How the World Adopted Beijing’s Economic Playbook Trucks loaded with shipping containers outside Shanghai, February 2025 In early February, as he flew in Air Force One above the body of water he’d recently renamed the Gulf of America, President Donald Trump declared that he would levy tariffs on all imported steel and aluminum. Two weeks later, he issued a presidential memorandum laying out new guidance for screening investment from Chinese firms in the United States and U.S. firms into China. And throughout the early weeks of his administration, Trump has emphasized the importance of bringing manufacturing back home, telling firms that, to avoid tariffs, they should make their products in the United States. Tariffs and protectionism, restrictions on investment, measures designed to drive domestic production: Washington’s economic policy suddenly looks an awful lot like Beijing’s policies over the last decade or so—like Chinese policy with American characteristics. The U.S. strategy of engagement with China was based on the premise that, if the United States incorporated China into the global rules-based system, China would become more like the United States. For decades, Washington lectured Beijing about avoiding protectionism, eliminating barriers to foreign investment, and disciplining the use of subsidies and industrial policy—with only modest success. Still, the expectation was that integration would facilitate convergence. There has indeed been a fair degree of convergence—just not in the way American policymakers predicted. Instead of China coming to resemble the United States, the United States is behaving more like China. Washington may have forged the open, liberal rules-based order, but China has defined its next phase: protectionism, subsidization, restrictions on foreign investment, and industrial policy. To argue that the United States must reassert its leadership to preserve the rules-based system it established is to miss the point. China’s nationalist state capitalism now dominates the international economic order. Washington is already living in Beijing’s world. OPENING UP? In the 1990s and the early years of this century, there was every indication that China was on an inexorable march toward economic liberalization. Building on a process that began in the late 1970s under the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping, China opened up to foreign investment. President Jiang Zemin and Premier Zhu Rongji then kept China on a remarkable, if painful, path of economic reforms. They restructured state-owned enterprises and fired tens of millions of their workers, created more space for private sector activity, allowed businesses to adjust prices in response to market conditions, and ushered in China’s entry to the World Trade Organization. Jiang and Zhu declared repeatedly that China would inevitably continue to open up. Many in the West went so far as to believe that this economic liberalization would lead to China’s political liberalization, that a capitalist society would become a more democratic one over time. That assumption proved false. China’s leaders never seriously contemplated political reform, but China’s economic advancement was impressive nonetheless. The country’s GDP grew from $347.77 billion in 1989 to $1.66 trillion by 2003 to $17.79 trillion in 2023, according to the World Bank. Hopes were high that integrating China into the rules-based trading system could lead to a more peaceful and more prosperous world. Globalization did lift more than a billion people out of poverty, an astounding feat. But the benefits of that progress were not evenly shared, and some workers and communities in industrialized countries ended up paying the price for the rise of the rest. Then President Hu Jintao entered the picture, followed by President Xi Jinping. China’s economic trajectory turned out to be less linear and less inevitable than initially expected. Under Hu, China leaned more heavily into state intervention in the economy by aiming to create “national champions” in strategic sectors through massive subsidies. In other words, the government expanded its role rather than pursuing further market liberalization. At the same time, a flood of cheap Chinese imports accelerated the trend toward deindustrialization in the United States—and did so at a rate that few, if any, fully anticipated. China became the world’s manufacturing floor, overtaking the manufacturing giants of Japan and Germany in the first decade of this century. In 2004, China made up nine percent of the world’s manufacturing value added, leapfrogging to a massive 29 percent in 2023, according to the World Bank. HOW CHINA WON Washington pressed Beijing to deliver on its reform agenda throughout this period, urging China to open its markets and refrain from imposing high tariffs and other barriers on products being exported from the United States. It advocated for U.S. firms to be allowed to invest in China without being excluded from certain sectors or required to enter joint ventures with—and transfer U.S. technology to—local firms. And Washington demanded that the Chinese government stop subsidizing the production and export of goods, which distorted the global marketplace. But this litany of complaints was largely ignored. In 2009, the Obama administration led an effort to terminate the Doha Round—a multilateral trade negotiation under the World Trade Organization launched in 2001. It did so in large part because the resulting agreement would have enshrined China permanently as a “developing country” under WTO rules. This would have allowed China to enjoy “special and differential treatment,” which meant that China would have been able to avoid assuming the same level of obligations and disciplines—on market access, intellectual property rights protection, and other issues—as the United States and other industrial countries. Washington faced near-universal criticism at the time for encouraging a rethink of the premises of the negotiation. But it was clear even then that, left unaddressed, China’s economic practices would significantly disrupt the global trading system. The United States is already living in China’s world. Similar concerns motivated the Obama administration to pursue the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a high-standard trade agreement negotiated among 12 countries around the Pacific Rim. This initiative was designed to give countries in the Asia-Pacific region an attractive alternative to the model China offered. It brought together a group of diverse countries that were willing to set strong labor and environmental protections, limit the use of subsidies, impose discipline on state-owned enterprises, and address various China-specific concerns, such as intellectual property rights protection. By the time the TPP negotiations were completed in 2015, however, trade agreements—even those designed to counterbalance China—had become politically toxic at home, and the United States ended up pulling out of the agreement. From 2009 to 2017, I served first as deputy national security adviser for international economic affairs and then as U.S. trade representative. During that time, I consistently warned my Chinese counterparts that the benign international environment that had enabled China’s success would disappear unless Beijing modified its predatory economic policies. Instead, China largely maintained its course of action. If anything, it doubled down on its approach. When Xi came to power in 2012, he effectively ended the era of “reform and opening” that had already stalled under Hu, set China on a course to dominate critical technologies, increased production to the point of overcapacity, and committed to export-led growth. Today, as the economist Brad Setser has noted, China’s export volume is growing at a rate three times as fast as global trade. In the automotive sector, it is on a trajectory to have the capacity to produce two-thirds of the world’s automotive demand. And its dominance extends beyond cars; China also produces more than half the global supply of steel, aluminum, and ships. Eventually, even American businesses, which had always been the ballast in the bilateral relationship, soured on China as their intellectual property was stolen or forcibly licensed, their market access to China was severely restricted or delayed, and China’s subsidies and preferences for domestic firms ate into their opportunity. Without any semblance of reciprocity, the relationship deteriorated. Politicians of both parties and the American public hardened their stance on China. European and major emerging economies grew hostile to Beijing’s policies, as well. In short, the benign international environment disappeared. Working on an electric vehicle production line in Zhejiang Province, China, March 2025 Washington, having failed to convince Beijing to change its predatory economic policies or to move forward with an alternative trading bloc to counterbalance China, was left with one option: the United States had to become more like China. After decades of berating China for imposing high tariffs and other restrictions on U.S. exports, the United States is now putting up the same barriers. As calculated by the economist Chad Bown, Trump imposed tariffs that increased the average rate on imports from China from three percent to 19 percent in his first administration, covering two-thirds of all imports from China. President Joe Biden maintained those tariffs and added tariffs on other Chinese products, including personal protective equipment, electric vehicles, batteries, and steel, slightly increasing the average tariff on imports from China. Less than two months into his second administration, Trump has imposed an additional 20 percent tariff on all U.S. imports from China—a bigger move than the tariffs of his first administration and the Biden administration combined. Similarly, the United States changed its approach from opposing barriers to most bilateral investment flows to severely restricting China’s investment in the United States and U.S. investment in certain sensitive sectors in China. Annual Chinese investment in the United States plummeted from $46 billion in 2016 to less than $5 billion in 2022, according to the Rhodium Group. And having urged Beijing to abandon subsidy and industrial policies, Washington itself went all-in on industrial policy during the Biden administration, laying out at least $1.6 trillion on the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, the 2022 CHIPS and Science Act, and the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. IF YOU CAN’T BEAT THEM, JOIN THEM To take the Chinese approach one step further could mean adopting a key tool in Beijing’s toolbox: requiring Chinese firms that invest abroad to establish joint ventures with domestic firms and engage in technology transfers. Such a strategy could enhance not just American industrial competitiveness but also that of other countries negatively affected by China’s overcapacity, including many in Europe. Take the clean energy sector as an obvious example. China’s electric vehicle manufacturers innovate faster and produce high-quality vehicles far more cheaply than U.S. firms; some Chinese vehicles are as much as 50 percent less expensive than their American equivalents, and China accounts for nearly 60 percent of global electric vehicle sales worldwide. China’s battery producers, solar panel manufacturers, and clean energy equipment companies have similar advantages. In the United States, China’s market share in electric vehicles is nearly nonexistent. Current tariffs and other restrictions are likely to prevent any future influx of imports. At the same time, European auto manufacturers, particularly those in Germany, are getting squeezed by domestic preference policies and the competitiveness of domestic firms in the Chinese market, which they have depended on for growth. And lately, China has been making inroads in the European market, too. The European market share of Chinese electric vehicles grew from virtually zero percent in January 2019 to over 11 percent in June 2024. Following the United States’ lead, Europe introduced tariffs on Chinese-made electric vehicles late last year. This slowed the growth in China’s market share. But just holding off a rise in imports may not solve the European auto industry’s problems. To maintain jobs and manufacturing capacity, Europe appears to be open to Chinese investment in electric vehicle production in Europe. (By contrast, it is unclear whether Trump would welcome such investment or would continue to ban Chinese electric vehicles in the U.S. market because of their potential to track citizens’ movements or shut down traffic.) If Europe is to avoid becoming merely a destination for final assembly of Chinese electric vehicles, it might have to borrow a tactic from Beijing and require Chinese companies to enter into joint ventures with European firms and transfer technology and know-how to them. HOW TO OUT-CHINA CHINA It is not yet clear whether the United States can outmaneuver China with its own playbook. Beijing seems to have near-unlimited capacity to mobilize capital and manipulate trade and investment policy in service of its long-term objectives. Washington’s Inflation Reduction Act and the CHIPS and Science Act, meanwhile, were more likely historic anomalies than first steps in a broader trend toward greater industrial policy, given the uneasiness among Republican lawmakers over their passage. Indeed, even as he seeks to boost the U.S. semiconductor industry, Trump has called for the repeal of the CHIPS and Science Act, which provides subsidies for semiconductor manufacturing. The subsidies provided by the Inflation Reduction Act are likely to face political challenges, too. There is an active debate over whether the Biden administration got sufficient bang for its industrial policy buck beyond a few key sectors. U.S. investment in manufacturing has surged, and arguably industrial capacity has expanded. But as the economist Jason Furman pointed out in Foreign Affairs earlier this year, “The proportion of people working in manufacturing has been declining for decades and has not ticked back up, and overall domestic industrial production remains stagnant—in part because the fiscal expansion Biden oversaw led to higher costs, a stronger dollar, and higher interest rates, all of which have created headwinds for the manufacturing sectors that received no special subsidies from the legislation he championed.” Wherever one comes down in this debate, one thing is clear: even in the sectors that the Biden administration subsidized, such as semiconductors and green energy, the path to regaining global leadership is long and uncertain. The United States may play the protectionist game as well as others, but soon, inflation, higher costs of living, and job losses in industries or sectors affected by other countries’ retaliation will begin to bite. Trump appears to believe that a wall of tariffs—as well as the uncertainty about whether tariffs are on or off at any particular moment—is a powerful incentive for companies to locate their production in the United States, where they can be sure their goods will not be subject to tariffs. But as a general matter, companies that consider making the necessary capital investments to spur industrial production in the United States are looking for predictable policy environments, not tariffs that are imposed in the morning and withdrawn in the afternoon. Most may decide to sit on the sidelines, keeping their powder dry, until it becomes clearer what tariffs are going into effect, against whom, and for how long. After berating Beijing for its restrictions, Washington is putting up the same barriers. The historical record of tariffs driving expanded production and manufacturing jobs in the United States is far from definitive. Take, for example, the tariffs imposed by Trump in 2018 on Chinese imports. As a 2024 paper by Federal Reserve researchers Aaron Flaaen and Justin Pierce found, “Tariff increases enacted since early 2018 are associated with relative reductions in U.S. manufacturing employment and relative increases in producer prices. In terms of manufacturing employment, rising input costs and retaliatory tariffs account for the negative relationship, and the contribution from these channels more than offsets a small positive effect from import protection.” Some research has suggested that 75,000 downstream manufacturing jobs have been lost as a direct result of the tariffs, not to mention additional losses from retaliatory tariffs. The economic experts Benn Steil and Elisabeth Harding have also found that productivity in the U.S. steel industry tanked while productivity in other sectors rose since Trump imposed 25 percent tariffs on steel imports in March 2018. Output per hour in the U.S. steel industry has tumbled by 32 percent since 2017. Perhaps Trump’s approach to moving production back to the United States will bear fruit, but for that to happen, the U.S. government would have to permit foreign firms to actually make such investments. Both Biden and Trump opposed the Japanese company Nippon Steel’s acquisition of U.S. Steel, and U.S. policymakers are still debating whether Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund can acquire a controlling stake in the PGA Tour, which organizes U.S. golf tournaments—hardly a critical industry. The United States and others are imitating China in large part because China succeeded in a way that was unexpected. Its success in electric vehicles and clean technology did not come from liberalizing economic policies but from state interventions in the market in the name of nationalist objectives. Whether or not the United States can compete with China on China’s playing field, it is important to recognize a fundamental truth: the United States is now operating largely in accordance with Beijing’s standards, with a new economic model characterized by protectionism, constraints on foreign investment, subsidies, and industrial policy—essentially nationalist state capitalism. In the war over who gets to define the rules of the road, the battle is over, at least for now. And China won. Source: Foreign Affairs The post China Has Already Remade the International System appeared first on Puntland Post.

