemic exclusion that the July 2025 five-day visit by a high-level Somaliland delegation, led by its foreign minister, to Taipei—and the subsequent signing of a formal maritime security cooperation agreement—should be understood. This was far from a symbolic gesture; it marked a significant step in the normalization and institutionalization of diplomatic relations between two unrecognized or semi-recognized democratic entities. The signing of the coast guard cooperation accord not only deepens sectoral collaboration in maritime security, capacity-building, and the blue economy, but also sends a clear message: democratically governed and effectively sovereign entities assert their right to engage in diplomacy, irrespective of their formal legal status. Moreover, the implications of this agreement extend beyond the signatories themselves. It reflects a growing trend of recognition-resistant diplomacy, where cooperation among non- or limited-recognized actors emerges as a form of defiance against prevailing hegemonic principles of recognition. This article analyzes the diplomatic, normative, and strategic dimensions of the Taiwan-Somaliland relationship, situating their engagement within the broader framework of international relations theory. Specifically, it draws upon constructivism and recognition theories, as well as contemporary scholarship on informal diplomacy and sub-state agency. Through its analysis of this unique alliance, the article argues that Taiwan and Somaliland are jointly advancing an alternative model of diplomacy—one rooted in democratic legitimacy, identity-based solidarity, and functional sovereignty. To provide a solid foundation for this argument, the article begins by exploring three key theoretical frameworks that offer valuable insight into the Taiwan–Somaliland case: informal diplomacy and para-diplomacy; recognition theory and contested sovereignty; and constructivist approaches to diplomatic identity. Informal diplomacy and para-diplomatic practice Historically, diplomacy has been closely tied to the sovereign state system, wherein only fully recognized states enjoyed the legal and normative authority to engage in bilateral and multilateral diplomacy. However, this framework has significantly evolved in recent decades with the rise of informal diplomacy and para-diplomatic activity, expanding the scope of international engagement well beyond traditional boundaries. Informal diplomacy refers to diplomatic practices that are not anchored in formal treaties or agreements between recognized states. It often involves non-state actors, subnational entities, or polities with contested or no recognition. Para-diplomacy, by contrast, involves the external relations conducted by subnational governments or quasi-states, typically aimed at fostering economic development, asserting identity, or forming strategic partnerships. Taiwan and Somaliland represent a more advanced form of horizontal informal diplomacy—two diplomatically marginalized yet politically autonomous entities engaging in mutual cooperation across technical, developmental, and security domains. Their partnership is neither purely symbolic nor entirely transactional; rather, it reflects a hybrid approach to diplomacy driven by shared governance capacities and a mutual interest in circumventing the constraints imposed by global recognition hierarchies. Unlike classical para-diplomacy, which operates under the authority of a larger, recognized central state, the Taiwan–Somaliland relationship is more radical in nature, as it exists entirely outside the framework of sovereign oversight. The diplomatic engagement between Taiwan and Somaliland can be interpreted as a challenge to the dominant international recognition regime—one that conflates legal statehood with geopolitical alignment.” This mode of engagement may be best described as post-sovereign diplomacy: a form of statecraft that operates beyond the traditional club of internationally recognized states, emphasizing collaboration in sectoral development, soft power, and normative legitimation strategies. Such diplomacy does not merely supplement conventional state-to-state relations—it challenges and redefines them, illustrating that functional legitimacy and shared democratic values can serve as viable alternatives to formal legal recognition. Politics of sovereignty and recognition theory At the core of the Taiwan–Somaliland relationship lies the issue of contested recognition. Although both entities exhibit the characteristics of sovereign states—as defined by the Montevideo Convention, which includes a permanent population, defined territory, effective government, and the capacity to engage in relations with other states—they remain constrained by the international legal order due to political factors beyond their control. Recognition theory is commonly divided into two categories: de jure recognition (legal recognition by the international community) and de facto recognition (based on actual existence and governing capacity). As argued by Richard A. Falk, an American professor emeritus of international law, recognition is not a neutral legal process but is “highly politicized, hierarchical, and exposed to hegemonic interests.” Mikulas Fabry, associate professor at the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs, reinforces this view, noting that gatekeeping practices are not exclusive to powerful states but function as strategic tools to determine who gains entry into the international system—often guided more by geopolitical interests than by legal principles. Taiwan provides a clear example of this dynamic. Its diplomatic isolation is largely orchestrated by the People’s Republic of China, which insists on adherence to the One China policy and persistently lobbies international actors to withhold recognition of the Taiwanese government. In Somaliland’s case, both the African Union and Western powers continue to uphold Somalia’s territorial integrity, despite Somaliland’s demonstrated stability, functional governance, and credible historical claims to independent statehood. Thus, the diplomatic engagement between Taiwan and Somaliland can be interpreted as a challenge to the dominant international recognition regime—one that conflates legal statehood with geopolitical alignment. Their partnership, which also seeks to involve other democratic states, constitutes a form of counter-hegemonic diplomacy. It advances the argument that recognition should be based on performance and normative legitimacy, rather than on political expediency. By signing agreements related to security and development—such as the 2020 Taiwan–Somaliland accord—both parties signal a shift in the understanding of sovereignty. These agreements assert that sovereignty need not be granted solely from above by powerful states but can also emerge from below—through effective governance and mutual, horizontal recognition. Constructivism and development of diplomatic identity Whereas materialist theories emphasize capabilities, boundaries, and recognition, constructivism lays stress on the way that international actors construct identities, norms, and interests on the basis of social interaction. The Taiwan-Somaliland relationship, according to the constructivist outlook, was more than a strategic affiliation; it had a profound ideational interest, which is synonymous with having collective experiences of marginalization, normative desire, and democratic self-rule. These two actors claim that they both are functional democracies that exist in areas with either authoritarian or fragile regions. This self-perception is not accidental but part and parcel of how they behave in their foreign policy. As a result of repetitive engagement and reciprocal validation, Taiwan and Somaliland have developed a discourse of the diplomatic self as the democracies in exile, those nations that do not match the legal framework of the international system, yet the normative basis of their governance via rule of law, elections, and peaceful progress makes them legitimate actors of global affairs. This identity-making procedure is supplemented by symbolic diplomacy, which involves a public celebration of common values, the visiting of high-level officials, and the conclusion of agreements that give cooperation a specific language of democracy. President Lai Ching-te’s description of Somaliland as a beacon of democracy, along with Somaliland’s portrayal of Taiwan as a partner in peace and democratic governance, should not be seen as mere political theater but rather as the enactment of a shared identity within a common normative world. This is also an indication that both Taiwan and Somaliland are practicing what is so-called norm entrepreneurship, and it is the role of the actors to whom the rest of the existing orders of international practice are denied to create alternative non-traditional diplomatic norms. These include standards based on democratic legitimacy and recognition derived from mutual agreement rather than great-power endorsement. Their collaboration is an example of how marginalized actors can co-create meaning, assert agency, and construct legitimacy within a system that often denies them formal inclusion. Functional diplomacy driving statehood through maritime cooperation The bilateral compliance deal establishes a working relationship on maritime domain awareness, anti-smuggling, combined patrols, and training between the Taiwan Coast Guard Administration and the emerging maritime forces in Somaliland. Theoretically speaking, this project is a paradigmatic example of functional diplomacy, i.e., a diplomacy tool that allows marginalized actors of diplomacy to use sectoral cooperation to circumvent diplomatic restrictions on minimizing their de facto international legitimacy. In the case of Somaliland, where the 850-kilometer-long seafront on the shore of the Gulf of Aden lies at one of the most strategic sea chokepoints in the world, maritime security is both a domestic prerogative and a sovereignty performance device. Through providing maritime policing and liaising with outside partners, Somaliland enhances its empirical right to successful statehood, a basic provision of the Montevideo Convention. De facto the agreement acts as a symbolic border control and a mode of real operation, which is increasing the territoriality that belongs to Somaliland and strengthening its juridical claim in recognition. The alliance also offers Somaliland essential aid in materials and technical support in a region that has been ignored by the central government in Mogadishu long enough. The agreement accordingly turns into a security multiplier and proxy of recognition, allowing Somaliland to reveal the capacity of international engagement, which is a major feature of contemporary sovereignty. To Taiwan, the deal serves as a strategic weapon for its diplomacy and positioning aspects in the globe. It enables Taipei to have its footprint in the Red Sea-Indian Ocean maritime route, which is considered one of the critical arteries in global trade and energy transportation. Such a shift is a manifestation of the developing foreign policy orientation in Taiwan to establish its position as the supplier of international public goods, especially in the vulnerable areas prone to security voids and geopolitical rivalry. The partnership also reinforces to the democratic allies (such as the U.S., Japan, and EU states) the commitment to a value-based order…..” Active participation in maritime capacity-building in Somaliland and Taiwan is not just trying to combat the PRC’s diplomatic lockout, but this helps it to place itself in the line of the liberal internationalism approach to the principles of regional stability, non-traditional security, and regional governance building. It is this quiet diplomacy of capacity that can help to counter Beijing’s narrative of Taiwanese isolation and help stabilize Taipei’s position as a relevant partner by use of soft power projection on the Global South. Geostrategic signaling through regional autonomy, soft balancing In addition to the multi-layered geopolitical signaling that accompanies technical cooperation, the pact is encompassed by multiple layers of varying geopolitical messaging to different audiences and stakeholders. Somaliland is claiming autonomy in its diplomatic abilities and has declared its autonomy to regional actors (especially Somalia, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Gulf countries), thus bypassing the constitutional right of the federal government of Somalia. The agreement shows a clear message that Somaliland is capable of negotiating security terms with foreign partners—especially where it pertains to the areas of its territorial and maritime integrity. To the global powers, the Taiwan-Somaliland cooperation is a case of soft balancing where diplomatically hobbled members and interests collude to counter the influence of the hegemonic actors, in this case coercive diplomacy on the part of China and exclusive territorial claims of Somalia, but without explicitly resorting to military or ideological challenges. Such soft balancing is reflected in the nuanced dimension of the size of the pact: it is not formally recognized but allows cooperation with high impact in sensitive aspects. The partnership also reinforces to the democratic allies (such as the U.S., Japan, and EU states) the commitment to a value-based order and prioritizes the following principles: self-determination, democratic governance, and functional sovereignty. The direct reference to the democratic solidarity and mutual legitimacy is addressed toward liberal democracies, which became sensitive to authoritarian intrusion in the region. It is noteworthy that the agreement is not going on in a geopolitical vacuum. China has already opened a naval station in Djibouti and closely cooperates with Somalia, and due to its naval bases in the region, China is also extending its influence in the Gulf of Aden and Arabian Peninsula. The Taiwan-Somaliland partnership serves up a balance of power, a kind of check, to the strategic monopolization of the Taiwan region in its maritime infrastructure and diplomacy. Moreover, the agreement creates an additional depth to the developing Indo-Pacific security discourse, whose peripheral escalation of Taiwan and Somaliland involvements puts them indirectly in the circle of other democratic players striving to ensure the preservation of the freedom of navigation, maritime rule of law, and regional resilience. Although both sides do not make direct allusions to the Indo-Pacific strategy, the maritime pact places the two states, both geographically and normatively, within its zone of operations. In sum, the 2025 maritime cooperation agreement exemplifies how non-recognized or diplomatically constrained actors can exercise strategic agency through sectoral diplomacy. It reflects a dual strategy of sovereignty assertion and soft balancing: Somaliland uses the pact to consolidate its functional statehood and regional role, while Taiwan leverages it to expand its diplomatic space, resist international marginalization, and contribute to regional public goods. Both actors exploit the strategic ambiguity of informal cooperation: the agreement avoids the legal thresholds of recognition while producing real-world diplomatic, security, and normative dividends. In doing so, they reshape the margins of the international system, challenging the notion that recognition is a prerequisite for strategic relevance. Expanding frontiers of democratic solidarity Although conventional international relations are in many cases very strategic in their calculation, asymmetrical power, and material interest, the Taiwan-Somaliland relationship proves beyond doubt the rising importance of normative legitimacy and democratic identity as the basis of establishing modern diplomacy. The relationship represents an example of democracy-to-democracy diplomacy whereby the mutual recognition, symbolic alignment, and institutional cooperation are based not on international legal status but on the shared view of adopting liberal democratic values. The description of Somaliland by President Lai Ching-te as a beacon of democracy in the Horn of Africa is a paradigmatic representation of what constructivist IR theory considers a norm-based diplomacy practice of a wholly ideational form, in which Somaliland is embedded in the transnational community of liberal democracies. These expressions are not purely ceremonial displays but are norm-reinforcing styles of diplomatic speech performance declaring a commitment of both parties to the identity practice of being democratic actors against the regional authoritarianism and world exclusion. On the other hand, the Somaliland Foreign Minister has labelled Taiwan as a “reliable ally in peace and democracy, which is an intentional discursive construction of the relationship as based on the collective shared democratic legitimacy and not geopolitical utility per se. Such reciprocal pledges create a common normative script, or a type of global interaction by which legitimacy is a product of democratization performance, high-level governance, and rights-based orderings rather than formal statehood or approval through hegemonic approval. This congruence represents an opportunity to exploit what can be theorized by Keohane and Nye, where both sides have access to what can be termed as transgovernmentalism or horizontal cooperation based on the bureaucratic and sectoral level with reference to institutions, possibly beyond the sight of conventional diplomatic treaties. In the case of Taiwan and Somaliland, this has occurred in the form of memoranda of understanding, security agreements, joint development programs, and reciprocated offices of representation that avoid the formalities of treaty making yet still hold the contents of bilateral relations. Besides, this collaboration is an example of normative agency, which refers to the active presence of actors beyond the international system attempting to redefine the standards of international legitimacy. Interestingly, through their endorsement of common democratic standards and rule of law principles and the accountability of electoral politics, Taiwan and Somaliland have attempted to decolonize the predominant realpolitik calculation that global recognition regimes are driven by. Their collaboration is with the traditional view that international legitimacy is bestowed by the recognition of the great powers or membership of formal bodies such as the United Nations. Instead, the model of democratic solidarity diplomacy suggests offering a counter-narrative: that legitimacy can be enacted, affirmed, and co-constituted around common norms, institutional procedures, and public diplomacybetween forgotten but democratic actors. The Taiwan-Somaliland relationship in this case transforms the situation of norm diffusion to a micro level where states that are not recognized play the role of norm entrepreneurs promoting an international system that looks at how good a government is rather than geopolitical loyalties. This normative repositioning also speaks to the ethics of recognition. Scholars like Axel Honneth and Charles Taylor have argued that recognition is not only a legal process but also a moral imperative grounded in respect for identity, autonomy, and dignity. The Taiwan–Somaliland alliance leverages this moral grammar of recognition, making the case that democratic governance, peaceful engagement, and public legitimacy should be sufficient to warrant international partnership—even in the absence of formal diplomatic status. In this light, their cooperation becomes not only a diplomatic strategy but also a form of international normative protest—a challenge to a system that routinely rewards authoritarian regimes with recognition while excluding democratic entities on procedural or geopolitical grounds. Marginal Diplomacy: Challenges, opportunities The Taiwan-Somaliland arrangement takes place somewhere between changing international diplomatic realities and established stakes of sovereignty, recognition, and legitimation. The interaction of the two actors concerning the limitations they experience as a result of their contested status works as the crucial study of changes and tensions in contemporary diplomacy as experienced at the periphery. Taiwan and Somaliland is a classic example of a post-Westphalian process of international diplomacy that challenges the borders of the traditional concepts of sovereignty and recognition, which were introduced after the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. The classical Westphalian model balances diplomatic relations on maximum sovereignty and legal legitimacy of states, but the dynamics of globalization, complex interdependence, and non-monopoly statehood have breached these hard boundaries. The Taiwan-Somaliland arrangement takes place somewhere between changing international diplomatic realities and established stakes of sovereignty, recognition, and legitimation.” In this regard, the collaborations between Taiwan and Somaliland serve as an indication of the trend in functional legitimacy and normative integration as substitute currencies of the diplomatic capital. Their relationship favors the proper governance, democratic moves, and the acknowledgment of each other rather than having the formal legal legitimacy in international law. This questions the orthodox distinction between the recognized and unrecognized states and purports a relative value in the field of diplomatic recognition to the point that effectiveness and values can override official sanction. What is more, this dynamic indicates the appearance of a pluralistic diplomatic order that has room in it to include a variety of types of international agency such as international agency of quasi-states or self-proclaimed republics, as well as international agency of disputed sovereignties. It is echoed in new analyses that view sovereignty as the moral imperative of something like sovereignty as responsibility or the phenomenologically constructed and performative sovereignty. Taiwan and Somaliland are two prime examples of a reconfiguration of the post-Westphalian order through deep engagement in the governance, security, and normative community-building processes, indicating a general decentralization and diversity in the actors of diplomacy. Although the symbolic and substantive progress—exemplified by the signing of the maritime security pact and recent diplomatic visits—holds promise for advancing the Taiwan–Somaliland partnership, significant geopolitical and legal obstacles continue to hinder the relationship. The first challenge lies in geopolitical dynamics. Taiwan is once again being pushed into a shrinking international space due to China’s growing global influence and increasingly assertive foreign policy. Beijing’s use of diplomatic coercion, economic leverage, and pressure within multilateral institutions poses a persistent threat to Taiwan’s efforts to strengthen informal alliances, such as its ties with Somaliland. These realities necessitate a careful diplomatic balancing act by Taiwan to avoid escalation that could jeopardize its existing partnerships. The second issue concerns the sovereignty claims of Somalia. Somaliland’s claim to statehood remains unrecognized by the African Union and most countries, including Somalia, which still asserts territorial claims over the region. This unresolved sovereignty dispute presents a constant risk of legal and political retaliation—ranging from multilateral interventions to potential interstate conflict. Arrangements such as the maritime pact may be perceived by Somalia and its allies as threats to national integrity, further complicating Somaliland’s quest for broader recognition. Another pressing challenge is the legal ambiguity surrounding the agreement. The maritime security pact, being informal and non-binding, reflects the inherent weaknesses of collaborations formed outside any reputable international legal framework. Such agreements lack legal enforceability in international contexts and are vulnerable to shifts in political will or foreign interference. This precarious foundation limits the prospects for long-term planning and the institutionalization of cooperation. Finally, there is the issue of international systemic resistance. The existing global order, which privileges established and recognized state actors, tends to ignore or marginalize entities lacking formal recognition. Taiwan and Somaliland, as unrecognized or partially recognized entities, operate within a normatively exclusionary system. Their ambitions are frequently constrained by the reluctance of dominant powers to challenge the status quo—even when it comes to pragmatic bilateral engagements. Nonetheless, the positive impacts of the Taiwan–Somaliland partnership can also be seen in how diplomatic agency may be expanded through multilateral and coalition-based diplomacy. The first avenue is trilateral and coalition building. Both parties have expressed a clear intention to expand their cooperation into trilateral or broader multilateral relationships—particularly with the United States and other democratic nations. This coalition-based approach to diplomacy offers a pathway to strengthen their diplomatic legitimacy and enhance their security assurances by aligning with established powers that uphold democratic values and a rules-based international order. Second is participation in global governance forums. Engagement in developmental and thematic multilateral platforms—such as those focused on the blue economy, maritime security, and climate change—provides Taiwan and Somaliland with opportunities to contribute meaningfully to international discourse. These forums allow informal actors to exercise soft power and exert normative influence beyond the confines of traditional diplomatic channels. Third is the development of academic and technical networks. Expanding partnerships in education, research, and technical capacity-building fosters people-to-people connections and institutional linkages. These relationships help embed resilience and longevity into the partnership, reinforcing diplomatic efforts through knowledge exchange and social collaboration. Such people-centered diplomacy complements formal state-level engagement by establishing legitimacy through grassroots and institutional interaction. Finally, there is normative identity. Taiwan and Somaliland can strategically leverage the interplay between normative identity and other elements—such as interests and power—to cultivate sympathy and support from international civil society, advocacy networks, and diasporic communities. By consistently framing their cooperation around shared values of democracy, peace, and self-determination, they can build an informal yet powerful constituency of global supporters. In conclusion, the Taiwan–Somaliland partnership highlights both the transformative possibilities and persistent challenges of diplomacy conducted “from the margins.” As traditional norms of sovereignty and recognition face growing contestation, this relationship models a pragmatic, value-driven, and functional approach to international engagement that may increasingly characterize diplomatic interactions in the 21st century. AS Editor’s Note: Gulaid Yusuf Idaan is a senior lecturer and researcher specializing in diplomacy, politics, and international relations in the Horn of Africa. He can be contacted at Idaan54@gmail.com Qaran News

