Tuesday 29 November 2011 Keme Nzerem Sports Reporter Moving to Oregon, sleeping in an air-thinning tent, and training come what may. Sports Reporter Keme Nzerem meets Mo Farah on his quest for distance running world domination. Beaverton, Oregon, may well be the running capital of America, but it has the distinct feel of Blighty in the rain. That it has become a home from home for Britain's best distance runner is probably just as well, for he's had to accept the heavens open a hell of a lot here. Mo Farah moved his family here last winter so he could try and find what he described as the "extra 1 or 2 per cent" he needed to become world number one. This time last year Farah had established himself as the best distance runner in Europe, but he was still struggling against the best in the world – the East Africans. Then he moved to the Pacific north west to work with renowned coach Alberto Salazar, and in four short months he went from good - to great. Yes, he was pipped at the line to the 10,000 metres gold at the Athletics World Championships this summer – but learnt from his defeat to win the 5,000 metres a week later. So what changed? American life His all new, all American life? Well yes, in a manner of speaking. British distance athletes typically use the altitude training facilities in the highlands of Kenya or Pyrenees to isolate themselves from the distractions of daily life. And the thin mountain air encourages their bodies to produce more oxygen carrying red blood cells. But Farah's new coach, who is based at the Nike campus, can deliver most of that with his hi-tech training facilities a few miles outside the state capital, Portland. A combination of secret underwater treadmills, zero gravity running machines, and air thinning sleeping tents have helped slash Farah's personal bests by huge margins - taking 40 seconds off his 10k record. Some have queried how such a rapid improvement can be possible – questioning Mr Salazar's behind closed doors methods. Some years ago WADA - the world anti doping body - even considered banning some of his technology. But Mr Salazar is bullish in his - and his athlete's - defence. "We are doing stuff other countries don't know about – and it gives us an advantage," he said. But Mr Salazar insists there is no funny business going on. "We all know what's right and what's wrong. [but] however you can train better, that's great." And while we're on the topic, Mr Salazar broaches the subject of performance enhancing substances. It is, he said, "just something we would never come close to doing - it's not an option - we are completely clean about everything we do." And Farah, he says, was tested more than anyone. "I'm gonna guess Mo was tested 20 times last year," he said. As we finish our interview Nike employees trudge in from their lunch breaks - ruddy faced and swathed in mud to their knees. The ritual Nike lunchtime run. It's still pouring outside. Which, in a way, brings us back to the weather. Because any athlete will tell you there are times when you just don't fancy getting out in the cold, in the rain. And here in Portland, it can fall for days on end. But if you don't get out and train come what may – you may as well be running backwards. And Mo Farah, it would seem, is full steam ahead. He goes to Kenya the day after Christmas for real high altitude training. Then he races in Glasgow. He'll travel to Istanbul for the World Indoor Championships this spring. Then the small matter of a wee sports event in London next summer. And right now there's no question – Farah is the man to beat.

Disastrous

It breaks my heart to see that so many innocent people have to die because of the Famine and because there is no proper Somali Government but who is to blame for that? It's also ironic that Mr indho cade a man who Switched Sides more than 3 times who also clearly states that he is still an Islamist and wants Sharia governance in Somalia and the Americans still trust him and think he is trustworthy. Also TFG president sharif Ahmed seems frustrated with the Americans.Of all the people Professor Abdi Ismail samatar is the only one who makes sense.He seems to be the only one that actually uses basic logic and defines Washington's two track policy as a failed policy.

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A_Khadar;762290 wrote: So that tog, has its own wasiir ciyaaro.. Meesha ha la is qayilsiiyaa ka socota.. Lol no the video was made by togaherer a website www.togaherer.com

If they really fought a war and a full scale clash as you say khadar the casualties would probably have been much higher one guy got killed another one guy got injured that's about it.

Good news give peace a change well done

They all come under the Somaliland national defense Ministry and who said one division is exclusively one Community there is no proof of that. If one soldier kills another soldier it does not mean clans are fighting or Military units are fighting.

A_Khadar;762280 wrote: lol@wasiirka Cayaaraha togdheer.. Not togdheer Toga herer Tog yaro dhex mara magaalada hargeysa back in the days Hargeysa was called Herer.

Incidents happen it just shows that Ciidanka Qaranka the National army is all inclusive from all communities in Somaliland right know the Somaliland minister of trade and industry along with the top General Nuux ismacil taani and the Commander of the Armed forces for the eastern regions Colonel dhancade are all in Yagoori.

