Koo qaaday, widaay. Waa arkaa adiga iyo Abtigiis inaa safaaradaha kala qaadateen. Aniga waa inaa meeshaas boos ka raadsadaa, awoowe, hooyadey aabaheeda, ka yimidee. Siiba meesha la dhaho Qabridahare waliba extended qaraabo of maamada wali ku sugan. Maxee qaaraan ONLF maamada ugu qaadeen Islii. Marka Abtigiis waaba dhaamaa oo qaaraanka ayaaba dhiibi jirnay. Waraa markii Xeerka Qaranka Soomaaliya la qoraaye jaad maa daaqeysay as usual? Here it is then: Qodobka 5aad. Afafka Rasmiga ah Afka rasmiga ah ee Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya waa Af-soomaaliga (Maay iyo Maxaa tiri), af Carabigana waa luqadda labaad.

Here comes gaalkii Rabigiisa ku caasiyeeyey.Who did you worship today? Lacag? Madoobe? Kuwii atheist kaa dhigay? Adduun iyo aakhiraba waa seegtay, neef iska nool.

Red Cross fears coronavirus spreading silently in Somalia's displaced camps The new coronavirus could be spreading undetected through camps across Somalia hosting some 2.6 million displaced people, the Red Cross warned on Tuesday, as floods and conflict swelled the numbers fleeing into overcrowded settlements. Almost 500,000 people have been forced from their homes by recent floods in central Somalia, the United Nations said, putting further pressure on some 2,000 camps across the Horn of Africa nation, which has been mired in conflict since 1991. “We are concerned that many COVID cases are going undetected, especially in the internal displaced camps,” said Ana Maria Guzman, health coordinator for the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), in a statement. “Because of the ongoing conflict in Somalia, and also we are facing floods right now in Somalia, there is an increase in the number of internal displaced population into urban areas and this creates the perfect environment for infectious disease.” Somalia, which has a population of about 15 million people, has recorded more than 2,600 coronavirus cases and about 90 deaths, according to a tally by Johns Hopkins University. Aid workers said the virus could spread undetected in the camps - where maintaining a safe distance and regular hand-washing are a challenge - with particular concern for the capital Mogadishu, host to some 800,000 displaced people. Officials from Somalia’s health ministry were not immediately available for comment. “So far, no COVID-19 case was registered at the camps in Mogadishu,” government spokesman Ismail Mukhtar Omar told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. “The government has taken strong, important measures to curb the virus and raise awareness amongst internally displaced people ... the Somali government has managed to provide preventive materials, like hygiene kits, to the displaced.” Impoverished Somalia regularly suffers prolonged droughts and flash floods - threatening peoples’ livelihoods and worsening hunger amid ongoing conflict between its Western-backed government and the Islamist militant group al Shabaab. Most internally displaced people (IDP) live in congested camps in towns and cities across Somalia, dependent on daily wage labor and with limited access to quality healthcare and sanitation services. Acute watery diarrhea and measles have already been reported in some clinics, said Guzman. The ICRC is working with Somali Red Crescent volunteers to disinfect the camps, test people and trace contacts, she said, adding that it was a complex task as many people could not provide contact details or did not have mobile phones. “It seems incredibly likely to me that there are cases going undetected in IDP camps,” said Suze van Meegen, global advocacy advisor for the Norwegian Refugee Council, which recently conducted a study on the impact of COVID-19 in Mogadishu camps. “We spoke with community leaders ... nine of them reported to us that they thought there had been recent deaths as a result of COVID-19. This is just a perception but I think it’s indicative of the likelihood that there are cases in the camps.” Reuters