Madaxweynaha dowladda Puntland, Siciid Deni ayaa maanta Boosaaso ku qaabiley safiirka Turkiga u qaabilsan Soomaaliya, Alper Aktaş oo ay weheliyaan mas’uuliyiin iyo saraakiil ciidan oo ka tirsan dowladda Turkiga. Qoraal ka soo baxay Madaxtooyada Puntland ayaa lagu sheegay in wefdiga Turkiga uu daba socday xiriir muddo u dhexeeyey dowladda Puntland iyo Turkiga oo ku saabsan Markabka MV Sea World iyo shixnadda saaran, iyadoo dowladda Turkiga ay la wadaagtay dowladda Puntland cadeymaha in ay leeyihiin dhammaan hantida saaran. “Safarka Waftiga Dowladda Turkiga ayaa daba socday xiriir muddo u dhexeeyey Dowladda Puntland iyo Turkiga oo la xariira Markabka MV Sea World iyo shixnadda saaran, iyadoo Dowladda Turkiga ay la wadaagtay Dowladda Puntland cadeymaha in ay leeyihiin dhammaan hantida saaran” ayaa lagu yiri Warkan ka soo baxay Madaxtooyada Puntland. Dowladda Puntland ayaa sidoo kale sheegtay in ay go’aansatay in ay mas’uuliyadda markabka Sea World iyo shixnadda saaran ay ku wareejiso Turkiga, iyadoo tixraacaysa caddaymaha Turkigu soo gudbisay iyo baaritaankii lagu sameeyay Markabka. “Dowladda Puntland oo ka duulaysa cadeymaha ay soo gudbisay Dowladda Turkiga iyo baaritaankii lagu sameeyay Markabka iyo Shixnada uu sido , ayaa go’aansatay in masuuliyada Markabka MV Sea World iyo hantida saaranba lagu wareejiyo Dowladda Turkiga” ayuu sii raaciyay Warka Puntland. PUNTLAND POST The post Puntland oo Turkiga u fasaxday Markabkii Hubka siday ee Sea World appeared first on Puntland Post.