Jabuuti (Caasimada Online) – Sanduuqa Hantida Qaranka ee Jabuuti (Fonds Souverain de Djibouti – FSD) ayaa qorsheynaya in uu labo jibaaro hantida uu maamulo, taasoo haatan ka badan $1 bilyan, sannadaha soo socda. Sida uu sheegay agaasimaha guud ee sanduuqa, Slim Feriani, maalgashiyada lagu samaynayo mashaariicda faa’iido sare leh ayaa gacan ka geysan doona hirgelinta qorshayaasha horumarineed ee dowladda. Jabuuti, oo ku taalla Geeska Afrika, ayaa sanduuqan aasaastay sanadkii 2020, iyadoo qaadaneysa tusaale ka mid ah waddamada Khaliijka iyo Aasiya, sida Qatar iyo Singapore, si ay ugu maalgeliso kobcinta iyo kala-duwanaanta dhaqaalaha. Isla markaana, sanduuqa wuxuu u adeegayaa sidii badbaado dhaqaale xilliyada ay jiraan dhibaatooyin. “Isla marka laga soo tago wax kasta oo kale, saldhigga faa’iidada iyo wixii la halmaala, waxaan aaminsanahay in aan si hubaal ah u labo jibaarno hantida la maamulo sannadaha soo socda,” ayuu Feriani u sheegay Reuters intii lagu jiray wareysi. Sanduuqa FSD wuxuu si buuxda u leeyahay shirkadda isgaarsiinta ee dowladda, Djibouti Telecom, iyo 40% saamiga shirkadda GHIH, oo ah shirkadda hoos timaada dhammaan hantida badda iyo gaadiidka Jabuuti, oo ay ku jirto dekedda, sida uu sheegay Feriani. Sidoo kale, sanduuqa wuxuu sannad kasta helaa qiyaastii $25 milyan oo ah dakhliga laga helo kiraynta saldhigyada ciidan ee dowladda Jabuuti ay siisay dalalka shisheeye, taasoo ka dhigaysa 20% dakhliga sannadlaha ah ee kiradaasi. Jabuuti oo ah xuddun istiraatiiji Ah Feriani wuxuu tilmaamay in goobta istiraatiijiga ah ee Jabuuti ay ka dhigtay meel muhiim ah oo saldhigyo ciidan ay ka sameysteen dalalka Mareykanka, Shiinaha, Japan, iyo qaar ka mid ah dalalka Yurub sida Talyaaniga iyo Faransiiska. Jabuuti, oo ku taalla marin muhiim ah oo ah gelitaanka koonfureed ee Badda Cas, waa mid ka mid ah dalalka ugu yar Afrika, oo leh dad ka badan 1 milyan oo qof. Dhaqaalaha Jabuuti wuxuu si weyn ugu tiirsan yahay gaadiidka badda iyo dekedda casriga ah ee biyaha qoto dheer, taasoo sidoo kale u adeegta dalka deriska la ah ee aan badda lahayn, Itoobiya, oo ah suuq si xawli ah u kobcaya oo ka badan 100 milyan oo qof. Bankiga Adduunka ayaa saadaalinaya in kobaca dhaqaalaha Jabuuti uu celcelis ahaan gaaro 5.4% muddada u dhaxeysa 2024-2026, taasoo ay kor u qaadi doonaan dakhliga dhoofinta ee ka soo baxa adeegyada saadka iyo dib-u-dhoofinta badeecooyinka Itoobiya. Himilooyinka mustaqbalka “Waxaan nahay xarun dekedaha iyo saadka, laakiin waa in aan noqono xarun warshadeed oo u adeega gobolka intiisa kale,” ayuu yiri Feriani. Sanduuqa FSD wuxuu leeyahay qorshe maalgelin oo ka badan $50 milyan, kaasoo ka kooban xarumo xog ururin, tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo, iyo saadka gudaha dalka, iyo sidoo kale saami ku leh mashruuc tamarta cadceedda oo laga hirgelinayo deegaanka Grand Bara, sida uu sheegay Feriani, oo hore uga soo shaqeeyay bangiga maalgelinta ee Nomura ee London, sidoo kalena wasiir ka soo noqday Tunisia. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Feriani wuxuu sheegay in sanduuqa uu mustaqbalka maalgelin ku sameyn doono hantida dibadda, inkasta oo uusan xusin waqti cayiman. “Himiladeennu waa Temasek,” ayuu yiri, isagoo ula jeeda sanduuqa hantida qaranka ee Singapore.

