Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Guddoomiyaha Golaha Shacabka ee dhacay Maxamed Mursal Sheekh Cabdiraxmaan ayaa ku biiray dadaallada looga hortagayo in Ikraan Tahliil Faarax ay hesho cadaalad, taasi oo uu ka shaqeynayo madaxweynaha muddo xileedkiisa uu dhamaaday ee Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo. Maxamed Mursal, oo hoos taga Farmaajo, horena ugu gacan siiyey muddo kororsigii fashilmay ee dhaliyey dagaalka, ayaa xiligan door ka qaadanaya daminta kiiska Ikraan, sida ay ogaatay Caasimada Online. Sidoo kale, Mursal ayaa wada dhaq-dhaqaaqyo Golihii Shacabka ee muddo-xileedkiisu dhamaaday lagu soo nooleeynayo, si loo carqaladeeyo dadaalka Ra’iisul Wasaaraha, laguna hor istaago cadaalad u raadinta Ikraan Tahliil iyo Qoyskeeda. Mursal ayaa Khamiistii ka horyimid dhaarintii Wasiirka cusub ee amniga, taasi oo uu hore u diiday madaxweynaha muddo xileedkiisu dhamaaday, waxayna marag ma doon cad u noqoneysa in Mursal oo markale dhinaca saaray saaxiibkii Farmaajo. Mursal ayaa ku doodaya in dhaarinta xubnaha Golaha Wasiirada Xukuumadda Federaalka lagu hor dhaariyo Golaha Shacabka, wuxuuna shaki galiyay awoodaha Ra’iisul Wasaaraha ee xiliga kala guurka. “Waxaan si xushmad iyo qadarin leh kuula socodsiinayaa in ay Golaha Shacabka soo gaartey in Wasiirka magacaaban uu dhaariyey maanta Wasiirka Cadaalada ee Xukuumadaada iyadoon wax ansixin ah laga codsan Golaha Shacabku si waafaqsan Qodobka 69 (d) iyo 100aad farqadiisa (C) ee Dastuurka Federaalka iyo qodobka 104-aad ee kusaabsan dhaar marinta xubnaha Golaha Wasiirada Xukuumadda Federaalka” ayuu yiri Guddoomiye Mursal. “Waxa kale oo xusid mudan inaanu dalka ka jirin firaaq Baarlarnaani ah si waafaqsan Sharci Lr. 30 ee xeeranayo in Baarlamaanka 10aad ee hadda jooga oo wata awoodihiisa Dasturiga ah u dhamaytiran tahay ay Xilka sii haynayaan inta Baarlamanaan kale laga dooranayo.” Maxamad Mursal ayaa hore ugu fashilmay hirgelinta qorshayaasha Farmaajo, kuwaasi oo qaarkooda ay halis u geliyey dalka colaad sokeeye, kadib markii uu meel-mariyey mudda-kororsigii labada sano ahaa ee uu dalbaday Madaxweynaha mudda-xileedkiisu dhamaaday. The post Xog: Mursal oo kusoo biiray dadaallada looga hortagayo in Ikraan ay caddaalad hesho appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Ururada ugu caansan Dunida ee ka soo baxay caloosha Al-qaacidda? Xididdada dhaqdhaqaaqyada Salafi-jihaadku waxay dib ugu noqonayaan dabayaaqadii toddobaatameeyadii ee qarnigii la soo dhaafay, Waxa ay ka bilowdeen Masar, ka dib markii la aasaasay kooxo xag-jir ah oo ujeedkoodu ahaa in lagu soo rogo nidaam “xukun Islaami ah”. Halkaas waxaa ka bilaabmay fikirka jihaadka, kaas oo ku saabsanaa la dagaalanka cadowga gudaha iyo