Somaliland’s Hidden Advantage: How Lithium and Location Could Secure Recognition Introduction Since declaring independence in 1991, Somaliland has persistently sought international recognition. Despite notable progress in peacebuilding, democratic governance, and institutional development, the quest for recognition remains unrealized. This article explores how other nations have strategically leveraged their natural resources in exchange for political recognition or international support. Drawing lessons from such global examples, it proposes a strategic framework through which Somaliland can use its abundant natural resources as diplomatic capital to gain international recognition. 1. Global Precedents: Natural Resources as Leverage for Recognition 1.1. Kuwait (1961–1990) Kuwait, once a small protectorate under British rule, effectively utilized its vast oil reserves as diplomatic leverage. Britain, recognizing its economic interests in Kuwait’s oil, pressured Iraq to accept the country’s independence. This resulted in Kuwait receiving widespread international recognition and solidified its sovereignty. 1.2. South Sudan (2011) Despite being engulfed in civil conflict, South Sudan attracted international attention due to its rich oil resources. Countries like the United States saw strategic interest in stabilizing the region and supporting the formation of a new government aligned with their interests. Consequently, South Sudan gained rapid recognition and became a member of the United Nations within months of its independence. 1.3. East Timor (2002) Located near Australia and endowed with offshore oil and gas reserves, East Timor benefitted from strong international advocacy, especially from Australia. Although the region was plagued by conflict, pressure from international institutions and strategic interests in its resources led to Indonesia’s withdrawal and East Timor’s get full independence. 2. Somaliland’s Natural Resources: Untapped Potential for Diplomatic Capital Somaliland possesses a wealth of natural resources that remain largely underutilized on the international stage. These include: • Lithium Reserves: As the world transitions to clean energy, lithium has become a vital mineral for electric vehicles and battery storage. Geological surveys indicate the presence of lithium deposits in Somaliland, positioning it as a potential supplier in the global green economy. • Oil and Gas: Multiple regions in Somaliland have shown promise for oil and natural gas exploration, though exploitation is still in its early stages. • Agricultural Land and Livestock: With fertile lands and a strong livestock sector, Somaliland has the capacity to be a regional hub for food security and export. • Strategic Geographic Location: Situated near the Bab-el-Mandeb strait and the Red Sea shipping lanes, Somaliland holds a geostrategic position critical to global maritime trade and regional security. 3. Strategic Resource Diplomacy for International Recognition The international cases discussed above illustrate how countries can wisely trade their natural resources for political and diplomatic gains. Somaliland can adopt similar strategies through the following actions: 3.1. Forming Alliances with Interested Global Powers Somaliland should strengthen diplomatic and economic ties with countries that have vested interests in the Horn of Africa—such as China, the United States, Australia, and the European Union—by offering resource-based partnerships in exchange for political support. 3.2. Entering Resource-Based Diplomatic Agreements Somaliland can formalize bilateral contracts that grant exploration or extraction rights over specific resources in return for diplomatic backing. Such agreements should be structured under international law and promote mutual benefit and sovereignty. 3.3. Enhancing International Awareness and Advocacy A coordinated media and policy campaign can amplify Somaliland’s strategic importance in global trade, energy transition, and regional stability. Engaging think tanks, international research institutions, and diaspora networks could shape favorable narratives and increase pressure for recognition. Conclusion Somaliland’s untapped natural wealth presents a historical opportunity to achieve longsought international recognition. As demonstrated by the cases of Kuwait, South Sudan, and East Timor, natural resources—when strategically managed—can become tools of diplomatic influence and statehood legitimization. Somaliland’s current leadership, particularly under President Abdirahman Mahamed Abdilahi holds the potential to convert this opportunity into reality. A united national strategy focused on resource diplomacy could turn the country’s lithium, oil, livestock, and geographic assets into pathways toward full international recognition. Recommendations: 1. Establish a National Resource Diplomacy Taskforce: A multidisciplinary team dedicated to designing and implementing resource-based diplomatic initiatives. 2. Conduct Market-Oriented Resource Valuation Studies: Empirical studies to assess the commercial value and strategic appeal of Somaliland’s key resources. 3. Develop a Strategic Recognition Roadmap: A comprehensive plan outlining targeted diplomatic engagements, partner states, and resource-leveraged deals aimed at securing recognition. Authored:by Abdiaziz Mahamoud Yusouf Young Political Activist email: burgal1986@gmail.com Mobile 0634479223 Qaran News