Mogadishu (HOL) – The Somali National Intelligence and Security Agency (NISA) announced on Saturday that it killed at least 21 members of the Al-Shabaab militant group, including senior leaders and militia fighters, in a joint air and ground operation in the Geelgub area of the Middle Shabelle region. Source: Hiiraan Online

Afgooye (Caasimada Online) – Warar kala duwan ayaa kasoo baxaya duqeymo haatan ka socda qaybo kamid ah gobolka Shabeelaha Hoose, kuwaas oo ay fulinayaan diyaaradaha dagaalka ee dowladda Soomaaliya iyo kuwa saaxibada caalamiga ah. Weerarkan dhanka cirka ah ayaa saaka aroortii hore waxaa lagu qaaday goobo ay ku sugnan yihiin xubnaha Al-Shabaab oo ku yaalla duleedka degmada Afgooye, waxaana haatan xaaladdu ay tahay mid cakiran. Sida ay ogaatay Caasimada Online waxaa duqeynta si gaar ah loogu garaacayaa deegaannada Sabiib iyo Canoole, halkaas oo ay ku sugan yihiin maleeshiyaadka Khawaarijta, iyada la beegsaday goobo ay ku dhuumaaleysanayen Shabaabka soo galay halkaasi. Wararka ayaa intaasi kusii daraya inuu ku jiro khasaare culus oo gaaray argagixisada, balse ma cadda inta uu gaarsiisan yahay, mana jiro war kasoo baxay dowladda dhexe. Sabiib iyo Canoole ayaa waxaa todobaadkii hore weerar qaraxyo ku bilowday kusoo qaaday kooxda Al-Shabaab oo halkaas dagaal culus kula galay ciidamada dowladda, waxaana tan iyo markaas ay kooxdu wadday dhaq-dhaqaaqyo culus. Ujeedka duqeymaha socda ayaa ah kuwa la doonayo in lagu burburiyo xarumaha Al-Shabaab ee ku yaalla Shabeelaha Hoose, si hoos loogu dhigo awoodooda. Xaaladda ayaa aad u kacsan, waxaana dadka ka agdhow goobaha ay ka socota duqeynta ay sheegayaan inay maqlayaan jugta gantaallo culus Waxaa sidoo kale weerarkaasi ka horreeyay mid kale oo isna lagu qaaday degmada Awdheegle oo ay muddo kooban la wareegeen Al-Shabaab , kadib dagaal culus oo ay la galeen ciidamada Gorgor iyo kuwa 14-ka October ee Xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed. Al-Shabaab ayaa inta badan weerar gaadmo ah oo xilli hore oo subaxnimada ku qaada saldhigyada ciidamada dowladda, illaa haddana waxaa muuqata in aan wax laga baran weerarada isku xilliga dhaca ee kooxda ku bartilmaameedsato ciidanka dowladda. Si kastaba, Labada Shabeelle ayaa waxaa haatan ka socda howlgallo culus oo ka dhan ah maleeshiyaadka Al-Shabaab, kadib markii ay culeys soo saareen deegaannadii horay looga qabsaday ee gobolladaasi oo daris la ah magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimadda dalka.

Haweenka dalka Namibia ayaa hadda haya saddexda jago ee ugu sarreeya dowladda, ka dib doorashadii madaxtinimo oo ay ku guulaysatay madaxweyne Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah. Madaxweyne Nandi-Ndaitwah oo 64-jir ah ayaa waxaa madaxweyne ku xigeenka u noqatay Lucia Witbooi, halka afhayeenka baarlamaanka qaranka loo doortay Saara Kuugongelwa-Amadhila, taas oo ka dhigan in saddexda kursi ee ugu sarreeya qaab dhismeedka siyaasadda Namibia ay dumar ku fadhiyaan. Tani waxay Namibia ka dhigeysaa dalka keliya ee Afrikaan ah oo leh haweeney madaxweyne, madaxweyne ku xigeen iyo afhayeenka baarlamaanka oo wada haween ah, ayadoo Kuugongelwa-Amadhila ay taariikhda gashay in ay noqoto haweenaydii ugu horaysay ee xilka afhayeenimo qabata ee Baarlamaanka dalkaas. Dhanka kale 14-ka wasiir ee la dhaariyay ayaa 8 ka mid ahi ay yihiin haween, halka 7 kale ay heystaan ​​xilal wasiir ku xigeen, waxayna arrintani si weyn u soo jiidatay dareenka haweenka afrika, gaar ahaan kuwa Namibia oo hamigooda ka qeyb-galka siyaasaddu halkii ugu sarreysay gaaray. Source: goobjoog.com

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda Somaliland, Cabdiraxmaan Daahir Aadan, ayaa si adag u dhaleeceeyay hindisaha ay Soomaaliya u soo bandhigtay Maraykanka, kaas oo ku saabsan in si gaar ah loogu wareejiyo maamulka kaabayaasha istaraatiijiga ah, gaar ahaan dekedda iyo saldhigga diyaaradaha ee Berbera. Isagoo la hadlayay wakaaladda Reuters Jimcihii, Cabdiraxmaan wuxuu arrintan ku tilmaamay mid ay ka dambeyso “maamul musuq-maasuq ah” oo ka jira Soomaaliya, wuxuuna si kalsooni leh u sheegay in Maraykanku hadda diyaar u yahay inuu si toos ah ula macaamilo Somaliland. “Waa maxay iskaashiga la sheegayo?” ayuu si kulul u weydiiyay. “Maraykanku muddo dheer ayuu ka quustay hay’addan fashilantay ee la yiraahdo Soomaaliya. Hadda Maraykanku diyaar buu u yahay inuu la shaqeeyo Somaliland, oo ah dal adduunka u muujiyay nabad, xasillooni, iyo dimuqraadiyad.” Cabdiraxmaan wuxuu sidoo kale adkeeyay muhiimadda istaraatiijiga ah ee Somaliland: “Maraykanku ma aha kuwo aqoon yari haysa. Si fiican bay u garanayaan cidda gacanta ku haysa furaha dekedda Berbera.” Warqaddii Soomaaliya u dirtay Trump Hadalkan adag ee Cabdiraxmaan wuxuu daba socdaa warqad soo shaac baxday oo uu Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, u diray Madaxweynaha Maraykanka, Donald Trump. Warqaddan, oo ay Reuters dib u eegis ku samaysay, ayaa ku taariikhaysan 16-kii Maarso. Warqaddaas, Xasan Sheekh wuxuu Maraykanka ugu soo bandhigay in si gaar ah loogu wareejiyo maamulka xarumo istaraatiiji ah, oo ay ku jiraan saldhigyada diyaaradaha ee Balidoogle iyo Berbera, iyo dekedaha Berbera iyo Boosaaso. Ujeeddada Soomaaliya ee hindisahan ayaa la sheegay inay tahay in Maraykanku helo joogitaan milatari oo xooggan oo ka dhex muuqda Geeska Afrika, taasoo fududayn karta dadaalka lagu xakameynayo khatarta joogtada ah ee ka imaanaysa kooxaha Islaamiga ah ee ka hawlgala Soomaaliya iyo guud ahaan gobolka. Madaxweyne Xasan ayaa warqaddiisa ku adkeeyay muhiimadda istaraatiijiga ah ee xarumahaas, isagoo sheegay inay “fursad weyn u yihiin xoojinta xiriirka Maraykanka ee gobolka, iyagoo dammaanad qaadaya helitaan joogto ah oo saadka iyo istaraatiijiyadda ah, lagana hortagayo saameynta tartamayaasha shisheeye ee isha ku haya marin-biyoodkan muhiimka ah.” Xiisadda ka dhalatay Berbera Si kastaba ha ahaatee, ku darista Berbera ee hindisaha Soomaaliya waxay sii xumeyn doontaa xiriirka horayba u cakirnaa ee kala dhexeeya Somaliland. Somaliland waxay ku dhawaaqday madax-bannaanideeda sannadkii 1991, waxaana ay si adag uga soo horjeeddaa in Soomaaliya yeelato xukun ama saameyn dib ugu soo noqota. Somaliland waxay si buuxda gacanta ugu haysaa Berbera, iyadoo muddo ka badan 30 sano si isdaba joog ah u raadineysay aqoonsi caalami ah. Ilaa hadda, wasaaradaha arrimaha dibadda iyo warfaafinta ee Soomaaliya kama aysan hadlin warqaddaas ama jawaabta kulul ee Somaliland. Saldhigga diyaaradaha ee Balidoogle wuxuu qiyaastii 90 km dhanka waqooyi-galbeed kaga beegan yahay caasimadda Soomaaliya ee Muqdisho, halka dekedda Boosaaso ay ku taallo gobolka is-maamulka leh ee Puntland.