Yaa ku guuleystay codeyntii loo qaaday Jabuuti iyo Kenya ee Golaha Ammaanka QM? Kenya iyo Jabuuti ayaa ku kala bixi waayey cod-bixintii ka dhacday xarunta QM ee loolanka labadaas dal ay ugu jireen helitaanka kursi aan joogto ahayn oo ka mid ah 15-ka kursi ee Golaha Ammaanka. Doorashadii maanta dhacday ayaa waxay Kenya heshay 113 cod, halka Jabuuti ay ka heshay 78 cod, taasi oo macnaheedu yahay in berri lagu laaban doono codeyn kale, maadaama Kenya aysan helin laba meelood saddex meel codadka ama 129 cod. Kenya iyo Jabuuti ayaa labadaba raadinaya inay beddelaan dalka Koonfur Afrika, waxaana dalkii guuleysta uu kursiga ku fadhin doonaa muddo laba sano ah. Codeynta labaad ayaa dhici doonta berri, waxaana haddii Kenya ay guuleystao ay noqon doonta markii saddexaad ee kursigan ay hesho. Kenya ayaa sidoo kale xubin ka ahayd Golaha Ammaanka 1973-74 iyo 1997-98. Jabuuti weligeed kuma guuleysan kursiga. Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa horey u sheegtay inay taageereyso musharaxnimada Jabuuti, waxaana jirta cabsi ah in haddii Kenya ay hesho kursigan ay u adeegsan karto inay Golaha Ammaanka ka billowdo cadaadis ka dhan ah Soomaaliya, oo ku saabsan inay ka laabato kiiska badda ee Maxkamadda ICJ. Codeymihii kale ee maanta dhacay ayaa India waxay ku guuleysata kursiga xubnaha aan joogtada ahayn ee Golaha Ammaanka ee dalalka Asia-Pacific, halka Turkey ay ku guuleysatay madaxweynenimada Golaha Guud ee QM. Shan dal ayaa xubno joogto ka ah Golaha Ammaanka, waana Mareykanka, UK, Ruushka, Shiinaha iyo Faransiiska. 10-ka kursi ee kale ayaa waxaa labadii sanaba qabta dal ka mid ah 193-ka dal ee xubnaha ka ah QM. Xigasho