Mas’uuliyiinta safaaradda dowladda Turkiga ee Muqdidho ayaa sida la filayo ku wajahan magaalada Boosaaso, halkaasi oo Puntland ku hayso markabkii Hubka siday ee Sea World. Mas’uuliyiinta safaaradda Turkiga ee imaanaya Boosaaso ayaa lagu wadaa in ay halkaasi shir ku saabsan xaaladda markabka Sea World kula yeeshaan madaxweynaha Puntland Siciid Deni oo dhawaanahan ku sugan magaalada Boosaaso. Markabkan oo hadda ku xiran dekedda Boosaaso, kaddib markii Puntland qabatay, islamarkaana uu baaritaan ku socdo ayaa ka soo shiraacday dekedda magaalada Izmir ee dalka Turkiga, waxaana uu ku sii jeeday Muqdisho oo uu u siday shixnadda habka ah ee saaran. Dowladda Puntland waxay horay u xaqiijisay in Ganacsato Reer Muqdisho ah iyo Safiirka Turkiga oo la soo xiriiray mid kasta uu sheegtay shixnadda Hubka ah ee saaran Madkabka, taasi oo abuurtay shaki ku saabsan cidda sax ahaan u leh hantidaasi. PUNTLAND POST The post Mas’uuliyiinta safaaradda Turkiga ee Muqdisho oo ku wajahan Boosaaso appeared first on Puntland Post.

U.S. Congress Orders Review of #Somaliland Ties Ahead of Irro’s Washington Visit In a landmark decision, U.S. Congress has directed the State Department to submit a report within 120 days exploring expanded engagement with Somaliland in areas such as security, diplomacy, trade and development, coinciding with President @Abdirahmanirro ’s anticipated visit to Washington later this year. This shift, welcomed by sources as showing bipartisan interest including from @GOP and @realDonaldTrump , highlights Somaliland’s democratic stability and strategic value, particularly its Berbera port and role in Red Sea security. While the directive stops short of formal recognition, sources say it could pave the way for deeper U.S.–Somaliland cooperation. Euro Times Qaran News