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Wasiirka Ciyaaraha Oo Shir Jaraa`id ku Qabtay Garoonka Ciyaaraha Burco kuna sheegay in Ciyaara Goboladu Si Rasmi ah u Furmayaan Maalinta Berri ah.. Burco/ToggaHerer 30 Nov 2011 Wasiirka Dhaqanka, Ciyaaraha Iyo Dalxiiska Somaliland oo Ku dhawaaqay in dhamaan ay gaadheen Ciyaaryahanada ka qayb qaadanaya Tartanka Ciyaaraha Gobolada Magaalada Burco Si rasmi ahna ay u furmyaan Maalinta Berri ah…. Wasiirka ayaa Shir Jaraa`id ku qabtay Garoonka Kubada Cagta ee Burco…

Interesting Somaliland has the right to arm themselves to the fullest

Careful carafaat many wars were fought because of woman that said a somaliland soldier from ceelafweyn and a somaliland soldier from yagoori fought over a girl we'll carafaat what if they both were inlove with the same girl the garaad woman are known for their beauty I will not be surprised at all.

Yes the Cartoon is indeed interesting,

Still, the Hirak leaders do appear to be getting their house in order. A group of prominent exiled leaders told a packed conference hall in downtown Cairo on Nov. 22 they had agreed on federalism as the best way to resolve the south's "unconditional right to self-determination," but warned that a lack of response to this solution would give southerners "the right to resort to all options." But a serious bid for separation at this point could spell disaster for Yemen. Saleh may be out of the picture, but both the ruling party and the opposition remain, at least overtly, staunch supporters of unity. The south lost its army after the 1994 war, and most of its experienced commanders are now elderly men hobbling around Aden with walking canes. The Hirak's military wing, meanwhile, comprising at most a few hundred men bearing light weapons, would stand little chance against Saleh's tanks and fighter jets. Moreover, a declaration of independence would likely lead to infighting and additional fragmentation within the south itself. Having followed the plight of the South Sudanese just across the Red Sea, the southern movement leaders are well aware of the importance of garnering international support. But their bid for Western sympathies is likely to be met with bitter disappointment. Western and Gulf nations continue to pledge billions of dollars to Yemen's central government, insisting that the stability and unity of the regime is paramount. Alarmed as they are by the growing threat of al Qaeda, whose regional branch has established strongholds in parts of the remote southern provinces, the idea of Yemen being carved back into two countries no doubt sends shivers down the spines of Western diplomats. With Saleh gone, the United States in particular will be seeking a strong partner in the north, fearing that a fresh bout of conflict between north and south would only create more elbow room for the militants. The Yemeni government, meanwhile, which has mastered the art of manipulating international military aid to use against its internal foes, continues to dismiss the movement as a small band of malcontents and has repeatedly accused its leaders of being affiliated with al Qaeda. Southerners accuse Saleh of deliberately fomenting conflict in the south in order to make the south seem unworthy of statehood. An unintended consequence of Yemen's Arab Spring has been the resurfacing of the southerners' grievances. The Hirak are currently pursuing two tracks -- a push for federalism by some and for complete separation by others. Which one prevails will largely boil down to how the ongoing political transition pans out in the north. As things stand, the appeal of independence is strong; if the emerging government of national unity fails to even recognize the movement's demands for greater equity as legitimate, that appeal will only grow stronger. And if the political transition degenerates into another power squabble between Saleh's boys and his rival-elites, the consequences could more drastic. It may embolden those southerners entertaining the prospect of declaring independence to take the plunge. In turn, secession will likely trigger a broader and bloodier conflict as northerners wage war to maintain the country's unity. With rising unemployment, grinding poverty, Salafi militants, U.S. drone strikes, and thousands of internally displaced people, the south is already basket case of problems. Yemen's uprising has considerably raised the price of inaction. http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/11/28/a_house_divided?page=full