Kenya vs. Djibouti: Who will represent Africa on the UN Security Council? Africa usually speaks with one voice when it comes to electing representatives on the world stage. So why are Kenya and Djibouti tussling over a seat on the UN Security Council? United Nations members voted in four new members of the powerful Security Council in New York on Wednesday, but failed to decide on which African nation should fill the African regional seat up for grabs. In Wednesday's vote, Kenya received 113 votes while Djibouti got 78. With both failing to gain the two-thirds majority needed to win the Africa seat on the council, the two countries will face off on in a second round of voting on Thursday morning. In the past, African nations have unanimously backed a single candidate. This year though, both Kenya and Djibouti are vying for the seat, currently occupied by South Africa, which will become vacant in January 2021. Kenya thought it had an early edge Back in February, Kenya thought it already had the seat in the bag: In a secret ballot in February, African Union member states nominated Kenya ahead of Djibouti, with 37 votes to 13, as their candidate for the seat. But then the AU's headquarters in Addis Ababa received a letter from Djibouti. The small French and Arabic-speaking country in the Horn of Africa demanded that the AU reconsider its decision. According to Djibouti's ambassador to the UN, the AU's support for Kenya is against the rules. During the vote, concerns were raised that if Djibouti were to be elected, then Africa would be represented by three francophone countries in 2021, with Niger and Tunisia filling the other two African seats. In the letter, Djibouti dismissed these concerns as absurd. After all, this has happened before: Most recently in 2001, when Mali, Mauritius and Tunisia were represented on the UN committee at the same time. Francophones vs. Anglophones? The diplomatic fronts hardened in the days before Wednesday's UN General Assembly vote because Djibouti continued to refuse to withdraw its candidacy. Roba Sharamo, director of the Institute for Security Studies in Addis Ababa, suspects geopolitical causes behind this. "Djibouti is likely to be urged by foreign powers to maintain his candidacy against all odds," said the security expert. "There were suspicions that maybe some French-speaking countries are behind it, but now it's becoming more and more clear that China is pushing Djibouti." In any case, Africa is giving a mixed picture, which isn't a good look for the continent. "I think ideally Africa should speak with one voice and only present one candidate," says Sharamo. Read more: Djibouti military base 'a manifestation of China's global interests' Is China behind the conflict? Kenyan political scientist Martin Oloo does not believe the alleged dispute between Francophone and Anglophone countries is the main issue in this case. "The AU wanted to encourage only one country to run," he told DW. "That we have two countries now explains the big division between the west and the east." Kenya — the candidate for the West — enjoys support from the US and most European counties. Djibouti, meanwhile, is the candidate of choice for China and Russia, which would work with it in many areas on the UN level. The importance of having three African, non-permanent members of the UN Security Council should not be undervalued, emphasizes Oloo: "China wants to keep this group, which is known as A3." China already exerts significant influence over both Djibouti and Kenya. But if push comes to shove, Oloo believes China would probably side with Djibouti. Both countries claim their candidacy is being supported by China. Experts view this as a sign of China's growing influence in Africa. "Both Kenya and Djibouti have maneuvered themselves into being greatly dependent on China," says Sharamo. "China is Kenya's largest creditor and also operates the largest ports in Djibouti." As a permanent member of the Security Council, China has been reluctant to speak out about this diplomatic conflict, instead declaring that it intends to "support Africans in resolving African problems in an African way." Africa: The game ball of the great powers? So what role could African countries like Kenya or Djibouti play in the Security Council? "The balance of power in the Security Council is very clearly distributed," explains Oloo. "On the one hand there is the US, which is mostly supported by the Europeans, and on the other hand, the Russians work in tandem with China." Oloo believes that so far, the African countries who have taken up seats on the council have been unable to formulate and implement their own interests. Even South Africa, who will leave the council at the end of the year to be replaced by Kenya or Djibouti, has failed to set its own course over the past two years, he adds. Liesl Louw-Vaudran from the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, South Africa, sees it differently. "South Africa achieved a lot in terms of strengthening the A3," she tells DW. "In the beginning of 2019 there was some controversy in the UN Security Council around the elections in DR Congo, but after that the South African diplomacy contributed to an independent African position." However, South Africa joined the Security Council at a difficult time, she points out. The elections in DR Congo left little room for other issues and since 2020, the work of the South African diplomats have been significantly limited due to the COVID-19 pandemic, she adds. Security Council reforms 'long overdue' There are already enough issues that Africa urgently needs to resolve at the UN level, says Sharamo, yet the voice of African states remains barely noticed. "Africa has long called for reform of the Security Council," explains Sharamo. "I think the African continent is a major player in the world and at the same time is a continent which is hosting a lot of peacekeeping missions. I think it is time to have an African country as a permanent UN Security Council member, as the world becomes more and more interdependent." Oloo has a more pessimistic outlook and does not think anything will change following the election of Africa's next representative on June 17: "Regardless of whether Kenya or Djibouti wins the vote, Africa will remain a disunited continent and therefore a 'game ball' of the great powers." Deutsche Welle

The first round was not good for Jabuuti. And for us Soomaaliya as well. If Kiikuuyo win that Golaha Ammaanka seat, they will use every available power to help themselves, especially the sensitive maritime case before International Court of Justice. _____________________ Kenya, Djibouti contest for UN seat heads to second round The contest between Kenya and Djibouti will head to the second round of voting on Thursday after the first phase saw Nairobi’s victory insufficient to win the UN Security Council seat. In the first round, Nairobi scored 113 votes against Djibouti’s 78. And although Kenya was firmly in the driving seat, the rules of the elections demand at least two thirds of the votes of eligible UN member states to be declared winner. On Wednesday, the election that started at 4pm Kenyan time (EAT) saw 192 of the 193 member states voting. Only Venezuela was barred from casting its ballot as it is still in arrears for its membership in the UN. It means Nairobi’s diplomats will have to work a lot harder on Thursday to lobby countries across the world for one more vote each to see off a Djibouti that rejected African Union’s decision to endorse Kenya, and went ahead to conduct parallel campaigns for the only seat allocated for Africa. The UN Security Council is the most powerful organ of the UN, charged with maintaining global peace and security. Its decisions, by law, must be obeyed by all UN member states, giving it prestige and power. Nairobi, if it wins, would be among the 10 non-permanent members, who often work alongside the permanent five (Russia, China, UK, US, France) to pass resolutions touching on global peace and security. Xigasho

Rabi ha u raxmado, reerkiisana samir iyo iimaan aan leeyahay. Cudurkii xumaa muu u geeriyooday?