dibaddaba, yacnii, la dagaalanka maamulada ka taliya wadamada muslimiinta u badan yihiin iyo quwadaha caalamka ee taageera iyaga. Ikhwaanul Muslimiin, oo uu aasaasay Xasan al-Banna sannadkii 1928-kii, ayaa lagu tiriyaa inuu ka mid yahay ururada islaamiga ah ee ugu faca weyn u, wuxuuna saamayn weyn ku lahaa dhaqdhaqaaqyada islaamka ee dunida. Ka dib markii Islaamiyiintu dileen madaxweynihii Masar Maxamed Anwar al-Saadaat 1981, badankooda waxay u qaxeen Afgaanistaan, oo isu beddeshay fagaare “jihaad-doon” oo ka dhan ah Midowgii Soofiyeeti, Mareykanka iyagoo taageero ka helaya dawladaha Khaliijka Carabta oo dhiirri-galinayay socdaalka dhallinyarada Muslimiinta si ay ula dagaallamaan xoogagga Soofiyeeti, iyo xukuumaddii shuuciga ahayd ee Kabul ee dalka ka talineysay ilaa dhammaadkii 1980-maadkii, markaasoo ayna Al-Qaacida u soo if-baxday urur ahaan. Osaama Bin Laden Ururka Al-Qaacida Magaca “Al-Qaacida” wuxuu ka soo bilaabmay maqaal uu qoray Abdullah Azzam oo ah (sheekh Urdun iyo Falastiini ah, oo ku dhiirri-galiyay ragga dhallinyarada ah jihaadka, waxaana lagu dilay qarax baabuur 1989-kii) waxaa lagu dabaacay mid ka mid ah majalladaha lagu daabacay Afgaanistaan. Markaa, Azzam wuxuu ku baaqay in saldhig loo sameeyo mujaahidiinta Afghanistan. Guushoodii halkaas ka dib, qaar ka mid ah dagaalyahanno ka tirsan dalal kala duwan oo Carab iyo kuwa Aasiyaan ah, sidaa darteed waxay si firfircoon ugu faafeen Masar, Liibiya, Sacuudi Carabiya, Urdun, Aljeeriya, Bosnia, Tajikistan, Chechnya iyo waddamo kale. Sannadkii 1998 ayaa la aasaasay “Jabhaddii Islaamka ee Caalamiga ahayd ee la dagaallami lahayd Yuhuudda iyo Saliibiyiinta”, waxaana billowday wixii loo yaqaannay “jihaadkii caalamiga ahaa” ee Al-Qaacida. Isla sannadkaas waxaa la duqeeyey safaaradihii Mareykanka ee Kenya iyo Tanzania. Balse qaraxii ka dhacay Xarumaha Ganacsiga Adduunka 11 -kii September 2001 -dii, kaas oo ay ku dhinteen saddex kun oo qof, ayaa ahaa kii ugu weynaa abid, kaas oo sababay la iclaamiyay dagaal ka dhan ah mujaahidiinta Afghanistan, ee socday muddo 20 sano ah. Ururo kale iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo Jihaadi oo Salafi ah ayaa ka soo muuqday gobollo kala duwan, kuwaas oo qaarkood ay ku dhawaaqeen inay daacad u yihiin ururka iyo hoggaamiyahooda Usaama Bin Laadin, kuwo kalena ay ka soo baxeen, laakiin markii dambe waxay sameeyeen ururo madaxbannaan oo wata ajendayaal u gaar ah iyaga oo aan tixraacin Al-Qaacida. Febraayo 2014: Hoggaamiyihii Al-Qaacida ee xilligaas, Ayman Al-Zawahiri ayaa ku dhawaaqay in laga baxay Dowladda Islaamiga ah ee Ciraaq iyo Levant, isagoo sharraxay in Al-Qaacida aysan wax xiriir ah la lahayn kooxdan. Al-Qaacidada Gacanka Carabeed Qasim Al-Rimi Waa koox