Podcast / Which Way Will Trump Go on Somalia? This week on The Horn, Alan talks with Crisis Group’s Somalia expert Omar Mahmood about what the impact of a major Trump pivot on Somalia could look like, as well as Al-Shabaab’s new offensive and the recent thaw in Ethiopia-Somalia relations. Share Save In this episode of The Horn, Alan is joined by Omar Mahmood, Crisis Group’s Senior Analyst for Somalia and the Horn of Africa to discuss Somalia’s uncertain new global context with the dawn of a new Trump administration. They first unpack the recent Ankara declaration between Somalia and Ethiopia and the failure to find funding for the new African Union mission in Somalia. They then explore what the Trump administration might do on Somalia, the potential for a major rupture in Washington’s support for Somalia’s federal government, and what this could mean for European, Turkish and Arab support for Somalia’s government. They also assess new offensives from Al-Shabaab and how the group is trying to posture itself amid all these shifts. Click here to listen on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. For more, check out the last episodes of The Horn on Somalia “What to Expect from the New AU Mission in Somalia” and “Somalia amid a Swirl of Regional Tensions” as well as our Somalia country page. Qaran News

Meel kasta ayaan u qaadannaa, waxaan la aadnaa sariirta, suuliga iyo dad badan oo ah waxa ugu horreeya ee ay la soo toosaan subaxdii. In ka badan 90% dadweynaha adduunka ayaa leh ama isticmaala telefoonnada gacanta. Laakin haddii aad door bidayso in aad isticmaasho teleefankaaga inta aad musqusha ku jirto, waa isbeddel welwel leh. Dad badan la socodka macluumaadka online ee telefoonada gacanta ee muddada dheer ma oga saamaynta caafimaad ee ka dhalanaysa. Aynu diiradda saarno caabuqyada ay dadku qaadaan marka ay musqusha galaan oo ay isticmaalaan telefoonadooda. Waa maxay mushkiladaha waaweyn Qaar badan oo naga mid ah, gaar ahaan dadka da’da yar, ayaa doorbida isticmaalka taleefannada inta suuliga lagu jiro. Dadka ku qaata musqusha wax ka badan nus saac waxaa ku dhaca cudurro badan. Dadka noocan oo kale ah waxay joogaan hal meel muddo dheer sababtoo ah waxay si joogto ah u hubinayaan telefoonadooda gacanta. Tani waxay cadaadis dheeraad ah saaraysaa muruqyada agagaarka dabada. Muruqani waxa uu caawiyaa saxarada. Saxarada khasabka ah waxay kordhisaa halista cudurrada dhammaan xubnaha jidhka. Tan waxaa ka mid ah babaasiirka, gaaska, iyo fistulaha. Sidoo kale, in hal meel la fadhiisto wakhti dheer waxay carqaladaysaa wareegga dhiigga ee jirka. Naftaada oo lagu qasbo in aad musqusha gasho adiga oo hal meel fadhiya waxa ay u horseedi kartaa gaas caloosha iyo dhibaato in aad saxarooto. Tusaale ahaan, musqusha fadhigeeda wuxuu kordhiyaa cadaadiska malawadka iyo murqaha, ku fariisiga wakhtiga dheerna wuxuu keeni karaa walaac. Tani waxay dhacdaa marka aad daahiso galmada oo aad yeelato rabitaanka inaad sii deyso waxa jirkaaga ku jira, dadku waxay isku arkaan inay si adag isu riixayaan oo ay dhibaato galaan. Sidoo kale, fadhiista musqusha waqtiga dheer marka aad fiirineyso taleefankaaga waxay keentaa cadaadis xubnaha jirka sida qoorta iyo dhabarka. Haddaba, waxaa muhiim ah in la xusuusto in qofku uu muddo gaaban gudaheed ku xaajo guto, isla markaana uu iska ilaaliyo isticmaalka talefanka gacanta marka uu sidaas samaynayo. Waxa kale oo laga yaabaa in aad la kulanto dhibaatooyin ay ka mid yihiin kabuubyo gacmahaaga iyo cagahaaga ah, ama socodka oo kugu adkaada muddo gaaban sababtoo ah gacmahaaga oo aad ku hayso hal meel. Qaab nololeedka fadhiidka ah ayaa la muujiyay inuu leeyahay cawaaqib xumo shantii sano ee la soo dhaafay, gaar ahaan tan iyo markii uu faafay cudurka koroonaha. Fadhiga wakhtiga dheer, ku shaqaynta fadhiga, bixitaan la’aanta, la’aanta jimicsiga ama yoga, cunista chips iyo cuntooyinka warshadaysan ayaa noqday wax caadi ah. Intaa waxaa dheer, in hal meel la fadhiisto wakhti dheer waxay keeni kartaa wadne xanuun, sonkorow, cayil, dhabar xanuun, murqo xanuun, iyo xanuunka kala goysyada. Dhibaatooyinka sida bararka, miisaanka oo kordha, iyo heerka dheef-shiid kiimikaad oo gaabis ah ayaa sidoo kale saameeya caafimaadka maskaxda. Taas oo keliya ma aha, qaab nololeedka fadhiidku waxa kale oo uu u horseedi karaa dhibaatooyin sida walaac, niyad-jab, walbahaar, iyo khalkhal cunto. Xigashada Sawirka,Getty Images Maxaa dhacaya marka aad mar walba fadhido? Qaab nololeedka fadhiidka ah oo aan lahayn wax dhaqdhaqaaq jireed ah ayaa wax u dhimaya tayada nolosha waxayna kordhisaa halista dhibaatooyin caafimaad oo badan. Sidoo kale fadhiga dheer wuxuu jirka ka ilaaliyaa in uu habeeyo heerka sonkorta dhiigga iyo insuliinka, taasoo keenta nooca 2-aad ee xanuunka macaanka, welwelka, niyad-jabka, kalagoysyada iyo murqaha oo xanuuna, cadaadiska dhiigga oo kordha iyo dufanka jidhka, iyo khatarta sare ee wadne xanuunka. Fadhiga waqti dheer ayaa sidoo kale cadaadis saaraya murqaha dhabarka, waxayna taasi sababtaa dhibaatooyin ku yimaada laf-dhabarta ah. Hab-nololeedkan waxaa lala xiriiriyaa cudurrada sida dhabarka iyo qoorta, iyo xididdada varicose. Sidee lagu joojin karaa in telefoonka lagu dhex isticmaalo suuliga? Waxaan waydiinay Dr. Narendra Nikam, oo ka hawlgala Isbitaalka Lilavati, Mumbai, sida loola tacaalo caadeysiga isticmaalka taleefankaaga gudaha suuliga. Dr. Nikam ayaa yidhi, “fadhiga musqusha muddada dheer waxay keentaa daciifnimo xagga muruqyada sagxada miskaha, taas oo ah, murqaha min xudunta ilaa barida, taas oo keenta dhibaatooyin xagga xakamaynta kaadida iyo saxarada. Sidaa darteed, waa in aan wax ka badan shan ama toban daqiiqo la dhex joogin suuliga. Looma baahna in cadaadis xad dhaaf ah lagu saaro muruqyada. “Si looga fogaado dhibaatooyinka, waa in la cabaa laba ilaa saddex litir oo biyo ah maalin kasta, jimicsi joogto ah, iyo kordhinta fiber-ka cuntada”. Waxa kale oo muhiim ah in aad aragto dhakhtar haddii calaamadaha xanuunka caloosha ama bararku ay sii socdaan in ka badan laba maalmood, ayuu yidhi Dr. Nikam. Dr. Shahid Parvez oo ka tirsan cisbitaalka AIIMS, Dombivli, ayaa ku nuuxnuuxsaday in sababta babaasiirka iyo dhibaatooyinka la xidhiidha aanay ahayn oo kaliya fiber la’aanta cuntada, balse ay sidoo kale ay la xiriirto fadhiga dheer ee musqusha iyo isticmaalka joogtada ah ee telefoonka. Tani waxay cadaadis ku keentaa xididdada dhiigga ee u dhow halka ay saxaradu ka soo baxdo, taasoo keenta xanuun daran marka dhiiggu ka soo qulqulo boogaha xubinta taranka haweenka. Intaa waxaa dheer, jeermiska laga yaabo inuu ku jiro taleefankaaga ka dibna taabta wajigaaga iyo gacmahaaga, wuxuuna keeni karaa caabuq caloosha ah. Dr. Parvez ayaa kula taliyay dadka in ay sameeyaan aagag ka caagan taleefoonada guriga, oo ay ku jiraan qolka jiifka, goobta cuntada, iyo suuliga, si looga fogaado dhibaatooyinka caafimaad ee la xiriira isticmaalka aan habooneyn ee taleefoonada gacanta. Xigashada Sawirka,Getty Images Caloosha oo fariisata iyo Baabasiir Gaaska caloosha ku jira ama xannibaadda dhammaan habka dheef-shiidka caloosha ayaa sababi kara dhibaatooyin badan. Marka habka dheefshiidka ee caloosha uu daciifo, cadaadis ayaa fuula malawadka. Tani waxay keeni kartaa dhibaatooyin ay ka mid yihiin baabasiirka. Dhibaatadani waxay ku badan tahay dadka da’doodu ka weyn tahay 45 jir. Bukaannada noocan oo kale ah waxay u badan tahay inay ku dhacaan dhibaatooyin ay ka mid yihiin baabasiirka. Xaaladaha daran, ururinta gaasku waxay sababi kartaa xinjiro dhiig sababtoo ah cadaadiska xad-dhaafka ah ee malawadka, taas oo kordhinaysa khatarta wadne xanuunka iyo faaligga. Xaaladahan oo kale, waxaa muhiim ah in si degdeg ah loo daweeyo gaaska si looga fogaado dhibaatooyinka mustaqbalka. Calool-istaagga raaga macnaheedu waa inaadan awoodin inaad aado musqusha toddobaad ama ka badan. Calaamadaha lagu garto waxaa ka mid ah dhiig-bax, calool xanuun, cadaadis inta lagu jiro dhaqdhaqaaqa saxarada, iyo dhibaatooyinka saxaro la’aanta. Dr. Lakin Veera oo ka tirsan isbitaalka Apollo Spectra, Mumbai, ayaa sheegay in sababaha calool-istaagga ay ka mid yihiin fiber la’aanta cuntada, jimicsi la’aanta, isticmaalka cuntooyinka warshadaysan, iyo dhibaatooyinka kale ee jireed sida xannibaadda mindhicirka xilliga uurka ama da’da. Xaaladdan ayaa cadaadis ku keenta xididdada dhiigga ee malawadka, taasoo keenta boogo iyo nabarro. Cadaadiska daba dheeraada wuxuu sababi karaa nabar gudaha iyo dibadda dabada ah. Dr. Veera ayaa intaa ku dartay in boqolkiiba 20 dadka da’doodu u dhaxayso 45 ilaa 65 ay la kulmaan dhibaatooyin xagga gaaska ah, qaar badana ay u baahan yihiin daweyn degdeg ah si looga fogaado dhibaatooyin ay ka mid yihiin babaasiirta iyo baabasiirka. Dr. Hemant Patel, oo ah dhakhtar guud oo ka tirsan cisbitaalka Zenova Shelby, Mumbai, ayaa sheegay in bukaanno badan oo maalmahan yimaada ay la kulmaan dhibaatooyin gaas, iyo calool xanuun. Wuxuu carrabka ku adkeeyay muhiimadda ay leedahay daawaynta degdega ah, wuxuuna sheegay in cunnada faybarku ku badan tahay, jimicsi joogto ah, iyo cabbitaanka biyo ku filan ay ka mid yihiin tallaabooyinka muhiimka ah ee lagu hagaajinayo caafimaadka dheefshiidka. Bbc Somali. Qaran News