I don't know if this is another secessionist waking up from unrealized delusion into a real world. Somaliland: Waking up to a new reality A month ago, one of my friends added me to a group on WhatsApp created by people originally from the Northern Somali provinces discussing how to save Somaliland from its current downfall. Listening to these nice fellows, I could feel the pain some were feeling knowing the end of an imagined Republic of Somaliland independent from the rest of Somalia. Our group was heavily populated by **** **** clan members, as one should expect because of the current discontent in that region, but I suspected some active participants to be from other clans because of their accent, their choice of words and their emphasis on key issues. However, most of them were genuine in their beliefs and were either disgruntled, disappointed or in denials of the current regional upheaval. I concede it is awful to be indoctrinated for many decades about the Northerners exceptionalism and other simplistic myths and one day realise it was just wishful thinking. The core myth abundantly circulated by the Hargeysa elite is that the 1960 union of the former British Somaliland with the newly liberated Italian occupied Somalia, now deemed culturally incompatible, led to an unhealthy relationship and therefore the 1991 recovery (hear separatism) of a long lost independence was the obvious solution. Other myth propagated, in the last 29 years, by the self proclaimed Republic of Somaliland was that the Somali National Movement (SNM), who unleashed a terror in the 1980’s, with the Ethiopian army’s assistance, was merely saving the **** clan from the Somali Democratic Republic’s genocidal intent. The word extermination was even uttered notably by opposition leader Faysal Ali Waraabe. There was also a long list of other myths whose only purpose was to sow the seeds of hatred and cement this hatred to make a future reconciliation with the rest of Somalia an impossible mission. As long as the South, defined as a distinct undifferentiated whole, was in turmoil and a central government was inexistent, it gave a terrain to sustain the myth of incompatibility of the two regions and the likelihood of Somaliland’s international recognition as a separate state. Every elected administration in Hargeysa entertained the possibility of a near international recognition and it is still on the agenda, even though this perspective looks more like a mirage now. This online gathering of emotionally distressed people originally from the Northern regions of Somalia happened in a sobering up moment. The current administration under Musa Bihi became the most divisive, inept and the most derided administration since Somaliland declared its independence in 1991. Moreover, the call of further secessions of some regions in Somaliland, coupled with a new wind of change blowing in the Horn of Africa, has started a questioning of all the myths propagated by the SNM’s old guards, anxious to safeguard their privileges and plunder of the meagre national resources. In fact, the new Ethiopian policy to lowering tensions in the region and a renewed favourable international attention towards the central government in Mogadishu led by the shrewd Abdullahi Farmajo have offered an alternative to all the repressed opposition to the separatism. While some clearly wonder if Somaliland will ever be an independent country and even despair of this elusive recognition, others feel lost in the changes taking place in the region and in the mediocrity of the Bihi administration dealing with these changes. You may then understand the anxiety born of these events and in particular of the recent meetings between Farmajo and Bihi. Even though I believe it would seem a daunting task to reverse course for Somaliland or even too late to save its future as an independent state, I do still believe that there’s a slight chance it may survive the current upheaval in the region with some radical but smart political manoeuvrings. Since its inception, there were so many missed opportunities to show the world its worth. The breakaway region had plenty of time, almost 30 years, to show the world that not only its democracy, peace and good governance are unshakable but that its leaders have the flexibility to deal with the rest of Somalia about its aspirations. Unfortunately, every time there was an elected president, the Hargeysa elite, and the president’s inner circle on top, was scrambling to enrich themselves. Somaliland had an opportunity to capitalize in the peace found after the collapse of the Democratic Republic but instead wasted it. Successive administrations have had no credible plans, or will, to reign on clan based political infightings, the widespread corruption, the uncontrolled inflation, land grabs, the plundering of the natural resources, the raise of poverty, human rights abuses, the dysfunction of the judicial system and growing discontents and palpable unrest in Awdal, Togdheer, Sool and Sanaag regions. In short, the count down of an implosion is in set in motion. There’s no wonder some “Somalilanders”, as they call the population from that region, are in admiration of the current Farmajo government’s discipline and view a possible reunification as a better alternative to the squandering of public funds by their administration. Others even see the current military achievements as reminiscent of the time Somalia was at its height of its glory. With this in the background, it was expected the Somaliland administration has no other choice but to accept a direct negotiation with Mogadishu and, in spite of the SNM old guard rhetoric’s, a public consultation would be unavoidable to mitigate a severe backlash from a public indoctrinated for so long in the simple and distressing concept that the “North” is a victim and the “South” is a murderous mess. Xigasho