mintidiin ah oo fadhigeedu yahay Yemen oo la aasaasay 2009, isku keentayna shabakadaha xagjirka ah ee Sacuudi Carabiya iyo Yemen waxaa lala xiriiriyaa weerarada lagu qaaday Yemen, Sacuudi Carabiya, Mareykanka iyo Faransiiska. Mareykanka ayaa ku dhawaaqay in la dilay hoggaamiyihii kooxda, Qassem al-Rimi, kadib weerar Mareykanku ku qaaday Yemen bishii Janaayo 2020. Ururku wuxuu weeraro isdaba joog ah ku qaadayay bartilmaameedyo Maraykanka iyo kuwo kale oo reer galbeed ah oo ku yaal Sacuudi Carabiya iyo Yemen intii u dhaxaysay 2000 iyo 2004. Xagjirnimada Islaamiyiinta ayaa aad ugu soo badatay Yemen 2006, ka dib markii 23 dagaalyahan oo ka tirsan Al-Qaacida ay ka baxsadeen xabsi ku yaal Sanca. Bishii Ogosto 2009, kooxdan ayaa lala xiriiriyay isku day la yaab leh oo lagu doonayay in lagu dilo Muhammad bin Nayef, oo markaas ahaa wasiirka arrimaha gudaha ee Sacuudi Carabiya. Dhowr isku day oo ismiidaamin ah oo ay kooxdu dooneyso inay ka fuliso Mareykanka intii u dhaxaysay 2009 iyo 2010 balse ay ku fashilantay. Xarakada Shabaabul ‘Mujaahidiin’ ee Soomaaliya Qaar ka mid ah xubnaha Al-Shabaab Waa dhaqdhaqaaq Salafiyiin xagjir ah oo ka soo ifbaxay Soomaaliya 2006 -dii, oo ahaa cudud milatari oo ka tirsan Midowgii Maxaakiimta, oo gacanta ku hayey Muqdisho oo ujeeddadiisu ahayd in dalka lagu soo rogo Shareecada Islaamka. Hadafkeedu waa in la dhiso dawlad Islaami ah oo ku salaysan aasaaska Shareecada, waxaana lala xiriiriyay Al-Qaacida iyada oo loo marayo dhexdhexaadinta qaar ka mid ah saraakiisha ururada caalamiga ah ee Bariga Afrika. Sannadkii 2009, xarakadu waxay si rasmi ah ugu dhawaaqday inay daacad u tahay al-Qaacida iyo hoggaamiyihii xilligaas, Bin Laden. Dagaalyahanadooda waxaa ka mid 800 oo dagaalyahan oo ka kala socda waddamada Carabta iyo Pakistan, sida uu qoray wargeyska Faransiiska “Le Monde”. Xarakadu waxay maamushaa qayb weyn oo ka mid ah koonfurta iyo bartamaha Soomaaliya, laakiin waxay kaloo ku guulaysatay inay saamaynteeda ku fidiso meelaha ay ka taliso dawladda Soomaaliya, ee fadhigeedu yahay caasimadda Muqdisho. Warbixin uu soo saaray machadka Hiral, oo ku takhasusay arrimaha amniga, kadib markii uu wareystay xubno ka tirsan Al-shabaab ganacsato, mas’uuliyiin ka tirsan dowladda iyo kuwo kale, ayaa lagu sheegay in dhammaan shirkadaha waaweyn ee Soomaaliya ay siiyaan mujaahidiinta lacag, lagu bixiyo bil ama “sakada” sanadlaha ah oo gaareyso 2.5%. Ururka IS Khorasan ee Afghanistan Isis-K – ama Gobolka Khorasan ee ururka la baxay Dawladda Islaamiga ah (ISKP)- waa urur-goboleed ka tirsan kooxda Isis (ama kooxda la magacbaxday Dowladda Islaamka) oo ka hawlgala Afghanistan iyo Pakistan. Waa ururka ugu xag-jirsan marka laga hadlayo dhammaan kooxaha jihaad doonka ah