Mogadishu (HOL) – Former Somali intelligence chief Fahad Yasin Haji Dahir has urged President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to convene a national forum and develop a unified national plan to combat terrorism, emphasizing the need for unity across political divides as Somalia faces a persistent insurgent threat. Source: Hiiraan Online

Hargeisa (HOL) – Somaliland administration has rejected the Somali federal government's reported offer of the strategic Berbera port to the United States, dismissing the move as a "desperate and meaningless attempt" to derail Somaliland's push for international recognition. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Agaasimihii hore ee Hay’adda NISA, Fahad Yaasiin, ayaa farriin uu ciwaan uga dhigay “Mudane Madaxweyne, isku dhex yaaca ka hor, dadka la tasho,” u diray Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh. Fahad ayaa qoraalkiisa ku sheegay inay diyaar u yihiin inay meel iska dhigaan kala aragti duwanaanshaha, isla markaana uu doonayo inuu Madaxweynaha la wadaago talo iyo tusaale kasta oo dalka badbaado u noqon kara. “Madaxweyne, waa waqtigii la muujin lahaa midnimo iyo wadajir keeni kara qorshe qaran oo looga hortagi karo argagixisada halista ku ah jiritaanka qaranka,” ayuu yiri Fahad Yaasiin. Sidoo kale, Fahad wuxuu sheegay inuu hal codsi u gudbinayo Madaxweynaha, isla markaana uu jeclaan lahaa in la soo dhaweeyo oo laga aqbalo, taasoo ah “Gogol Qaran.” “Madaxweyne, waxaad ku baaqdaa gogol qaran oo aad ugu yeerto cid walba oo talo iyo tayo kusoo kordhin karta xaaladda uu dalku marayo maanta. Gogoshaas ha noqoto mid furan oo shuruud la’aan ah, dhinacaaga iyo dhinaca mucaaradka labadaba,” ayuu yiri Fahad Yaasiin. Fahad oo talo-siintiisa sii wata ayaa yiri, “Madaxweyne, waqtigan ma ahan xilligii la is eedeyn lahaa, ee waa xaaladdii la midoobi lahaa. Waxaan kaa rajaynaynaa inaad noqoto odaygii qaranka oo aad meel iska dhigto wax walba oo dalka iyo dadka kala qaybinaya.” Fahad Yaasiin iyo kooxdii uu ka tirsanaa ee Farmaajo hoggaamin jiray ayaa hore loogu xusuustaa in aysan wax talo wadaag ah la sameyn jirin siyaasiyiinta, aqoonyahanka, dhaqanka bulshada, iyo cid kasta oo mudan in talo la weydiiyo. Si kastaba, maanta wuxuu Xasan Sheekh ugu baaqayaa inuu dadkiisa talo weydiisto. Agaasimihii hore ee NISA, Fahad Yaasiin, ayaa marar badan talooyin muhiim ah u soo gudbiyey Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh, balse inta badan ma noqon kuwo miro-dhala oo Xasan aqbalo ama qaato. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Fahad kama daalo in uu talooyin siiyo isagoo adeegsanaya baraha bulshada. Talooyinka Fahad Yaasiin uu soo gudbiyo ayaa lagu tilmaamaa kuwo wax ku ool ah oo mudan in la qaato, balse waxaa la isweydiinayaa: Muxuu sida uu tilmaamayo ugu maamuli waayey dalka intii isaga iyo saaxiibkiis Farmaajo xukunka hayeen, oo ay dadka waxgaradka ah ku macneeyeen xukunkii hore ‘mid dalka u horseeday dib u dhac weyn’?