Risk of Conflict Rising Between 2 Ethiopia Regional Powers, Report Finds Tension between Amhara and Tigray, two of Ethiopia's most powerful regions, is increasing as the country approaches elections next year, says a new International Crisis Group report. The northern Tigray region, which ruled the country for nearly three decades, has been ostracized by the federal government in Addis Ababa, raising the risk of military conflict in the north. The two regions also share a contested border and are at odds over when federal elections should be held. Increased competition involving Ethiopia’s patchwork of ethnic groups and political parties has been a hallmark of the government formed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, due to greater social and political freedoms granted by his administration. But it is the dispute between the Amhara and Tigray regions, the new report says, that “is arguably the bitterest of these contests, fueled in part by rising ethnic nationalism in both regions.” William Davison, the Crisis Group’s senior analyst for Ethiopia, tells VOA that Amhara citizens believe that several key zones, notably the Wolqait and Raya areas, were annexed by Tigray when the current Ethiopian federation was mapped out in the early 1990s. “The problem has been there in some form for decades," Davison said. "It flared up and became more prominent during the anti-government protests [between 2016 and 2018.] It has not gone away and it is simmering away as one of Ethiopia’s major inter-regional fault lines.” Adding to the heightened tension, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front, the former ruling party, has threatened to hold its own regional election. Plans to hold a vote have led political elites in Tigray and Amhara to adopt increasingly hardline stances toward each other, the report says, noting a recent warning from Prime Minister Abiy that any such act would “result in harm to the country and the people.” Davison pointed out that relations between the TPLF and the federal government, to which members of the Amhara Democratic Party belong, are becoming “increasingly acrimonious.” “People have to be seeking a compromise and we need a political atmosphere to seek that compromise," Davison said. "But what I’m getting at is that we obviously do not have that, unfortunately, at the moment…Whilst we have that situation, it’s going to be hard to make any progress on this entrenched territorial dispute between Amhara and Tigray. So, the problem is simmering and it’s not going away and the worse that Tigray and TPLF relations get with other federal actors, the bigger potential risk there is that this problem with Amhara could turn into something more deadly.” Numerous Amhara and Tigray officials, including Fanta Mandefro, deputy president of the region, did not respond to repeated calls for comment. But Dessalegn Chanie Dagnew, chairman of the opposition National Movement of Amhara, said via a messaging app that Ethiopia’s regional map based on ethnic territories has been the root cause of many tensions, not just between the Amhara and Tigray regions, but many others. “I would say it [violence] has happened in most of the areas and it’s not [unique] to the Amhara and Tigray regions," Dessalegn said. "But still, in spite of all these things, I wouldn't expect that there would be an open clash.” To reduce tensions, the International Crisis Group recommends that the national boundary commission facilitate dialogue by providing information on the contested land and the two regions’ current and former demographics. Xigasho

Mudane Qoorqoor aad ayuu u dadaalayaa ee Reer Mudug iyo Galgaduud horumar wacan u rajeynaayaa. I hope inaynan fursadaan isdhaafsiinin by going back to useless isqabqabsi.