ee dalka Afghanistan. Waxaa la aasaasay bishii Janaayo 2015-kii oo ahayd xilligii ay IS haysatay awoodda ugu sarraysa ee Ciraaq iyo Suuriya, ka hor intii aanay kooxda jabinin isbahaysigii uu Maraykanku hoggaaminayay. Waxay shaqaaleysiisaa jihaadiyiinta Afghanistan ​​iyo Pakistan, gaar ahaan kuwa ka goosta Taalibaan-ka Afghanistan ​​oo aan u arkin ururkooda inuu yahay mid ku fulinaya wixii ay rabeen. Maleeshiyaad looga shakisan yahay inay ka tirsan yihiin Dowladda Islaamka ayaa lagu qabtay gobolka Nangarhar, Afghanistan. Isis-K ayaa lagu eedeeyay qaar ka mid ah gabood-falladii ugu xumaa sannadadii la soo dhaafay, kuwaas oo lagu bartilmaameedsaday dugsiyada gabdhaha, isbitaallada iyo xitaa qeybta dhalmada halkaas oo sida la sheegay ay ku toogteen haween uur leh iyo kalkaaliyeyaal. Si ka duwan Taliban, oo jeedkoodu ku kooban yahay Afghanistan, kooxda Isis-K ayaa qayb ka ah shabakadda IS ee caalamiga ah oo doonaysa inay weerarro ku qaado bartilmaameedyada reer galbeedka, hay’adaha caalamiga ah iyo kuwa bani’aadamnimada, meel kasta oo ay gaari karaan. Isis-K waxaa saldhig u ah gobolka bari ee Nangarhar, oo u dhow waddooyinka mukhaadaraadka iyo kuwa dadka tahriibiya ee gudaha iyo dibadda Pakistan. Tirada kooxda waxaa lagu qiyaasaa ilaa 3,000 oo dagaalyahan – balse waxaa soo gaaray khasaare aad u weyn markii ay isku dhaceen ciidamada Mareykanka iyo kuwa Afghanistan, iyo sidoo kale Taliban. Tirada kooxda waxaa lagu qiyaasaa ilaa 3,000 oo dagaalyahan – balse waxaa soo gaaray khasaare aad u weyn markii ay isku dhaceen ciidamada Mareykanka iyo kuwa Afghanistan, iyo sidoo kale Taliban. Dr Sajjan Gohel oo ka socda hay’adda Aasiya Pacific Foundation, ayaa sanado badan kormeerayay shabakadaha mintidiinta ee Afghanistan. Wuxuu yiri: “Dhowr weerar oo waaweyn oo dhacay intii u dhaxeysay 2019-kii iyo 2021, waxaa ku lug lahaa iskaashi dhex maray Isis-K, shabakadda Xaqqani ee Taliban iyo kooxaha kale ee argagixisada ah ee fadhigoodu yahay Pakistan”. Dagaalyahannada IS ayaa hadda ah caqabad weyn oo xagga amniga ah oo ay Taalibaan wajaheyso, arrintaas oo hoggaanka Taliban ay wadaagaan hay’adaha sirdoonka ee reer galbeedka. Ururka Boko Xaraam ee ka dagaallama Nigeria Boko Haram waxay dagaalka hubeysan waqooyiga Nigeria ka billaaben 10 sano ka hor Kooxda Boko Xaraam oo micnaheedu yahay ‘waxbarashada reer galbeedka waa xaaraam’ ayaa weeraro ka bilowday dalka Nigeria sanadkii 2009-kii, iyada oo sheegtay in khilaafo islaami ah ay ka samaynayso Waqooyiga Afrika. Illaa 20 kun qof ayaa ku dhimatay rabshadahan, 2 milyan oo kalena waa ay ku barokaceen sida la sheegay. Sanadkii 2015-kii ayay ku dhawaaqeen in ay ku biireen kooxda Daacish, balse 2016-kii ayay kala go’een kadib markii Daacish ay