Addis-Ababa (Caasimada Online) – Codsi-qoraal ah, oo ay xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya Abiy Ahmed u gudbiyeen, koox isugu jirta odayaal, aqoonyahanno, iyo hoggaamiyeyaal bulsho oo ka soo jeeda Dowlad Deegaanka Soomaalida, ayaa looga codsaday dowladda federaalka in ay soo farageliso si looga hortago wax ay qorayaashu ku tilmaameen “burbur maamul oo dhammaystiran” oo ka jira deegaanka xilliga hoggaanka Madaxweyne Mustafe Maxamed Cumar. Codsigan oo ka kooban siddeed bog, ayna heshay warbaahinta The Reporter, ayaa lagu faahfaahiyay eedaymo ay ka mid yihiin musuq-maasuq baahsan, xawilaad lacageed oo sharci-darro ah, eex qabyaaladeed, iyo khataro amni oo sii kordhaya oo ka jira deegaanka. Codsiga oo ay qoreen in ka badan laba dersin qof, oo ay ku jiraan hoggaamiyeyaal beeleed, culimmo diin, iyo aqoonyahanno ka soo jeeda deegaanka Soomaalida, ayaa xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha la gudbiyey 28-kii Luuliyo, 2025. Eedaymaha warqadda ku xusan ayaa tilmaamaya “burbur isku-dubaridan” oo saameeyay maamulkii dowliga ahaa, hay’adihii sharci-fulinta, iyo nabadgelyada, iyadoo mas’uuliyiinta deegaanka lagu eedeeyay inay awooddooda ugu adeegteen dano gaar ah, iyagoo iska indha-tiraya danta guud ee bulshada. Waxyaabaha udub-dhexaadka u ah dacwaddan waxaa ka mid ah eedaymo ku saabsan musuq-maasuq baaxad leh oo nidaamsan oo la sheegay inuu ka dhex jiro xukuumadda deegaanka. Qorayaasha codsigu waxay ku andacoonayaan in in ka badan 150 mashruuc oo kaabeyaasha dadweynaha ah, oo isugu jira nidaamyo biyo-gelin iyo xarumo wax-soosaarka beeraha, la hakiyay inkastoo si buuxda loogu bixiyay lacagtii qandaraaslayaasha. Waxay ku doodayaan in arrintani ay caddeyn u tahay jiritaanka “shabakad musu-qmaasuq oo ay ku midoobeen qandaraaslayaal iyo mas’uuliyiin.” Mashaariicda codsiga lagu xusay waxaa ka mid ah mashruuca biyo-gelinta Qabridahare, oo la sheegay in la joojiyay ka dib markii lagu bixiyay in ka badan 300 oo milyan oo Birr. Sida warqaddu caddaynayso, waxaa sidoo kale la dayacay mashaariic kale oo kaabeyaasha biyaha ah oo laga hirgelinayay magaalooyinka Jigjiga iyo Baarey, in ka badan 30 mashruuc oo lagu qabanayay biyaha roobka, iyo shan xarumood oo loogu talo-galay warshadaynta wax-soosaarka beeraha, kuwaas oo dhammaantood la iska daayay ka dib markii la bixiyay dhaqaalihii ku baxayay. Codsigu wuxuu mas’uuliyadda fashilkan dusha uga tuurayaa dhaqan-gelin la’aanta sharciga qandaraasyada, eexda iyo nin-jeclaysiga loo adeegsado doorashada qandaraaslayaasha, iyo madax-bannaanida la’aanta xafiiska hanti-dhawrka deegaanka, arrimahaas oo suurtageliyay baaxadda lunsiga maaliyadeed ee la soo warinayo. Warqadda ayaa sidoo kale shaaca ka qaaday in mas’uuliyiin sarsare oo deegaanka ah iyo shakhsiyaad kale oo saameyn ku leh maamulka ay ku lug leeyihiin xawilaado sharci-darro ah oo sii mara magaalada Tog Wajaale—oo ah marinka ganacsi ee ugu muhiimsan ee loo maro Somaliland, gaar ahaan dekedda Berbera. Lacagahaas ayaa la sheegay in lagu maalgeliyo guryo, silsilado hoteello, iyo hanti kale oo qaali ah oo dibadda laga iibsaday. “Baaxadda hantida dadweynaha ee la lunsanayo iyadoo uu ogyahay Madaxweyne Mustafe waa mid aad u ballaaran,” ayaa lagu yiri codsiga, iyadoo la xusay in maalgeshi ganacsi lagu sameeyay waddamada Kenya, Imaaraadka Carabta, Canada, iyo Turkiga. Dokumeentigu wuxuu ku eedaynayaa sarkaalka borotokoolka madaxweynaha iyo shaqaale ka tirsan xafiiska maaliyadda inay maamulaan akoonno banki oo qarsoodi ah, kuwaas oo loo adeegsado in lagu lunsado dhaqaalihii horumarinta deegaanka oo loogu beddelo hanti ma-guurto ah oo dibadda ah. Waxaa sidoo kale loogu baaqay in baaritaan hanti-dhawr oo qoto dheer uu sameeyo heer federaal, lana qaado tallaabooyin dacwado ciqaabeed ah. Qayb kale oo dacwadda ka mid ah ayaa si faahfaahsan uga hadlaysa sida maamulka deegaanku hubka ugu qaybiyay beelo gaar ah, iyadoo la faquuqayo kuwa kale. Dokumeentigu wuxuu sidoo kale ku eedaynayaa maamulka inuu sii hurinayo colaado iyo xurgufo beeleed oo soo jireen ah. “Eexda qabiilka ku salaysan iyo hubaynta shacabka waxay sii qoto-dheereeyeen kala qaybsanaanta, iyagoo khatar gelinaya nabadda iyo amniga qaranka,” ayaa lagu yiri warqadda. Warqaddu waxay xiriir ka dhexaysiinaysaa fashilka maamul iyo isku dhacyo waaweyn oo ka dhacay Wardheer, Birqod, Mooyaale, iyo Shilaabo, waxayna ku qiyaasaysaa in in ka badan 500 oo qof oo rayid ah ay ku dhinteen dhacdooyinkaas, sababo la xiriira colaado hubaysan oo uu maamulku oggolaaday ama uu ka aamusay. “Maamulka hadda jira wuxuu wiiqay dadaallo dib-u-heshiineed oo socday tobannaan sano, gaar ahaan kuwa u dhexeeyay bulshooyinka Soomaalida iyo Canfarta,” ayaa lagu xusay dukumeentiga. Wuxuu xukuumadda deegaanka ku eedeeyay inay dano siyaasadeed awgood dib u soo noolaysay khilaafyo xuduudeed oo muddo hurday. In kasta oo ay jiraan warar rasmi ah oo uu maamulku ku beeninayo jiritaanka xiisadaha beelaha, haddana qorayaasha codsigu waxay ku doodayaan in habka dib-u-habaynta maamulka ee socda uu noqday mid lagu abaalmariyo shakhsiyaadka daacadda ah, laguna cabburiyo kuwa ka aragtida duwan, iyadoo la sheegay in degmooyin dhan dib loogu qaabeeyay saldhig daacadnimo siyaasadeed. Dacwaddu waxay kaloo soo jeedinaysaa digniin culus oo ku saabsan khataraha dibadda ee sii kordhaya, iyadoo maamulka ku eedeynaysa in kormeerka liita iyo maamul-xumida xuduudaha ay u sahashay dagaalyahannada Al-Shabaab inay gudaha Itoobiya u soo gudbaan. “Waxay [hoggaamiyeyaasha deegaanku] muujiyeen taxadar la’aan baaxad leh oo u gogol-xaartay in xagjiriintu ay si dhuumasho ah ku soo galaan kuna dhex-hawlgalaan deegaanka Soomaalida, taasoo halis ku ah qaranimada Itoobiya,” ayaa lagu yiri dukumeentiga. Inkastoo mas’uuliyiin deegaanka ka tirsan oo la hadlay warbaahinta The Reporter ay meesha ka saareen walaaca laga qabo soo dhex-galka cadowga, haddana codsigu wuxuu ku boorrinayaa dowladda federaalka ah inaysan dhayalsan “qaab-dhismeedka amniga deegaanka ee sii burburaya.” “Arrintani kuma koobna dembiyada xuduudaha ka tallaaba, balse waxay si toos ah u taabanaysaa amniga qaranka. Waxa ka dhacaya deegaanka Soomaalida kuma eka halkaas—saamayntoodu waxay gaarayaan guud ahaan Itoobiya,” ayaa lagu yiri warqadda. Codsigu wuxuu kaloo ku eedaynayaa maamulka deegaanka inuu hay’adaha amniga u adeegsaday caburinta bannaanbaxyada dadweynaha, gaar ahaan kuwa ay dhigayaan dhallinyarada iyo kooxaha mucaaradka. “Xukuumadda deegaanku kama aysan bixin jawaab-celin maamul ama mid siyaasadeed oo ku habboon dalabaadka shacabka, balse waxay adeegsatay caburin—iyadoo xirtay dhallinyaro, haween, iyo odayaal, ayna kula kacday jirdil iyo falal kale oo anshaxa ka baxsan,” ayaa lagu yiri. Jawaabta maamulka deegaanka Maxamed Aadan, madaxa xafiiska isgaarsiinta ee maamulka deegaanka Soomaalida, oo la hadlay warbaahinta The Reporter, ayaa ku gacan-sayray eedaymaha lagu soo bandhigay codsiga, isagoo ku sifeeyay kuwo siyaasadaysan. “Eedaymaha musuq-maasuqa waa kuwo gebi ahaanba been abuur ah. Haddii qof sheeganayo in musuq-maasuq jiro, waa inuu keenaa xog iyo caddeyn. Sidaas sahal kuma soo tuuri kartid ereyga ‘musuqmaasuq’,” ayuu yiri. Maxamed wuxuu qorayaasha codsiga ku tilmaamay “shakhsiyaad qaba cabashooyin gaar ah,” isagoo shaki geliyay matalaaddooda, kuna eedeeyay inay xiriir la leeyihiin xisbiyada mucaaradka iyo dhinacyo kale oo dano gaar ah ka leh deegaanka. “Odayaal ma ahan. Waa shakhsiyaad is-abaabulay. Fikirkoodu wax shaqo ah kuma lahan xoojinta nabadda iyo horumarka deegaanka,” ayuu yiri, isagoo ku adkaystay in aragtidoodu aysan ka tarjumaynin rabitaanka shacabka deegaanka. Maxamed wuxuu sidoo kale beeniyay eedaymaha la xiriira eexda iyo hubaynta beelaha. “Ma jirto wax xiisad ah oo beelaha u dhaxaysa. Xaqiiqadu waa taas cagsigeeda. Dadku si diirran ayay u soo dhoweeyeen isbeddellada dhacay,” ayuu ku andacooday. Marka la eego khataraha dibadda, madaxa isgaarsiintu wuxuu qiray inay jireen dhacdooyin hore oo Al-Shabaab ay ku lug lahayd, balse wuxuu ku adkaystay in “xuduuduhu hadda yihiin kuwo ammaan ah, ciidanka difaacana la geeyay, aysanna jirin wax khatar ah oo hadda taagan.” Wuxuu sheegay in maamulka deegaanku aanu dhayalsan arrimaha argagixisada. “Waxa ugu horreeya ee aan cidina illaawi karin waa in Al-Shabaab ay tahay urur argagixiso oo caalami ah. Ma ahan arrin si dhuumasho ah ku dhex-faafta sida arrin beeleed oo kale. Waa koox argagixiso oo caalamku aqoonsan yahay. Dadkan sheeganaya inay odayaal yihiin kama tirsana hay’adaheenna sirdoonka iyo amniga,” ayuu yiri Maxamed. Codsiga ayaa lagu soo gabagabeeyay baaq loo jeedinayo dowladda federaalka oo ah inay soo farageliso deegaanka, waxaana la dalbaday in isbeddel lagu sameeyo hoggaanka sare ee maamulka. Xafiiska Ra’iisul Wasaaraha kama uusan soo jawaab celin codsi falcelin oo loo diray.