Somalia is prepared to offer the United States exclusive control of strategic air bases and ports, its president said in a letter to President Donald Trump seen by Reuters on Friday. Source: Hiiraan Online

The administration of President Donald Trump has made a formal notice to Congress that it plans to reorganise the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), as the Republican leader faces constitutional challenges over his dismantling of the agency so far. Source: Hiiraan Online

HAITI President Fritz Alphonse Jean has visited the Multinational Security Support mission camp where Kenyan police officers are based following the killing of one of the officers by gangs. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Ciidamada NISA iyo Xoogga Dalka Soomaaliyeed oo iskaashanaya ayaa howlgal duqeyn ah oo lagu dilay xubno ka tirsanaa Khawaarijta ka fuliyay deegaanno ka tirsan Gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe. Howlgalka ayaa xalay ka dhacay deegaanka Geelgub ee Gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe, waxaana lagu dilay 21 xubnood oo isugu jiray horjoogeyaal iyo maleeshiyaad ka tirsanaa Khawaarijta. “Howlgalkan lagu beegsaday Khawaarijta ayaa u dhacay sidii loo qorsheeyay, iyada oo lagu guuleystay in hal goob lagu soo afjaro nolosha dhammaan xubnihii Khawaarijta ee bartilmaameedka u ahaa,” ayaa lagu yiri war ka soo baxay Hay’adda NISA. Ciidanka Qaranka ee howlgalka fuliyay ayaa ogaaday khasaaraha gaaray kooxda la weeraray, sidoo kale waxaa howlgalkaan lagu burburiyay gaadiid dagaal iyo saanad ciidan. “Hay’adda NISA, waxa ay markale dadka rayidka ah ku wargalineysaa in ay ka fogaadaan goobaha ay ku dhuumaaleysanayaan Khawaarijta, maadaama la xoojiyay howlgalka dalka looga sifeynayo haraadiga Khawaarijta,” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka NISA. Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa kordhisay duqeymaha loo geysanayo kooxda Al-Shabaab dhowrkii toddobaad ee lasoo dhaafay, kadib markii ay kooxdu soo qaaday weerarro is-dabajoog ah. Al-Shabaab waxay qabsadeen dhul badan oo ka tirsan Shabeellaha Dhexe, dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa weli wada iska caabinta kooxda, balse waxaa gaabis ah howlgallada dhulka. Hoos ka eeg qoraalka NISA.

Xoghayaha guud ee Qaramada Midoobey, António Guterres ayaa xalay si rasmi ah ugu magacaabay danjire James Swan in uu noqdo wakiilka Qaramada Midoobey u qaabilsan Soomaaliya ahna Madaxa Hawgalka UNTMIS. Warsaxaafadeed uu soo saaray Af-hayeenka Qaramada Midoobey ayuu ku sheegay in Xoghayaha guud, António Guterres uu si buuxda ugu magacaabay danjireJames Swan in uu noqdo wakiilka Qaramada Midoobey u qaabilsan Soomaaliya ahna Madaxa Hawgalka UNTMIS. Danjire James Swan oo hab ku meel gaar ku joogay xilkaasi wakiilka Qaramada Midoobey ee Soomaaliya ahna Madaxa Hawlgalka UNTMIS ayaa hadda si buuxda shaqadiisa u gudanaya, kaddib markii si rasmi ah uu u magacaabay Xoghayaha guud ee Qaramada Midoobey. Danjire Swan waa khabiir aqoon dheer u leh hawlaha diblomaasiyadda, wuxuuna horey uga tirsanaa Waaxda Arrimaha Dibadda Mareykanka, Wuxuu aqoon durugsan u leeyahay xaaladaha cakiran ee Soomaaliya, isaga oo soo noqday danjirihii ka shaqeeyay doorashadii 2022 markii uu Farmaajo xilka isku dhejiyay Madaxweyne hore Farmaajo. PUNTLAND POST The post Danjire James Swan oo si rasmi ah loogu magacaabay Wakiilka Qaramada Midoobey u qaabilsan Soomaaliya appeared first on Puntland Post.

Soomaaliya ayaa si rasmi ah ugu biirtay Barnaamijka Siyaasadda Gaadiidka ee Afrika (SSATP), ka dib shirweyne ka dhacay magaala-madaxda dalka Benin ee Cotonou looga dhawaaqay in JFS ay ka mid noqatay Barnaamijkaas oo muhiimad weyn u leh guud ahaan qaaradda. Agaasimaha Guud ee Wasaaradda Gaadiidka iyo Duulista Hawada Xukuumadda Federalka Soomaaliya Bashiir Macalin Cali oo ka hadlay arrintan ayaa sheegay in tillaabadani ay qeyb ka tahay qorshaha Isbeddelka Qaranka ee ay waddo dowladda Soomaaliya. Barnaamijka Siyaasadda Gaadiidka Afrika (SSATP) waa iskaashi caalami ah oo loo aas-aasay si loo fududeeyo horumarinta siyaasadda gaadiidka iyo dhisidda awoodda la xiriirta waaxda gaadiidka ee Afrika, Waxaana qeyb ka ah 38 dal, 8 urur oo bulshooyinka dhaqaalaha gobolka ah, hay’ado ay dawladuhu maamulaan, kuwa gaarka loo leeyahay, iyo hay’ado horumarineed oo caalami ah. Tan iyo markii la aasaasay, SSATP waxay noqotay madal loo aqoonsan yahay laguna ixtiraamo inay tahay golaha horumarinta siyaasadda gaadiidka ee ugu horreeya Afrika, oo isu keenaya go’aannada muhiimka ah, iyada oo la xoojibayo shabakadaha cilmi-baarista, hawl-wadeennada iyo la-taliyayaasha waaxaha gaadiidka qaaradda. Soomaaliya oo jidadkeeda intooda badani ku burbureen dagaalladii Sokeeye, sidoo kalena u baahan waddooyinka ku xira dalalka kale qaaradda ayaa loo arkaa inay si weyn uga faa’iidi doonto ku biirista Barnaamijkan, haddii iskaashi dhab ah ay sameeyaan dowlaha iyo ururrada xubnaha ka ahi. Source: goobjoog.com

Hay’adda Sirdoonka iyo Nabadsugidda dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ee NISA oo kaashanaysa Ciidanka Xoogga dalka ayaa sheegtay in ay xalay fulisay hawlgal duqeyn ah, oo ay la beegsatay xubno ka tirsan Al-shabaab. Warsaxaafadeed ka soo baxay hay’adda Sirdoonka iyo Nabadsugidda dowladda Soomaaliya ee NISA ayay ku sheegtay in ay hawlgalkaasi, oo ay ka fulisay degaanka Geelgub ee Gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe in ay ku dishay ilaa 21 xubnood oo ka tirsan mileeshiyaadka Al-shabaab. “Ciidanka Hay’adda Sirdoonka iyo Nabadsugidda Qaranka ee NISA, iyo Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka oo iskaashanaya ayaa caawa howlgal duqeyn ah oo ay ka fuliyeen deegaanka Geelgub ee Gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe waxa ay ku dileen ilaa 21 xubnood oo isugu jiray Horjoogeyaal iyo Maleeshiyaad ka tirsanaa Al-shabaab.” “Hawlgalkan lagu beegsaday Khawaarijta ayaa u dhacay sidii loo qorsheeyay, iyada oo lagu guuleystay in hal goob lagu soo afjaro nolosha dhammaan xubnihii Khawaarijta ee bartilmaameedka u ahaa Ciidanka Qaranka ee howlgalka fuliyay” ayaa lagu yiri warsaxaafadeedka NISA. PUNTLAND POST The post Hay’adda Sirdoonka Soomaaliya oo xalay hawlgal ku dishay in ka badan 20 xubnood oo Shabaab ah appeared first on Puntland Post.