sheegtay in la badalay Abubakar, laguna badalay nin kale oo lagu magacaabo Abu Musab Al-Barnawi. Ururka Boko Haram kama dhaqdhaqaaqa oo keli ah Nigeria wuxuu sida oo kale uu ka dhaqdhaqaaqaa waddamada dariska la ah sida Chad, Niger iyo Cameroon. Boko Haram waxay soo caan baxday oo ay warbaahinta caalamka soo jiidatay 2014-kii marki dugsi ku yaallo magaalada Chibok ee gobolka Borno oo ay kooxda si aad ah uga dhaqdhaqaaqdo ay ka afduubteen 300 oo gabdhood oo dugsigaasi wax ka baraneysay. Machadka Dhaqaalaha iyo Nabadda sanaddi 2015-kii kooxda Boko Haram wuxuu ka dhigay ururka ugu waxyeellada badan kooxaha uu machadku ku sheegay argagixisada ee caalamka ka dagaallama. Deegaannada kooxda gacanta ugu jira ayaa sanadihi ugu dambeeyey hoos u dhacayey maadaamaa ururka dhexdiisa ay kala qaybsnaan ka dhalatay. Si kastaba ha ahatee, kooxaha islaamiyiinta weli deegaankaasi wey ka dhaqdhaqaaqaan, iyada oo ciidamada dalkaasina ay dadaal ugu jiraan sidi ay kooxdaasi u soo fajari lahaayeen. kooxda Abu Sayaaf ee Filibiin Kooxdan ayaa loogu magac daray Abu Sayyaf oo ah aasaasihii kooxda oo magaciisa caadiga la yirahdo Abd-Razzaq Abu Bakr Janjalani, oo loo yaqaanay Filibiin Abuu Sayyaf, oo ay dileen ciidanka Filibiin sanadkii 1998-kii. Kooxdani waxay ka go’day Jabhaddii Xoreynta Qaranka ee “Moro Front” sannadkii 1991 -kii ee koonfurta Filibiin. Kooxdu waxay higsaneysaa inay dowlad Islaami ah ka hirgaliso jasiiradda galbeedka Mindanao ee koonfurta Filibiin, halkaas oo ay ku badan yihiin Muslimiinta, waxayna kooxdu xiriir la leedahay ururka “Dawladda Islaamka” ee ka soo ifbaxay Suuriya iyo Ciraaq. Maraykanku wuxuu ku liis gareeyay kooxdan oo uu ku daray ururada argagixisada, waxaana kooxdan lagu lagu eedeeyaa in ay fuliyeen hawlgallo dhowr ah, oo ay ka mid yihiin weerar weyn oo lagu qaaday magaalada Ipil ee jasiiradda Mindanao sannadkii 1995, iyo afduubkii iyo dilkii muwaadiniinta, gaar ahaan kuwa Maraykanka iyo Reer Yurub, si ay dawladda ugu cadaadiyaan inay fuliso dalabkooda. Waxaa la wareegay hoggaanka kooxda Qaddaafi Janjalani, oo la dhashay Abuu Sayyaf. Janjalani wuxuu Carabi iyo diinta ku bartay Liibiya, Suuriya iyo Sacuudi Carabiya sannadihii sideetameeyadii. Markii uu ku laabtay Filibiin 1990 -kii, wuxuu awood u yeeshay inuu soo jiito dhallinyaro badan oo Muslimiin ah si ay ugu biiraan ururkiisa. Waxaa la sheegay in Usaama Bin Laadin uu taageero dhaqaale oo weyn ku siiyay aasaaskii kooxda kadib markii ay ku kulmeen Afgaanistaan ​​dabayaaqadii siddeetameeyadii, waxaana la sheegay in uu ka soo dagaalamay safka hore ee Al-Qaacida ee ka soo horjeeday duullaankii Soofiyeeti ee Afghanistan xilligaas. Kooxda la baxday Dowladda Islaamka (IS) Duullaankii Mareykanka ee Ciraaq 2003 wuxuu