A House Divided President Saleh may be stepping down, but the threat of civil war is growing. BY TOM FINN , ATIAF AL-WAZIR | NOVEMBER 28, 2011 SANAA AND ADEN, Yemen – As Egyptians storm back into Tahrir Square and Libyans round up their remaining war criminals, Yemenis are praying that a power-transfer deal signed by President Ali Abdullah Saleh on Wednesday will prevent their nine-month civil uprising from descending into civil war. More... Saleh, 67, had survived months of mass protests, defections from within his army, party, and tribe, and a June bomb attack on his palace that left him bed-ridden for three months in a Saudi Arabian military hospital. But with the economy of the verge of collapse, armed factions of the military clashing in the capital, and the threat of U.N. sanctions and asset-freezes looming, Yemen's wily leader of three decades appears finally to have decided to take a step back. "This disagreement for the last 10 months has had a big impact on Yemen in the realms of culture, development, politics, which led to a threat to national unity and destroyed what has been built in past years," he told a flock of Saudi sheikhs, foreign ambassadors, and U.N. diplomats seated on gold-crested chairs in a lavish Saudi palace after singing four copies of the agreement. The deal, which had been initially cobbled together by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the United States back in April, requires an immediate transfer of power to Saleh's deputy, the relatively impotent Abd Rab Mansour al-Hadi, who will preside over a national unity government until early presidential elections scheduled for Feb. 21. In return for signing, Yemeni lawmakers will grant Saleh and his sons immunity from prosecution -- not a bad deal given the corruption allegations, and the hundreds of protesters shot dead in recent months by government troops. Yemenis, meanwhile, get a rare chance to push their faltering uprising into a new phase and search for a way out of the raging political turmoil. But with Saleh now entrenched in his palace, clinging to the honorary title of president, and his sons and nephews still holding key positions in the military and intelligence services, the regime remains largely intact. Irked by the shortfalls of the GCC deal and the thought of Saleh escaping prosecution, the tens of thousands of protesters who remain camped out in dusty squares across Yemen have pressed on with their rallies, marching daily. On Thursday, just a day after the agreement was signed, a mob of Kalashnikov-wielding balaatija, as the protesters call them -- plainclothes government thugs -- shot dead five demonstrators and maimed a further 30 as they stormed through the streets of Sanaa calling for Saleh to be put on trial. Despite the violence, the sight of Saleh finally signing the deal came as a relief to many. But despite the breakthrough, Yemen faces a flawed and failed political compact. The country's future, most notably the question of its unity -- the status of the South -- now hangs ominously in the balance. Saleh has long seen the unification of North and South Yemen in 1990 as the jewel crowning his 33 years in power. His ruling party, the General People's Congress (GPC), has banged the drum of unity so hard and for so long that anyone caught questioning the merger is seen as a turncoat and risks being labeled an "enemy of the state." In reality, Yemen's 21 years of existence have been wracked by internal wars, regional fragmentation, and mass protests. Yemen was, in many ways, the forerunner to this year's Arab Spring. A peaceful intifada has been in motion since the summer of 2007 in the southern governorates of the former People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, once the Arab world's only Marxist state, before state bankruptcy and the collapse of the Soviet Union hastened its merger with the north in 1990. The new republican state never achieved its goal of full territorial sovereignty and large parts of the northern and eastern regions remain under tribal control. A brief and bloody civil war in 1994 saw Saleh call in Salafi mercenaries -- fresh from anti-Soviet jihad in Afghanistan -- to crush the southern army. Flames rose from a government-owned beer factory torched by the Islamist mujahideen in Aden, the old capital of the south, as the Socialist leaders fled in fishing boats to Oman. Northern military officers and opportunist merchants then descended on the south, grabbing land, oil, factories, pensions, and governmental posts. Men deprived of their jobs and pensions and women stripped of the rights enjoyed under the old Socialist administration bristled under what they regarded as northern occupation. Oil revenues from wells on what had been southern soil flowed into the coffers of Saleh and his followers. The two parts of the country have irreversibly different cultures, many Yemenis believe. In the North it was common in the early years of unity to hear people referring to Southerners as "disbelievers" and describing their women as "loose"; in the South many saw Northerners as "ignorant" and "looters of state property." Ironically, it was the outpouring of dissent against Saleh this past February -- inspired by the uprising in Egypt -- that made the president's long-held dream of a unified Yemen look for the first time like a real possibility. Brought together under a broad, anti-Saleh umbrella, societal groups with previously nothing in common were suddenly cast together, now willing to die for the same cause. The fungal-like growth of a pro-democracy tented city in downtown Sanaa, later dubbed "Change Square," became the melting pot where jean-clad students from the capital mingled with northern Houthi rebels and gray-haired southern socialists camped in tents next to dagger-bearing tribesman from the east. Joyous chants such as "Our unity is a unity of hearts, no north and no south" captured newfound feelings of national solidarity. Youth coalitions in Change Square included members from Aden and Hadramout, both in Yemen's south. But the initial euphoria soon gave way to disenchantment. As Saleh clung to power and mass protests continued without result, frustration grew, along with southerners' doubts that events in the north would have a positive impact in the south. Today, many southerners feel that a revolution led by independent youth has been hijacked and transformed into a personal power struggle between elites in the north over power. In the southern port city of Aden, a former British colony built in the dusty crevices of an extinct volcano, leaders of the Hirak, a five-year secessionist movement, who have long seethed at the region's marginalization under northern rule, are now threatening to overturn the 1990 unification deal and declare independence. Years of intimidation, daylight floggings and midnight arrests by the regime's secret police had forced most of the Hirak's leadership abroad or underground. But with government troops now occupied in the north, they are able to move freely about the city, organizing weekly rallies and holding round-table discussions in coffee shops and restaurants. "We give the regime this ultimatum: either you acknowledge our legitimate demands to self-determination or you will soon find Yemen split once again into two countries," said Gen. Nasser al-Taweel, a prominent leader of the Hirak, delivering an anti-unity speech from a shabby bus stop turned protest podium in the rundown streets of downtown Aden. Despite brutal repression from Saleh's regime, the secessionists have proved remarkably resilient, deriving strength from a broad support as well as from charismatic leaders capable of mobilizing the population through a compelling narrative of injustice, marginalization, and a history of independence. But while the secessionist cry is loud, it is also fragmented. Its more radical leaders like Ali Salem Al Beidh -- the exiled former general secretary of the Yemeni Socialist Party -- demand "complete and immediate separation" while a more moderate faction headed by Haidar al-Attas advocate a federal system of two governorates for five years followed by a Sudan-style referendum for self-determination. Others just want an end to land expropriation and job discrimination and a greater devolution of power to the provinces. Their visions for what a future southern Yemen might look like also vary -- from a return to Marxism to a secular multi-party democracy to an Islamist caliphate.