New York (Caasimada Online) – Xoghayaha Guud ee Qaramada Midoobay, António Guterres, ayaa Jimcihii ku dhawaaqay in James Swan, oo u dhashay Mareykanka, dib loogu magacaabay Wakiilkiisa Gaarka ah ee Soomaaliya iyo Madaxa Hawlgalka ku meel-gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobay ee Soomaaliya (UNTMIS). Ku dhawaaqistan ayaa muujineysa sida ay Qaramada Midoobay uga go’an tahay inay sii waddo taageerada ay siineyso Soomaaliya xilligan kala guurka siyaasadeed ee muhiimka ah, ayaa lagu yiri bayaan ka soo baxay Guterres. Mr. Swan, oo ah diblomaasi khibrad sare leh oo si qoto dheer ugu howlanaa xaaladaha siyaasadeed ee murugsan ee Afrika, ayaa tan iyo bishii Maajo 2024 si ku meel-gaar ah u hayay xilka Wakiilka Gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobay ee Soomaaliya iyo Madaxa UNSOM/UNTMIS. Xoghayaha Guud ayaa uga mahadceliyay Mr. Swan dadaalkiisa wuxuuna soo dhoweeyay go’aankiisa ah inuu sii hoggaamiyo dadaallada Qaramada Midoobay ee Soomaaliya. Doorka QM ee Soomaaliya Qaramada Midoobay waxay Soomaaliya ka shaqeyneysay tobannaan sano, iyadoo taageeraysay nabadda, amniga, iyo horumarka, xilli ay dalka ka jireen colaad iyo xasillooni darro daba dheeraatay. Hawlgalka Qaramada Midoobay ee Taageerada Soomaaliya (UNSOM) ayaa la aasaasay 2013 si loo taageero geeddi-socodka siyaasadeed ee dalka, oo ay ku jiraan horumarinta hay’adaha dimoqraadiga ah, kor u qaadista xuquuqda aadanaha, iyo isku-dubaridka gargaarka caalamiga ah. Dhowaan, UNSOM ayaa si rasmi ah ugu guurtay Hawlgalka ku meel-gaarka ah ee Qaramada Midoobay ee Soomaaliya (UNTMIS), taasoo ka tarjumaysa baahiyaha isbedbedelaya ee dalka iyo diiradda la saarayo taageeridda dadaallada dhismaha dowladnimada, dib-u-habaynta amniga, iyo diyaarinta doorashooyinka soo socda. “Waqtigan xasaasiga ah” ee uu xusay Xoghayaha Guud, waxa ay u badan tahay inuu tixraacayo dadaallada socda ee lagu xoojinayo nabadda iyo xasilloonida, la tacaalidda xaaladaha adag ee siyaasadeed, iyo wax ka qabashada caqabadaha waaweyn sida khatarta Al-Shabaab. Swan: Diblomaasi khibrad badan Mr. Swan wuxuu xilkan muhiimka ah la yimaadaa waayo-aragnimo ballaaran oo uu ka soo kasbaday shaqooyin diblumaasiyadeed oo uu ka soo qabtay dalal Afrikaan ah oo maraya marxalado kala guur siyaasadeed. Kahor xilalkiisii Wakiilka Gaarka ah ee Soomaaliya (2019–2022 iyo tan iyo Maajo 2024), wuxuu ahaa Safiirka Mareykanka ee Jamhuuriyadda Dimuqraadiga ah ee Congo (DRC) intii u dhaxeysay 2013–2016 iyo Wakiilka Gaarka ah ee Soomaaliya intii u dhaxeysay 2011–2013. Sidoo kale, wuxuu ka soo shaqeeyay Safaaradda Mareykanka ee Jabuuti intii u dhaxeysay 2008–2011. Shaqadiisii hore ee dowladda Mareykanka waxaa ka mid ahayd inuu ahaa Ku-xigeenka Xoghayaha Arrimaha Dibadda ee Arrimaha Afrika (2006–2008) iyo Agaasimaha Falanqaynta Afrika ee Waaxda Cilmi-baarista iyo Sirdoonka ee Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda Mareykanka (2005–2006). Mr. Swan sidoo kale wuxuu xilal diblumaasiyadeed ka soo qabtay dalal ay ka mid yihiin DRC, Jamhuuriyadda Congo, Soomaaliya, Cameroon, Nicaragua, iyo Haiti, taasoo muujineysa sida uu muddo dheer ula tacaalay xaalado adag oo caalami ah. Mr. Swan wuxuu haystaa shahaadooyin sare oo uu ka qaatay Jaamacadaha Georgetown, Johns Hopkins, iyo National War College ee Mareykanka. Aqoontiisa sare ee luqadaha Ingiriiska iyo Faransiiska ayaa u sahlaysa inuu si fudud ula xiriiro dhinacyada gobolka ee uu la shaqeeyo.

Baydhaba (Caasimada Online) – Faah-faahino dheeraad ah ayaa kasoo baxaya howlgal qorsheysan oo xalay ciidamada Nabad-sigidda, qaybtooda Koonfur Galbeed ay ka sameeyeen gudaha magaalada Baydhabo ee xarunta gobolka Baay. Howlgalka ayaa waxaa horkacayay taliyaha ciidanka NISA ee gobolka Baay, Kabtan Cabdifitaax Isaaq Aadan, waxaana laga sameeyay xaafadaha magaalada Baydhaba. Taliyaha oo la hadlay warbaahinta ayaa sheegay in ujeedka uu ahaa amni xaqiijin, maadaama loo diyaar garoobayo munaasabadda Ciidul-fitriga oo saacado uun ay ka harsan yihiin. Sidoo kale ciidamada ayaa baarayay gaadiidka iyo mootooyinka isaga kala gooshayo xaafadaha magaalada, si ay ula socdaan dhaq-dhaqaaqa guud ee amniga. Intaasi kadib taliye Cabdifutaax Isaaq Aadan oo ay helinayeen saraakiil kale oo ka tirsan laamaha amniga ayaa kormeeray suuqyada magaalada Baydhaba, iyaga oo xog wareystay ganacsatada iyo shacabka dukaameysanayay. Waxaa kale oo uu farrii culus u diray shacabka oo uu ugu baaqay inay ka gacan siiyaan nabad-gelyada deegaanka, si looga hortago wax kasta oo halis ah ku amniga. Baydhaba ayaa waxaa mararka qaar dilal iyo qaraxyo ka fuliso kooxda Al-Shabaab, inkastoo maalmihii u dambeeyay ay xaaladdeedu ahayd mid deggan. Sidoo kale, magaaladan oo xarun KMG u ah dowlad goboleedka Koonfur Galbeed ayaa ku jirta go’doon, maadaama ay ku hareereysan yihiin xubnaha kooxda Al-Shabaab. Koonfur Galbeed ayaa hadda dareemeyso culeys ay ku hayaan maleeshiyaadka Al-Shabaab, maadaama ay ka haystaan deegaanno badan oo ka tirsan gobollada Shabeelaha Hoose, Baay iyo Bakool ee maamulkaasi. Waxaa sidoo kale, xaaladda sii culeeyay markii Al-Shabaab badan oo lagu jabiyay dagaalka ka socda Shabeelaha Dhexe ay u firxadeen deegaannada maamulkaasi, gaar ahaan gobollada Baay iyo Bakool, sida ay horay shaaciyeen saraakiisha amniga.

Nabad-sugidda iyo Sirdoonka Qaranka ee NISA, iyo Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka oo iskaashanaya ayaa howlgal duqeyn ah oo ay ka fuliyeen deegaanka Geelgub ee Gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe waxa ay ku dileen ilaa 21 xubnood oo isugu jiray dagaalamayaal iyo hoggaamiyaal ka tirsanaa Kooxda Alshabaab. Howlgalkan lagu beegsaday Kooxda Alshabaab ayaa u dhacay sidii loo qorsheeyay, iyada oo lagu guuleystay in hal goob lagu soo afjaro nolosha dhammaan xubnihii bartilmaameedku ahaa, sida lagu sheegay war qoraal ah oo ay hay’addu soo saartay. Hay’adda NISA ayaa dhanka kale, waxay dadka rayidka ah ugu baaqday in ay ka fogaadaan goobaha ay ku suganyihiin Alshabaab, maddaama la xoojiyay howlgalka dalka looga saarayo kooxdaas. Source: goobjoog.com

Boosaaso (Caasimada Online) – Diyaaradaha dagaalka Mareykanka ayaa mar kale duqeymo xoogan oo dhanka cirka ah ka fuliyay aagga buuraha Calmiskaad ee gobolka Bari, halkaas oo ay weli ku sugan yihiin xubno ka tirsan maleeshiyada kooxda Daacish. Sida ay ogaatay Caasimada Online, waxaa weerarkan dhanka cirka ah fuliyay Mareykanka oo beegsaday fariisimo ay Daacish ku lahaayeen agagaarka togga Miiraale, waxaana lasoo wariyay inuu jiro khasaaro lixaad leh oo la gaarsiiyay kooxda Daacish. Wararka ayaa sheegaya in duqeyntan lagu taageeray ciidamada Puntland oo weli howlgallo ka dhan ah argagixisada ka wada dhulka buuraleyda ah ee gobolka Bari. Ma jiro wax faah-faahin ah oo illaa iyo hadda kasoo baxay dhinaca Puntland oo ku aadan howlgalka maata ka dhacay halkaasi iyo duqeymaha xigay intaba. Sidoo kale, Mareykanka weli wax hadal ah kama soo saarin duqeyntaasi, waxaase inta badan uu faah-faahinta dib kasoo sheegaa marka uu fuliyo weerarka kadib, waana tan dahaareysa in xog dhammeystiran laga helo sida khasaaraha ka dhashay weerarkaas inta uu gaarsiisan yahay, cidda sida rasmiga ah loo beegsaday iyo haddii dad rayid ah wax gaareen. Duqeyntii u dambeysay ayuu Mareykanka 25-kii bishaan ka fuliyay togga Miiraale, waxaana lagu dilay tiro kamid ah dagaalamaayasha Daacish, kuwaas oo maydadkooda loogu tegay godadkii lagu duqeeyay. Ujeedka ugu wayn ee duqeymaha ayaa ah mid lagu cuuryaaminayo awoodda kooxda Daacish, si looga hortago inay ka firxato deegaannada ay howlgallada ka socdaan. Mareykanka ayaa kamid ah dowladaha waa weyn ee ka qayb-qaadanaya dagaalka Puntland ee ka dhanka ah kooxda Daacish, si looga saaro dhulka buuraleyda ah ee Bari, wuxuuna dhanka hawada ka taageeraa ciidamada Puntland ee dagaalka ka wada halkaas. Waxaa sidoo kale dagaalkan ku jira Isu Tegga Imaaraadka Carabta, oo isna duqeymo ku taageeraya ciidamada Puntland ee sii koraya buuraha ay ku dhuumaaleysanayaan xubnaha Daacish. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Madaxweynaha Dowlad-Goboleedka Puntland, Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni, ayaa horay albaabada u furay cid walba oo gacan ka geysaneysa howlgallada ka dhanka ah Daacish ee maalmaha badan ka socda dhulka buuraleyda ah ee gobolka Bari.