dhiirri -geliyay dhalashada dhaqdhaqaaqyo jihaadi oo salafi ah. kooxda la magacbaxday Dawladda Islaamka waa urur jihaad doon ah oo Ciraaq ka bilowday, kaas oo markii dambe u guuray Suuriya ka dib dagaalladii sokeeye ee qarxay. Sanadkii 2004, Urdun Abu Muscab al-Zarqawi wuxuu aasaasay saldhigga “Jihaadka Mesopotamia”, wuxuu horseeday kacdoon hubeysan oo dhiig ku daatay oo ka dhan ah dowladda Ciraaq iyo ciidamada Mareykanka, wuxuuna fuliyay qaraxyo ismiidaamin ah oo ay ku dhinteen kumanaan qof oo rayid ah. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, ka dib markii al-Zarqawi lagu dilay duqeyn cirka ah oo Maraykanku ka fuliyay meel u dhow Baqubah, waqooyiga Baqdaad, waxaa lagu beddelay Abu Ayyuub al-Masri, oo ku dhawaaqay in la aasaasay “Dawladda Islaamiga ah ee Ciraaq”. Sannadkii 2010, Abu Ayuub al-Masri ayaa isku qarxiyay suun qarxa kadib markii uu la kulmay weerar gaadmo ah oo ay qaadeen ciidamada Mareykanka iyo kuwa Ciraaq. Hoggaamiyaha Ciraaq, Abu Bakar al-Baqdadi, oo ku dhawaaqay 2013, midowga “Dawladda Islaamiga ah ee Ciraaq” iyo laanta al-Qaacida ee Suuriya “Jabhat al-Nusra” si ay u sameeyaan Dawladda Islaamiga ah ee Ciraaq iyo Levant. Hase yeeshee Jabhadda Al-Nusra, ee uu hoggaaminayey Abu Muhammad al-Julani, waxay ku dhawaaqday sannadkii 2016 inay xiriirka u jartay al-Baqdaadi. Jabhadu waxay magaceedii u beddeshay “Jabhadda Fatax al-Sham” ka dib markii Maraykanku ku daray liiska argagixisada, markii dambena magaceedii u beddeshay “Xayaat Taxriir al-Shaam”, oo weli ah awoodda ugu weyn ee saamaynta weyn ku leh Gobolka Idlib, waqooyi -galbeed ee Suuriya. Gobolka Siinaay ee Masar Ururkan ayaa hore loogu yaqiinay magaca”Ansar Beit al-Maqdis” ka hor inta uusan ku dhawaaqin in uu daacad u yahay “Dawladda Islaamka” bishii November 2014. “Ansar Beit al-Maqdis” ayaa soo shaac baxay kacaankii bishii Janaayo 2011, ka dib markii dabley Falastiiniyiin ah ay ku biireen kooxda “Tawxiid iyo Jihaad” ee Masar ee ka hawlgasha Siinaay, waxayna si wadajir ah u sameeyeen kooxdan. Kooxdu waxay hawlaheeda ka bilowday Siinaay ka dib markii la afgambiyay Madaxweynihii Masar Xusni Mubaarak waxayna inta badan bartilmaameedsadaan dhuumaha gaaska Masar ee mara Siinaay ilaa Israa’iil. Markii xukunka laga tuuray madaxweynihii Masar Maxamed Mursi sannadkii 2013 -kii, kooxdu waxay ballaarisay dhaqdhaqaaqyadeedii waxayna xoogga saartay bartilmaameedka kooxaha amniga Masar iyo ciidamada militariga ee Sinai markii hore, ka dibna waxay ballaarisay hawlgalkeeda oo ay ku dartay caasimadda Qaahira, Goza Governorate, iyo meelo kale. Kooxdu waxay hawlgalladeedii ku sii baallaarisay Saxaraha Galbeedka, taas oo ka caawisay in dhulka buuraleyda ah ee gobolka ay gabbaad ka dhigtaan. Weerarada ka