Mogadishu, Somalia – In a quiet training room far from the front lines, the new doctrine for Somalia’s war against Islamist insurgents is taking shape: victory, soldiers are being taught, will be won not just with bullets, but by winning the trust of the people. Thirty members of Somalia’s elite, US-mentored Danab Brigade, recently completed a two-week course in Civil-Military Operations (CMO), a strategic shift aimed at undermining the Al-Shabaab insurgency by placing the protection and support of civilians at the heart of military planning. The training, conducted in Somalia by instructors from the U.S. Joint Special Operations University, focused on what one instructor called the “center of gravity” in the long-running conflict. “In insurgency and terrorism, the center of gravity is always the population,” explained instructor Jack Guy. “This course helps students understand how to operate by, with, and through the people.” The initiative comes as the Somali National Army (SNA), alongside African Union peacekeepers and local clan militias, continues a grinding offensive against Al-Shabaab, an al-Qaeda affiliate that has waged a brutal insurgency for over 15 years. While the group has lost significant territory, it maintains control over rural areas. It continues to launch deadly attacks on military and civilian targets across the nation. A new front in a long war For years, the conflict has been defined by kinetic military operations. This new training signals a more profound commitment to a population-centric counterinsurgency strategy, which military experts see as crucial to achieving lasting stability. Al-Shabaab often embeds itself within communities, using a mixture of coercion and rudimentary service provision to maintain influence. Winning local populations over to the government’s side is seen as essential to cutting off the group’s support base and intelligence networks. Students in the CMO course learned to blend military objectives with community engagement through a mix of theory and practical exercises, including a simulated negotiation with village elders to solve complex local problems. “We’re not just fighting an enemy—we’re protecting our people and planning for a peaceful future,” said Sadam, a Danab soldier who participated in the training. He noted that the techniques he learned for building rapport “changed my view when it comes to civilian cooperation.” The Danab (“Lightning”) Brigade, a force of around 3,000 soldiers, is widely considered the most effective unit in the SNA. Forged through years of intensive training by U.S. special operations forces, it serves as the country’s premier counter-terrorism force, often leading major operations against high-value Al-Shabaab targets. Women’s inclusion a ‘critical’ component In a significant milestone for the Somali military, the course included four female soldiers. One was appointed class leader on the first day, a move her instructors said underscored her capabilities. “She’s very, very competent and capable,” said Basil Catanzaro, an instructor who has been working with Somali forces since 2022. He stressed that the inclusion of women is a strategic imperative, not just a social goal. “Having women soldiers who can engage and understand the population is critical,” Catanzaro stated. “Fifty percent of the population is women—their inclusion is not optional, it’s essential.” Female soldiers can often access and communicate with women and children in conservative communities in ways that male soldiers cannot, providing a vital channel for intelligence gathering and building trust. The Somali soldiers left a deep impression on the veteran American instructors. “They are the most civil and composed people we’ve worked with,” said instructor Mike Warmack. “Even under pressure, they demonstrated grace, discipline, and a deep commitment to their mission.” Catanzaro acknowledged the heavy price his students have paid in the conflict. “Some of them have been wounded or even killed,” he said. “Their resilience is nothing short of inspiring.” A partnership for peace The training is part of a broader security partnership between the United States and Somalia, which has deepened since President Joe Biden redeployed several hundred U.S. troops to the country in 2022 to advise and assist local forces. U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) also provides critical intelligence and occasional air support, including drone strikes, against Al-Shabaab. While the junior soldiers who attended the course will not immediately be shaping high-level policy, the skills they acquired are designed to create a ripple effect throughout the army, fostering a new generation of leaders who see civilian engagement as fundamental to their mission. The partnership, instructors said, sends a message that extends beyond military tactics. “Our engagement sends a clear message to the Somali National Army,” said Catanzaro. “They are not alone in this fight. We travel thousands of miles not just to teach, but to stand with them—as partners in pursuit of peace.”

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Kaamirooyinka CCTV-ga ee ku xiran bannaanka hore ee xarunta Telefishinka SMS, oo ah telefishin gaar loo leeyahay oo ka howlgala magaalada Muqdisho, ayaa duubay ciidamo ka tirsan Booliska Soomaaliya oo si xoog ah ku kaxaysanaya weriyayaal kasoo laabanayay shaqo maalmeedkoodii, xilli ay doonayeen inay galaan xarunta TV-ga. Maamulka SMS TV ayaa war-saxaafadeed ka soo saaray dhacdadaas, iyagoo sheegay in weriyeyaasha ay goobta keentay Xildhibaan Faa’isa Jayte, ayna ciidamada sugayeen ilaa uu dhaqaaqo gaariga xildhibaanadda. Sidoo kale, qoraalka kasoo baxay maamulka TV-ga ayaa lagu sheegay in weriyeyaasha la geeyay saldhigga degmada Xamar Jajab, halkaas oo ay weli ku xiran yihiin, iyagoo dowladda ka codsaday in cadaalad loo helo. Xarunta laga kaxeeyay weriyeyaasha ayaa ku taalla xeyndaabka Madaxtooyada, gaar ahaan agagaarka Baar-bulsho. Hoos ka akhri war-saxaafadeedka SMS TV: “Askar ka tirsan booliska, oo ku hubaysnaa gawaari tikniko ah oo ay saarnaayeen qoryaha dhashiikaha loo yaqaan, ayaa weerar ku soo qaaday xarunta Telefishinka SMS ee magaalada Muqdisho. Sida ka muuqata muuqaalka CCTV-ga, waxay si xoog ah u kaxeysteen weriyeyaasha telefishinka, kuwaas oo kasoo laabtay howl shaqo. Waxay sidoo kale qaateen qalabkii warbaahineed ee ay wateen, iyagoo weriyeyaasha ula dhaqmay si arxan darro ah. Weriyeyaasha ayaa la socday baabuur qooqan ah oo ay saarnayd Xildhibaan Faa’isa Jayte. Markii gaarigeedii dhaqaaqay, ka hor intii aan weriyeyaashu gudaha u gelin xarunta, waxaa la arki karaa askar hubeysan oo xoog ku watey. Waxa la sheegaya in ay hadda ku xiran yihiin saldhigga booliska Xamar Jajab, iyadoo aan jirin wax waraaq maxkamadeed ah oo waaran ah oo loo gudbiyay maamulka telefishinka. Waxaan isku daynay in aan la xiriirno Taliyaha Booliska, Macallin Mahdi, balse ma uusan ka soo jawaabin wicitaannada iyo fariimaha aan u dirnay. SMS TV waxay codsaneysaa cadaalad.”

Washington, United States – From the battlefields of Ukraine to the contested borders of Gaza and the conflict zones of Sudan, a secretive American paramilitary group has emerged from the shadows, leaving a trail of controversy and fueling questions about the nature of modern warfare. Forward Observations Group (FOG), which presents itself publicly as a lifestyle brand selling military-themed apparel and tactical gear, is operating as a clandestine force in some of the world’s most volatile conflicts, according to intelligence reports and journalistic investigations. Founded by former U.S. Army infantryman Derrick Bales, FOG functions in a grey zone, distinct from traditional private military companies and with no official government affiliation. Yet, its activities—spanning elite combat training, battlefield reconnaissance, and the transfer of expertise—suggest a role as an unofficial instrument in complex geopolitical struggles, operating beyond the reach of conventional legal oversight. The group’s expanding footprint points to a new era of proxy warfare, with its operatives allegedly involved on multiple fronts simultaneously. Far-right ties and chemical allegations FOG’s presence became prominent following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, though its roots there trace back to the initial conflict in the Donbas region in 2014. The group has been deeply involved in training and advising Ukrainian special forces, including units of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) and the controversial Azov Brigade. The group’s connections to far-right elements drew sharp criticism. In May 2021, a Vice News report detailed how Bales posted images of himself on Instagram alongside Vadim Lapaev, a fighter identified by the investigative outlet Bellingcat as a neo-Nazi associated with the Azov movement. Other photos from the trip showed Bales with fighters displaying symbols linked to neo-Nazi groups. Bales, who is African American, defended the 2021 trip as research for a book. In correspondence with Vice, he stated he was unaware of the backgrounds of the individuals he was with and spent only “three hours” at a base belonging to Right Sector, a far-right nationalist militia. He denied any racist intent and expressed regret for any offense caused. The group’s activities also attracted attention from Moscow. In March 2022, the Russian Ministry of Defence accused FOG of helping Ukrainian forces prepare a chemical weapons attack to blame on Russia. The United States State Department vehemently denied the charge, calling it a “blatant lie” and a fabrication intended to create a false pretext for Russia’s actions. No evidence was ever presented to support the Russian claim. From the Carpathians to Khartoum The expertise honed in Ukraine has allegedly been exported to other continents. A July 2025 investigation by the French publication Intelligence Online reported that fighters trained by FOG in Ukraine’s Carpathian Mountains were later deployed to African nations, including Sudan. According to the report, FOG personnel were involved in supporting Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the paramilitary group locked in a devastating civil war with the Sudanese Armed Forces. This support was reportedly provided either directly by FOG or through operatives it had trained, allegedly under the cover of “humanitarian cooperation.” These operations highlight a complex web of influence, with the report suggesting FOG may operate as a field asset for Ukrainian intelligence, complicating the network of foreign involvement in the Sudanese conflict. Presence alongside Israeli forces in Gaza More recently, FOG operatives have been documented on the ground during the Israeli military’s assault on the Gaza Strip. Despite the group’s claims to be a non-combatant “military lifestyle brand,” evidence suggests a more direct role. A November 2023 investigation by Foreign Policy magazine confirmed the presence of armed American personnel linked to FOG. The group’s social media accounts posted photos showing members in full combat gear, carrying advanced weaponry in Israeli areas bordering Gaza, such as Kibbutz Be’eri. Further analysis by weapons tracking researchers, including the well-regarded online account “War Noir“, identified equipment used by FOG members inside Gaza, including M4 carbines and Israeli-made hand grenades at what appeared to be an operational base. While the full extent and nature of FOG’s activities in Gaza remain opaque, the visual evidence indicates its operatives were embedded with or operating in close support of Israeli forces. The presence of such a group raises critical questions about the role of foreign fighters and private paramilitary entities in the conflict. Despite its shadowy operations, FOG has reportedly conducted training exercises at official U.S. military installations like Fort Bragg, North Carolina, blurring the lines between private enterprise and state security apparatuses and solidifying its status as a significant, if unaccountable, player in modern global conflicts.