https://qarannews.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/AQP1QkWzA01SVREsABAXteTIbUPKM4_sZDyg8udcC5eLi9gkJPscMz_-KfGTSpr7pk43SdOLvVIDv8oUBvL_cWu3.mp4 Qaran News

Hargeisa, Somaliland – Somaliland’s Foreign Minister, Abdirahman Dahir Aden, has strongly rebuked Somalia’s offer of exclusive control over strategic assets to the United States, particularly the port and air base in Berbera, which lies within Somaliland’s territory. Speaking to Reuters on Friday, Aden dismissed the move as the action of a “corrupted regime” in Somalia, confidently asserting that the US is now prepared to engage directly with Somaliland. “What cooperation?” Aden questioned sharply. “The USA has long abandoned this failed entity called Somalia. The USA is now ready to deal with Somaliland, a nation that has proven itself to the world as peaceful, stable, and democratic.” He further underscored Somaliland’s strategic importance: “The USA is not foolish. They know precisely who holds the key regarding the Berbera port.” Somalia’s letter to Trump Aden’s forceful response follows the revelation of a letter, dated March 16 and reviewed by Reuters, from Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud to US President Donald Trump. In the letter, Mohamud proposed granting the US exclusive control over strategically vital locations, including air bases in Balidogle and Berbera and the ports of Berbera and Bosaso. Somalia’s rationale for the offer is reportedly to provide the United States with a more robust military presence in the Horn of Africa, aiding in its efforts to counter the persistent threat from Islamist militants operating in Somalia and the broader region. President Mohamud’s letter emphasized the strategic significance of these assets, arguing they “present a significant opportunity to strengthen American engagement in the region, guaranteeing uninterrupted military and logistical access while preventing the encroachment of external competitors in this crucial corridor.” However, the inclusion of Berbera in Somalia’s proposal is set to escalate already strained relations with Somaliland. Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in 1991 and steadfastly opposed any suggestion of Somali sovereignty. Somaliland maintains effective control over Berbera and has actively sought international recognition for its independent status for over thirty years. As of now, Somalia’s foreign affairs and information ministers have not officially commented on the letter or Somaliland’s vehement reaction. The air base in Balidogle is located approximately 90 kilometers northwest of Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, while the port of Bosaso is in the semi-autonomous state of Puntland. The contrasting claims over Berbera highlight the Horn of Africa’s enduring and complex political landscape.

Türkiye’s decade-long engagement in Somalia has transcended the conventional contours of foreign aid, evolving into a sophisticated strategic partnership that prioritizes self-reliance, inclusivity, and long-term development. This multifaceted approach, born from a humanitarian response to the 2011 famine, has not only been instrumental in Somalia’s reconstruction but has also solidified Türkiye’s position as a pivotal power broker in the Horn of Africa. From Humanitarian Lifeline to Strategic Power Broker: The 2011 famine catalyzed Türkiye’s most significant humanitarian operation, serving as a springboard for a deeper, more strategic engagement. Recognizing the imperative for sustainable recovery, Türkiye transitioned from emergency relief to comprehensive state-building initiatives, bolstering Somalia’s institutions and fostering economic resilience. Unlike traditional actors who often rely on intermediaries, Türkiye has adopted a direct engagement model, forging robust partnerships with Somali authorities, local communities, and the private sector. This direct approach, coupled with non-conditional assistance and a strong emphasis on national ownership, has cultivated trust and goodwill. Key Pillars of Türkiye’s Strategic Engagement: Security Cooperation and Military Engagement: At the heart of Türkiye’s partnership lies its robust military commitment. The establishment of TURKSOM, its largest overseas military base in Mogadishu, underscores Ankara’s enduring commitment to Somalia’s security. This facility serves as a critical training hub for Somali security forces, reinforcing Türkiye’s role as a key security provider. Recent naval agreements, granting Türkiye authority to train Somalia’s navy and patrol its EEZ, further solidify its strategic maritime presence in the vital Gulf of Aden. Education and Capacity Building: Türkiye has made substantial investments in Somalia’s human capital through scholarship programs, vocational training, and knowledge transfer initiatives. This strategic investment has cultivated a generation of Somali leaders with strong ties to Türkiye, fostering long-term diplomatic and economic bonds. Economic Partnership and Infrastructure Development: Türkiye’s engagement extends beyond aid, focusing on fostering economic resilience. Infrastructure development, including roads, airports, and ports, has been a cornerstone of its strategy. Turkish companies have played a pivotal role in modernizing Somalia’s trade and transport networks, notably through the development of Mogadishu’s airport and seaport. The recent hydrocarbon exploration agreements signal deepening economic interdependence and reinforce Türkiye’s strategic footprint in Africa, where trade has surged from $5.4 billion in 2003 to $25.3 billion in 2020. Diplomatic and Mediation Efforts: Türkiye’s diplomatic engagement extends beyond bilateral relations, encompassing mediation efforts between Somalia and Somaliland and diplomatic interventions to reduce tensions with Ethiopia. High-level visits and multilateral engagements underscore Türkiye’s commitment to Somalia’s sovereignty and regional stability. Cultural and Humanitarian Ties: Türkiye’s influence is amplified by its cultural and humanitarian initiatives. Cultural exchanges, scholarships, and humanitarian aid have cultivated deep-rooted connections and solidified Türkiye’s image as a reliable partner. This strategic use of soft power has secured long-term goodwill and influence. Navigating Security Challenges: Türkiye’s strategic engagement faces persistent security challenges, primarily from Al-Shabaab. The group’s opposition to external influence has led to targeted attacks on Turkish projects and personnel, highlighting the inherent risks. However, Türkiye’s resilience and effective service delivery continue to undermine extremist narratives and bolster Somalia’s stability. Geopolitical Implications and Regional Influence: Türkiye’s growing influence in Somalia has profound geopolitical implications, reshaping the regional landscape and challenging traditional actors. By establishing a military and economic foothold, Türkiye is expanding its African outreach and positioning itself as a key maritime power in the Red Sea and Indian Ocean corridor. This aligns with Türkiye’s broader geopolitical ambitions in Africa, where it seeks to balance soft and hard power. Potential Constraints and the Road Ahead: While Türkiye’s engagement has been largely successful, potential economic constraints, stemming from currency fluctuations, inflation, and the pandemic, necessitate careful monitoring and adaptive strategies. Conclusion: Türkiye’s engagement in Somalia represents a unique and impactful strategic model. By seamlessly integrating humanitarian aid, development, security cooperation, and strategic diplomacy, Türkiye has solidified its role as a key player in Somalia’s reconstruction and amplified its global influence. Despite security and economic challenges, the enduring nature of this partnership suggests a continued positive impact on Somalia’s future and Türkiye’s geopolitical standing. About the Author Prof. Abdinasir Ali Osman is a highly respected senior researcher, consultant, and trainer with over 35 years of experience in the humanitarian, development, and institutional capacity-building sectors. His career spans across the private, public, and non-profit sectors, where he has played a critical role in shaping policies, building institutions, and implementing large-scale programs in Somalia and beyond. As a leading expert in humanitarian, governance, peacebuilding, and development, Prof. Osman has dedicated his life to advancing local capacity, institutional resilience, and sustainable development. His work has influenced policy decisions, empowered young professionals, and strengthened governance frameworks in fragile and conflict-affected environments. You can reach him through email: ipi2024@hotmail.com