You do realise 78% of SL annual revenue is sourced through Berbera port. For now I am intentionally not bringing in the regional security threat that would pose.

Generals Garka Yogol & Botan would disagree with you. So would Col. Casayr. Reality is little different from where I am seated than how you are describing it. I am afraid we are not all wearing tinted glasses made in Dumbuluq.

I am trying to follow your thought process: If Ethiopia agrees to give a farming land in return, you would willing to trade that for a land for a naval base and a port on the Red Sea for Ethiopia?

In a nutshell, we have got shifting regional balance: a) Somali Republic is slowly rising from the ashes, albeit i) SL is losing its footing with more than 60% of its claimed territories out of its control, b) Ethiopia is disintegrating with its three major States (Tigray almost destroyed, Amhara on fire, and Oromo on the brink) in conflict with the Federal government. Said shift is vexing respective leaders, which gives way to their being unhinged, and thereby destabilising the entire region.

But if they could raise the funds, and want to build a port, it is acceptable to you?

The object is to highlight the plight of the Palestinian people. Could you think of a decent Independent candidate? There are no R Perot, R Nader, or R Paul.

Re-read it slowly and carefully, then we shall discuss the merits of the article.

Indirectly, eh? Mukhaabarat? XX: Could you attempt an answer ? What do your sources thinks about the Naval vs port? Ethiopia says it is a port and a naval base. What do your adeeradaa think?

Historical context: Which way to the sea? Ethiopia has been landlocked and has sought a sea outlet intermittently for most of her history, at least since the Middle Ages. In 1776, Edward Gibbon, a renowned English historian, wrote: “Encompassed on all sides by the enemies of their religion, the Ethiopians slept near thousand years, forgetful of the world by whom they were forgotten.”6 Moreover, encouraged by the scramble for Africa among rival European powers in the nineteenth century, Emperor Menelik II of Ethiopia intensified his search for access to the sea. In 1878, in a letter to the heads of the governments of Italy, France, Germany, and England, he stated, “My road to the coast, to Zeila, Tojura, and Aden is at present closed by the Muslims.”7 Before 1952, when Eritrea (a former Italian colony on the Red Sea) was federated with Ethiopia, the eyes of Ethiopia’s leaders were fixated on the Eritrean port of Assab and the Somali port of Zeila, both on the Red Sea.8 Menelik’s efforts ended in failure. However, Emperor Haile Selassie, who ruled Ethiopia from 1930 to 1974, relentlessly sought to gain sea access. In a letter to the United Nations in 1948, he wrote: “Prior to the race of European powers to divide up Africa, Ethiopia included an extensive coastline along the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean.”9 Haile Selassie tried to annex Zeila, a historical Somali port town, to Ethiopia between the late 1920s and early 1950s. To secure Zeila, he initiated a radical strategy of negotiating colonial power to exchange the Haud region for Zeila, which the current MoU is said to be centered on, and which is adjacent to Djibouti. Haud is a large swath of Somali territory and has been part of present-day Ethiopia since the Anglo-Ethiopian treaty of 1897 when Britain ceded it to Ethiopia for the latter’s support in suppressing Somali clans.10 That attempt failed, primarily because, based on strategic interests, the colonial powers— particularly Britain and Ethiopia—failed to reach an agreement. There was also fear of repercussions from Somalis in those areas.11 Recommendations For Somalia: It is imperative that Somalia actively assert its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Enhanced engagement with Somaliland is necessary, acknowledging the deep-seated aspirations for secession among some segments while aiming for a resolution that respects the collective will of all Somali people. Discussions should be approached with a vision for unity that accommodates diverse aspirations through inclusive governance, potentially offering broad autonomy to Somaliland. This approach would address fears of marginalization while preserving national unity and promoting cooperation For Somaliland: Somaliland needs to recognize that not all communities within its territory support secession. Negotiations should be guided by realism and pragmatism, aiming for an agreement that addresses Somaliland’s legitimate concerns while acknowledging the benefits of a united Somalia. This requires moving beyond the zero-sum mentality that has prevailed over the last thirty year For Ethiopia: Ethiopia’s demand for “sea access” does not justify infringing upon the sovereignty of another nation. Ethiopia is a landlocked country, and demanding territorial waters, a naval base, and a commercial port that belong to another country is an act of aggression. This could result in a prolonged conflict with Somalis both within Somalia and in the diaspora, as well as within Ethiopia itself. History has shown that Somalis have defended their territory against Ethiopian advances, notably forcing a retreat in 2006. Further, any attempt by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to cross into Somalia could significantly bolster al-Shabaab in a manner reminiscent of the group’s emergence following Ethiopia’s previous military ventures, which ended in failure. For the International Community: The international community must extend beyond mere affirmations of Somalia’s territorial integrity to actively discourage any actions that threaten Somalia’s sovereignty, unity, and territorial integrity. A firmer stance against Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s aggression is required, one that emphasizes the need to respect international laws and norms. Diplomatic pressure, along with offers of mediation and support for dialogue, should be pursued vigorously, as heightened nationalism and fear have created a conducive environment for conflict. For All Parties: International organizations such as the United Nations, African Union, Arab League, and Intergovernmental Authority on Development must recognize that the Memorandum of Understanding, as it stands, risks igniting an avoidable and unnecessary war. Such a conflict would likely result in the exponential and overnight metastasis of al-Shabaab, the largest and most resourceful Al-Qaeda affiliate in the Horn of Africa, and in the growth of ISIS, which has a foothold in Somalia. A cloud of war is hovering over the Horn, presenting a clear and present danger that necessitates action, not mere affirmation https://8v90f1.p3cdn1.secureserver.net/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/Ethiopias-MoU-with-Somaliland-.pdf

Hargeysa is just, but a part of N West, then there are N East, N Central, far North etc. Is XX reer Axmed of S Muse?