Wasiirka Ciyaaraha Djabouti Oo Hargeysa Yimid Waxaan Maanta si rasmi ah u soo Xidhay Tartanka Degmooyinka Caasimadda Hargeysa ee Kubadda Tenniska ee Miiska (Table Tennis), waxaana kulankii Finalka oo ka dhacay Hoolka SONYO iskugu soo baxay labadda Degmo ee 31 May iyo Gacan Libaax. Munaasibaddan ayaa waxaa igu wehelinayay Guddoomiyaha Xidhiidhka Tennis-ka Somaliland iyo Ku-xigeenkiisa, Agaasimaha Dallada Dhallinyarada SONYO, La-taliyaha Wasiirka iyo Haldoor Khaalid Jaylaani. Degmadda 31 May ayaa ku guuleysatay Koobkii Tartanka Kubadda Tenniska Miiska, waana markii 3-aad oo Xidhiidh ah ee la qabto Tartanka Degmooyinka Caasimadda Hargeysa. Ka Wasaaradda ahaan waxaa naga go’an Horumarrinta Ciyaaraha kala duwan, waxaana Tartankani uu ka mid yahay Dedaalada joogtada ah ee lagu Horrumarinayo Ciyaaraha. “WADA-JIR iyo WAX-QABAD” Md. Yuusuf Nuux Yuusuf (Tadhase) Wasiir Ku-xigeenka WDH&Ciyaaraha JSL. Qaran News

Las Anod (HOL) – The leader of the newly declared Northeastern Somali Regional State, Abdiqadir Aw Ali Firdhiye, has called on Somaliland to embrace peace, stating that conflict cannot yield meaningful outcomes. Source: Hiiraan Online

MOGADISHU, Somalia – Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud is facing a major political scandal after his government was accused of illegally selling off historic public properties in the capital, Mogadishu, including the former Ministry of Health building and a colonial-era hospital. The allegations, leveled by prominent opposition leader Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame, have ignited a firestorm of criticism over government transparency and the management of national assets in the Horn of Africa nation, which is still rebuilding after decades of conflict. Warsame, a former minister and presidential candidate, claimed the sale of the health facilities demonstrates a profound lack of respect for public services and national heritage. “The sale of the Ministry of Health, Lansaretti Hospital, and other heritage buildings is proof that President Hassan Sheikh’s administration has lower morals, ethics, and respect than the clan militias,” Warsame said in a sharply worded statement. He drew a stark comparison to the country’s civil war, a period of intense factional fighting that destroyed much of the capital in the 1990s. “During the country’s darkest days, when fighting was rampant, clan militias used to respect health centers,” he added. The Somali government has not yet issued a public statement responding to the specific allegations. Rising tensions over public land The controversy erupts amid heightened tensions over land rights and public property in Mogadishu, a city undergoing a construction boom but plagued by legal disputes. According to the original claims that sparked the controversy, numerous residents have been evicted from government-owned buildings in recent months under the pretext that the state needed the properties for public use. However, critics allege that these evacuated sites have not been converted to provide any new public services, fueling suspicion that they are being cleared for private sale. “This is the biggest scandal involving the sale of public assets,” Warsame declared, accusing the government of presiding over an unchecked sell-off of state-owned land. The properties at the center of the dispute are significant landmarks. The Lansaretti Hospital, known locally as Isbitaal Laansareeti, was initially built during the Italian colonial period and has served as a key medical facility in the city for generations. Its sale is seen by critics not only as a loss of a public health asset but also as the erasure of a piece of the nation’s history. The accusations tap into deep-seated public grievances about corruption in Somalia. The country has consistently ranked at or near the bottom of global corruption indices. In its 2023 Corruption Perception Index, Transparency International ranked Somalia last out of 180 countries, a position it has held for many years. President Mohamud, who was re-elected in 2022 for a second, non-consecutive term, has pledged to reform government institutions and fight corruption. However, his administration continues to face immense challenges, including an ongoing insurgency by the Al-Shabaab jihadist group and complex political clan dynamics. Analysts suggest that managing public assets and land is one of the most critical tests for the Somali state as it seeks to establish the rule of law. The lack of a formal land registry system, destroyed during the civil war, has created a volatile environment where property disputes are common and often resolved through power and influence rather than legal processes.

Garoowe (Caasimada Online) – Koox maleeshiyo beeleed ah ayaa lagu soo warramayaa in labadii maalmood ee u dambeeyay ay haysteen xarumihii dowladda ee degmada Godobjiraan ee gobolka Nugaal. Maleeshiyaadkan ayaa si xoog ah ula wareegay xarunta dowladda hoose, saldhigga booliska degmada, isbitaalka, iyo ceel-biyoodka, kaasoo la sheegay in markii dambe ay sii daayeen. Sababta ay u qabsadeen goobahan ayaa lagu sheegay inay la xiriirto cabasho ka dhalatay dhaawac soo gaaray nin ay isku hayb yihiin, dhaawacaas oo la sheegay inay u geysteen ciidamada booliska gobolka. Hoggaamiyaha kooxdan oo la hadlay warbaahinta ayaa sheegay in dowladda ay ka baxday ballan horey ay u qaaday, taasoo ahayd in la daryeeli doono dhaawaca isla markaana la siin doono magdhow. “Qabsashada xarumaha dowladda waxaa sabab u ah dhibaatadii ay dowladda noo geysatay, gaar ahaan ciidamadeeda. Waxa nalagu dilay gardarro, xuquuqdeenna lama siinin. Waxaan haysannaa warqaddii uu soo saaray taliska booliska oo caddeyneysa in gardarro nalagu laayay,” ayuu yiri ninka horkacaya maleeshiyaadkan. Sidoo kale, wuxuu ka codsaday maamulka Puntland in sida ugu dhaqsaha badan loo siiyo xuquuqda ay tabanayaan. “Degmadani waa degmadeennii, anaguna xuquuq ayaan raadineynaa. Dowladda Puntland, gaar ahaan Madaxweyne Saciid Deni, waxaan ka doonaynaa in la siiyo xuquuqdeennii.” Gebi ahaanba waxaa xanniban adeegyadii loo qaban jiray bulshada degmada, maadaama maleeshiyaadku xireen dhammaan xarumihii adeegyada dadweynaha. Weli ma jiro wax war ah oo kasoo baxay maamulka gobolka, inkasta oo ay socdaan dadaallo lagu raadinayo xal si ay maleeshiyaadka uga baxaan xarumaha dowladda ee degmada Godobjiraan.

Chinese nationals in Angola are said to have been given an ultimatum of 24 hours to leave. They are the biggest looters, launderers and environmental polluters. They come to Africa illegally and with nothing. They are given mining rights with preferential treatment over Africans. 21703990b095cdc69cb5ac828e8a6100 Qaran News

The soon-to-be established Puntland naval base in Las Qoray will strengthen Puntland’s capacity to combat piracy, terrorist networks and illegal charcoal trafficking. Las Qorey (PP News Desk) — Puntland State of Somalia plans to deploy units of the Puntland Marine Police Force (PMPF) to Las Qoray district in Sanaag. A source close to the Puntland State government told Puntland Post that plans to establish a naval base in the historic coastal district are in the final stages. The first unit is expected to arrive at the Las Qoray quays next week. The plan, which until recently had been kept under wraps, forms a key part of Operation Onkod, the counterterrorism campaign launched by Puntland against Daesh in December. Puntland currently controls more than 50% of Sanaag, where Puntland local government elections were held in 2023. Earlier this year, armed boats belonging to clan militias reportedly funded by the secessionist administration of Somaliland attacked Las Qoray but were repelled by PMPF gunboats sent from Boosaaso. The new naval base will strengthen Puntland’s capacity to combat piracy, terrorist networks and illegal charcoal trafficking. © Puntland Post, 2025 The post Puntland State of Somalia to Establish Naval Base in Las Qoray appeared first on Puntland Post.