Dugsi ma leh qabyalaadi waxay dumise mooyane eh Suldaan Timma cade 1952

Still not talking about politics just preparing the game

No my politics my dear friend A khadar lets play the games

Yaa la heshisinaya Puntland TFG iyo galmudug Amisom wa wada heshiis unless you are planning to invite Alshabaab?

Eritrea Denies It Supports Militants, Demands Independent Inquiry Peter Clottey Photo: VOA Eritrea President Isaias Afewerki ® being Interviewed by VOA`s Peter Clottey ® in New York. Eritrea’s permanent representative to the United Nations has petitioned the U.N. Security Council to expedite an independent investigation into Kenyan allegations that Asmara is supporting the Somali militant group al-Shabab. Ambassador Araya Desta sharply denies the latest accusations, saying, “Eritrea has never supported al-Shabab or any other group in Somalia.” Asmara also asked the U.N. to reprimand Nairobi over the allegations. He said Eritrea welcomes an independent inquiry into Kenya’s latest accusation. “Definitely that is what we have requested the Security Council [to do]. We want them to send an independent body to verify and investigate these allegations and come up with the result. So that the truth will come out because Eritrea has not participated in anything like that,” said Desta. “We don’t have planes to go to Baidoa and there is no reason why we should send arms to al-Shabab.” Earlier this year, the UN Monitoring Group for Somalia and Eritrea said Asmara was financing the Somali rebels. Desta says the Eritrean government is seeking peace and stability in the region. “Eritrea wants Somalia to be peaceful, stable, and we want to see a government in Somalia,” said Desta. The only possible way to see this is that the military [intervention] should stop because militarily, there would not be any solution. Desta’s comments came after Kenya formally asked the Security Council to investigate Eritrea, after accusing Asmara of supporting the Somali militant group. Kenya alleges that Eritrea recently supplied planeloads of arms to al Shabab militants inside Somalia. But Ambassador Desta sharply rejects the allegation as an insult to the intelligence of the international community. “This is totally a fabricated lie. There is no evidence at all for things like that and there is no reason why Eritrea should send arms to al-Shabab,” said Desta. “We have drones in Ethiopia flying daily in Somalia.…They have several radars checking every flight going in that region, so how is it that Eritrea can go undetected to Baidoa?” Desta called for an enabling environment, which he said would encourage discussions among Somalis to come up with solutions to resolve their challenges. “This is what Eritrea believes and has been fighting for.” Analysts say the accusation and counter accusation between Eritrea and Asmara could complicate or thaw diplomatic relations between the two East African countries. Asked why Eritrea is often accused of financially and logistically supporting the Somali militants, Ambassador Desta said a border dispute with neighboring Ethiopia as the reason behind the negative campaign against his country. “Because of this, Ethiopia is fabricating lies to accuse Eritrea, to defame Eritrea and these are the issues which have been coming to the Security Council, as well as other parties,” said Desta. “So the solution has to be finalized in order to get peace in the whole region of Horn of Africa.”

Please don't make it to personal it's just a cartoon

This is not about me this is the work of Amiir Caamiir