You are still parroting the same diatribe as that of 20 years ago. You mean like this sharing of grants and aid? How does once city get more than all other regions put together? Or like this, a one jilib outfit. The list of the 6 #Taiwanese military scholarships and how they were tribally awarded. 2 scholarships: Reer Samatar, Sacad Muse, Gabiley Clan 2 scholarships: Jabriil Abokour, Sacad Muse, Gabiley Clan 2 scholarships: Isse Muse, Gabiley Clan https://twitter.com/RealSLVoice/status/1764174873591484596?s=20

True. Here is a segment by A Goodman. MN & VA this Tue. 2024 Primary Elections Calendar WWW.NBCNEWS.COM Track important calendar dates ahead the 2024 presidential election. Learn more on when primaries, caucuses, conventions and other...

This was a multiracial, multi-generational movement.’ Race and justice editor @kat__stafford on the Democrats who voted ‘uncommitted’ in the Michigan primary, and why some Black Americans have expressed solidarity with Palestinians. Listen now: https://reut.rs/3Tk1Bmb https://twitter.com/Reuters/status/1764417998138282096?s=20

Both in the Primaries starting this Mar. 5th, and the General Election in November, as happened in MI. Time to stand up, and speak up for Palestine.

Nicely put. Just replace "Northerners" with reer Hargeysa.

XX is hoping never to have woken up from this SSC-Khatumo & Awdal nightmare, which gave birth to Central SL, a rather catchy, fitting name.

According to its Treasury, SSC-Khatumo generated 13 million USD in revenues from Las Anod alone in last quarter excluding grants and donations, which is promising. Ina Xambuuse is doing a fine job.

Sacad Shire #Somaliland finance minister cancels the largest and only investment #Awdal region has received citing it was approved by the Somali government. The road linking Borama to Djibouti is apparently different from projects like Biyo leh, Yariiso and the Berbera port. https://twitter.com/RealSLVoice/status/1764214054736830744?s=20

More importantly, what services is Yusuf Gaboobe providing to Bixiye with this price tag? ------------------------------ #Somaliland markii ugu horraysay ayaa shakhsi aan xil hayn kana tirsanayn hay'addaha kala duwan ee dawladda miisaaniyadda toos loogu daray magaciisa iyo dhaqaale u gaar ah. Xildhibaano ka tirsan Golaha Wakiillada oo aan la xidhiidhay ayaa ii sheegay in miisaaniyadii hore magacyo Ururro lagu soo gelin jiray shakhsiyaadkan. https://twitter.com/Hassangallaydh/status/1764377317789331893?s=20 Interesting fact: @musebiihi allocated more money to an alcoholic who defends him on twitter than renovating the hospitals of #Borama #Burco #Saylac #Saraar and #Hargaisa combined. https://twitter.com/RealSLVoice/status/1764388851890442660?s=20

Genocide ongoing in the Amhara region. Sorry to have to post the image, but it must be seen. Heart wrenching! https://twitter.com/zoomafrika1/status/1764407705823850690?s=20

SL MPs attacked for opposing the infamous MoU. So much for a democracy, stability, freedom of speech, and immunity for MPs.

Good man, now you are talking like a native. Enjoy, and do visit the schools and universities, listen to their stories, desires and aspirations. To enjoy the city, warts and all, break bread with the locals, and DO avoid regular haunts by the bourgeois wanna bees and diaspora. Yes, Xasan is just a wastrel weakling devoid of wisdom.

If these are Ethiopian government army, and whom we shall have to face to defend Somali territories, I think we shall fare better than fine, and will not even need al shabaab to join defences.

Very much reflections of what I would expect from a bloody foreigner on a hushed visitation to a war zone marinated with a toss of mislaid Somalinimo flavour to balm chapped cavities of the forlorn diaspora hordes. Take you seriously, I shall not, till you have taken a crowded bus, with tiny seats not fit for a tall, burly gentleman of a certain age, from Adam Adde airport, paid the $5 fee to stride to the taxi rack, fight your way through rows of poor beggars to find a taxi or a bajaj to your destination; then at dawn, take a stroll through Bakaraha market for a homely breakfast in one of the low end shacks-turned-restaurants competing fresh "laxoox / canjeelo" flying off the pan with builders / workers in the morning rush, and get a sodden whiff of the rubbish, from the day before, still stacked up in the streets. With that, you would be a local lad back at home. But with you fancy bulletproof limo, VIP reception, backdoor exit to the city, and trotting between blue beaches and fancy hotels, mate, you are a bloody foreigner on tour. Now, tell me, is Awdal safe? Is Lughaya secure? Is Ceel Sheekh off limits?