17 June 2020: Warbixinta COVID-19 ee Soomaaliya. > Laga Helay: 38 > Puntland: 16 > Somaliland: 13 > Benadir: 8 > Koonfur Galbeed: 1 > Lab: 29 > Dhedig: 9 > Bogsasho: 36 > Dhimasho: 0 -------------------------------- > Tirada Guud Laga Helay: 2,696 > Bogsashada Guud: 685 > Dhimashada Guud: 88 Kala soco wixii faah-faahin dheeraad ah: Website: www.moh.gov.so Dashboard: www.moh.gov.so/en/covid19 Whatsapp: bit.ly/MoHSomalia

Wuxuu u yimid arrimo kale la iska ogyahay, but anyway. _____________________ Wasaarada Caafimaadka & Daryeelka Bulshada ayaa waxa ay maanta kala wareegtay agab caafimaad oo loogu talagalay ladagaalanka COVID-19 wafdi kasocday wadanka Ethopia oo uu hogaaminayay Wasiirka maaliyada Itoobiya.

Wasiiru Dowlaha Wasaarada Waxbarashada Dowlada Soomaaliya oo soo Xiray Koorso lagu Baranayay Ka hor taga Cudurka COVID-19, kaasi oo ay Qabatay Jaamacada Umada Soomaliyeed,

16 June 2020: Update on COVID-19 in Somalia. > New cases confirmed today: 16 > Somaliland: 15 > South West: 1 > Male: 11 > Female: 5 > Recovery: 27 > Death: 0 ------------------------------------ Total confirmed cases: 2,658 Total recoveries: 649 Total deaths: 88 For more information, please visit: Website: www.moh.gov.so Dashboard: www.moh.gov.so/en/covid19 WhatsApp: bit.ly/MoHSomalia

Aamiin, as a Soomaali single father he raised gabar wanaagsan nolosheedana horumar weyn ka gaartay. He passed away as a proud man, I am sure.

Waa aqoonsi kumeel gaar ah, though. And it can be rescinded at any time for technicalities. That is why Madoobe did not accept for he knows in laga tuuri karo at anytime.

It was circulated on Facebook at that time, imposing Muuse Marqaan's face on another leader in the middle of the back. Cabdinaasir Sola was among who qarxiyey beentooda loo jeeday.

After 30 years of begging this 'useless organization,' maxaa ka heysaa marka ka ahayn ciil iyo cuqdad? Waa maahmaahdii tukulish timir deeri waayey qaraaraa tuf in eree.

Masaakiintaan Eebbe ha u gargaaro xoog ayaa dhulalkooda loogu dhacaayaa. Mar dhow waa inaa bilownaa Waqooyi Lives Matter (WLM).

Waxaa ku sheego ma aqaano kan. Shib in laga dhaho ma'ahee.

Rabi ha u raxmado marxuumka - aamiin.

Ilhan Omar's father dies from Covid-19 Rep. Ilhan Omar's father died due to the coronavirus, the Minnesota congresswoman announced Monday night. "It is with tremendous sadness and pain that I share that my father, Nur Omar Mohamed, passed away due to complications from COVID-19," Omar said in a statement. "No words can describe what he meant to me and all who knew him." Omar was raised by her father and grandfather following her mother's death when she was an infant, according to The Guardian and The New York Times. She and her father came to the United States as refugees in 1995 from Somalia during the country's civil war and eventually settled in Minneapolis. Omar has recounted her father's encouragement as she expressed disappointment in the inequalities and bullying she experienced when she first came to the country. Omar went on to be elected one of the first two Muslim congresswomen in 2018, along with Michigan Rep. Rashida Tlaib, and the first to wear a hijab on the House floor. Omar has since established herself as a progressive firebrand. As the coronavirus pandemic plunged the economic into a crisis, Omar proposed canceling rent and mortgage payments during the pandemic. U.S. deaths from the coronavirus have surpassed 116,000. Xigasho