Wasaaradda Arrimaha Gudaha, Federaalka iyo Dib-u-Heshiisiinta ee Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa si rasmi ah u shaacisay magacaabista Guddiga Hubinta iyo Ansixinta Xubnaha Golaha Wakiillada ee Dowlad Goboleedka Waqooyi Bari Soomaaliya. Guddigan ayaa lagu magacaabay wareegto kasoo baxday Xafiiska Wasiirka Wasaaradda, iyadoo lagu saleynayo Qodobka 99aad ee Dastuurka KMG ah ee JFS, gaar ahaan farqadihiisa (a), (b), (e), iyo (f), kuwaas oo awood u siinaya Wasiirada in ay hirgeliyaan siyaasadda qaranka, gaar ahaan mida la xiriirta dhismaha maamulka federaalka iyo dib-u-heshiisiinta. Waajibaadka Guddiga: Xaqiijinta iyo hubinta xubnaha Golaha Wakiillada iyadoo la raacayo habraaca xulista. Fududeynta kulamada iyo wada-hadallada lagu hubinayo ansixinta iyo xalinta khilaafaadka. Dhiirrigelinta midnimada beelaha iyo hagidda hanaan loo dhan yahay. Haa, waa kuwan magacyada xubnaha Guddiga Hubinta iyo Ansixinta Xubnaha Golaha Wakiillada ee Dowlad Goboleedka Waqooyi Bari Soomaaliya: CabdiNaasir Axmed Qaybdid – Guddoomiyaha Guddiga Cabdirisaaq Faarax Warsame – Guddoomiye Ku-xigeen Cabdulaqaadir Ibraahim Ciise – Xoghaye Ismaaciil Sheekh Saalax Axmed – Xubin Mahdi Siciid Xasan – Xubin Sugulle Cabdi Xaabsade – Xubin Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Xaaji Diiriye – Xubin Source: goobjoog.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud ayaa wajahaya fadeexaddii ugu weynayd ee iibka hantida guud ee dalka, kadib markii ay dowladdu iibisay dhismayaal muhiim ah oo ay ku jiraan xaruntii hore ee wasaaradda caafimaadka iyo isbitaalka Laansareeti. Dhismayaal caafimaad iyo kuwa taariikhi ah oo ku yaalla magaalada Muqdisho ayaa haatan la iibiyay, taas oo muujinaysa sida dowladdu wax xurmayn u hayn goobaha daryeelka bulshada iyo ilaalinta hantida qaranka, sida uu sheegay siyaasiga mucaaradka ah ee Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame. Xildhibaan Warsame ayaa si weyn u dhaliilay in dowladdu ku dhaqaaqdo iibinta dhulkaan macnaha weyn ugu fadhiya qarankeenna, xilli uu xarko goostay iibka dhulka danta guud ee magaalada Muqdisho. Iibka xarumaha caafimaadka ayaa muujinaysa in dowladda ka arrimisa dalka ka liidato xagga mooralka iyo mas’uuliyadda xataa marka loo eego maleeshiyaadkii beelaha ee dagaalladii sokeeye, sida uu sheegay Xildhibaan Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur. “Xilliyadii dalku ugu rajada xumaa oo ay dagaalladu daraf kasta ka socdeen, maleeshiyaadka beelaha waa xurmayn jireen xarumaha caafimaadka,” ayuu yiri Warsame. Waxa uu intaas kusii daray “Iibinta Wasaaraddii caafimaadka, Isbitaal Laansareeti iyo dhismayaalkii dhaxal taariikheedka ahaa waxay caddayn u tahay in maamulka Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh uu ka mooral, akhlaaq iyo xurmo liito maleeshiyo beeleedkii.” Arrimahan ayaa imanaya xilli ay magaalada Muqdisho ka taagan yihiin xiisado culus oo ka dhashay murannada dhulka, iyadoo shacabkii ugu badan laga saaray xarumo kala duwan oo dowladda leedahay, kadib markii ay dowladdu ku andacootay in loo baahday. Tan walaaca lehna waa in illaa iyo hadda aan la arag xarun dowladeed oo inta dadkii deganaa laga kiciyay ay dowladdu ku bixinayso adeegyo bulsho.

Mogadishu (HOL) — Hamas has denied claims made by a U.S. official that the group is willing to disarm, insisting it will not relinquish its weapons until a sovereign Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital is established, as Gaza’s starvation crisis continues to intensify. Source: Hiiraan Online

SOMALILAND WAXAY MARAYSAA MEEL WANAAGSAN WAALLA AQOONSANAYAA EE QAYLADA JOOJIYA. Waddanka Somaliland waxa dhibaato in badan ku hayay dawladihii kala danbbeeyay ee soomaaliya kuwaas oo adeegsanayay dad ka mid ah oo dib u dhac faro badan u geystay waddanka,. Xaaladda mandaqaddu maanta way adagtay indhaha caalamkaa ku soo jeeda Somaliya waxa laga muujiyay rajo la’aan intii uu xasan shiikh yimidna god ayay kusii dhacday waad arkaysaan degmadii laascaanood iyo dadkeedii siday u baabi’iyeen, waataas maraakiibta hubka ah loo soo iibsanayo soomaalidii. Adduunyadu waxay u soo jeesatay Somaliland xasiloonida taal in la ilaaliyo, sidaas awgeed dadweynaha s/Land waxa waajib ku ah inay ka fogaadaan buuqa ay shaanshadaha isula fadhiisanayaan ee xaalad abuurka ah. Waddanka waalla aqoonsanayaa ee meel hallooga soo Wada jeesto jaaniska maanta jira ee qaaliga ah. MAHADSANID. CABDI BACAW. GUUL ALLE. LONDON. Qaran News

Mogadishu (HOL) — A Somali military court has sentenced a former officer from the Haram'ad special police unit to death by firing squad after finding him guilty of murdering an unarmed day labourer in a brazen, unprovoked shooting that has reignited public debate over accountability within the country’s security forces. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Faah-faahinno dheeraad ah ayaa waxaa laga helayaa weerar culus oo xalay maleeshiyaad hubeysan ay ku qaadeen Xarunta Warashadda Birta oo ku taalla gudaha degmada Dayniile, halkaas oo maalmo kahor laga saaray dad shacab ah. Weerarka oo ahaa mid xooggan, loona adeegsaday qoryaha Sabanka ayaa lasoo wariyay in lagu qaaday ciidamo ka tirsan dowladda oo ku sugnaa halkaas, isla markaana waday howlo burburin ah. Ilo dadka deegaanka ah ayaa sheegay inay maqlayeen dhawaqa hubka culus oo ay is waydaarsadeen labada dhinac, kadib iska hor imaad kooban oo halkaasi ka dhacay. “Waa habeenkii labaad oo dadka ku hareereysan laamiga warshadaha ee hurdada uga salalaan dhawaaaqa qoryaha dabajeexa iyo sabanka ilaahow na amaanso” ayuu yiri Firdhiye Axmed Jimcaale oo kamid ah dadka deegaanka oo ka hadlay weerarka. Ma cadda khasaaraha ka dhashay falkan, waxaase ka dhalatay cabsi iyo walaac xooggan oo soo wajahday shacabka daggan aagga Warshadda Birta ee degmada Dayniile. Xaaladda ayaa weli kacsan, mana jiro illaa iyo hadda wax hadal ah oo kasoo baxay saraakiisha laamaha ammaanka Soomaaliya oo ku aadan dhacdadaasi. Shalay waxaa xarunta la weeraray booqday xildhibaanno ka tirsan baarlamaanka, kuwaas oo metala shacabka laga saaray dhulkaasi, waxayna dhaleeceeyeen madaxda dowladda. Indhowaanahan waxaa Muqdisho ka taagnaa xiisado culus oo ka dhashay murannada dhulka, iyada oo shacabkii ugu badnaa laga saaray xurumaha kala duwan ee dowladda.

While President of Somalia enacted National Takaful Law Somalia on May 16, 2025, and Central Bank approved insurance/takaful regulations and guidelines on May 24, 2024. It’s another step in the country’s reconstruction journey and new wave in the financial sector that has been protecting several masses from risks globally after 30 years of the collapse of the central government. Source: Hiiraan Online