dhanka ah Masiixiyiinta ka sokow, ururku wuxuu bilaabay inuu hanjabaad u diro Suufiyada, oo uu u arko inay yihiin bidco. Waxay sheegeen in la dili doono Suufiyada aan toobad keenin. Hawlgallada kale ee ururka ​​waxaa ka mid ahaa weerarro ismiidaamin ah, toogasho, qoor goyn, dil toogasho ah iyo dilal kale oo qorsheysan. Ka sokow ururka Wilayat Sinai, kooxo iyo dhaqdhaqaaqyo kale ayaa ka soo baxay Masar, sida Jund al-Islam, Ajnad Misr iyo al-Murabitoun. Dhaqdhaqaaqyada iyo ururo kale Waxaa jira kooxo, dhaqdhaqaaqyo iyo ururo kale ee ka jira adduunka, waxaana ka mid ah kuwa maxalliga ah sida Al-Qaacidada Maqrib, Ansaar al-Islaam ee gobolka Kurdistan ee Ciraaq, Ansaar al-Shareeca ee Liibiya iyo Dawladda Islaamka ee Galbeedka Afrika oo uu hoggaaminayey Abu Muscab al-Barnawi. Qaran News

Qaran News

Jowhar (Caasimada Online) – Magaalada Jowhar ee caasimada HirShabelle waxaa weli ka socota qaban qaabadii ugu dambeysay ee doorashada golaha aqalka sare, gaar ahaan xubnaha sideeda kursi ee ka imaanaya dhanka maamulkaasi, laguna dooranayo Jowhar. Diiwaan-gelinta xubnaha musharixiinta ah ayaa lasoo gaba-gabeynayaa gelinka dambe ee maanta, sida uu shaaciyey guddiga doorashada ee heer dowlad goboleed ee HirShabelle. Sidoo kale beri oo Axad ah, kuna beegan 12-ka bisha September ayaa qorshuhu yahay inay hadal jeedin sameeyaan xubnaha musharixiinta ah ee is-diiwaan-geliyey, kadibna waxaa la guda-geli doonaa qabashada doorashada, si loo soo xulo Senatarada ka imaanaya Jowhar. Ammaanka ayaa sidoo kale aad loo adkeeyey, waxaana ciidamada booliiska ay howl-gallo lagu xaqiijinayo nabad-gelyada ka wadaan halkaasi. Doorashada HirShabelle ee Aqalka Sare ayaa ah mid xamaasad leh, kana duwan marka loo eego doorashooyinkii ka dhacay xarumaha kale ee dowlad goboleedyada, kadib markii madaxweyne Cali Cabdullaahi Guudlaawe uu tartanka doorashada ka dhigay mid furan. Kuraasta ayaa waxaa ku tartamayaa ugu yaraan saddex musharrax illaa ugu badnaan lix musharrax, waana sababta xiisadaha u yeeshay doorashada Aqalka Sare ee HirShabelle. Dhinaca kale musharixiinta oo haatan intooda ku sugan Jowhar ayaa wada ololahhoodii ugu dambeeyey, waxaana ka mid ah xubnahaasi siyaasiyiin saameyn ku leh Soomaaliya. Si kastaba HirShabelle ayaa noqoneyso maamul goboleedkii ugu dambeeyey ee guda-gala qabsoomida doorashooyinka golaha aqalka sare oo horay uga bilowday maamullada kale. The post Wararkii ugu dambeeyey doorashada HirShabelle ee Aqalka Sare ee Soomaaliya appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Turkiga oo toban sano ka hor August 19, 2011 u soo gurmaday Soomaaliya oo ay ka jirtay macaluul iyo colaad sokeeye ayaa khibrad la wadaaggiisa aqoon, maalgashi dhaqaale iyo ciidan dhiskiisaba gacan weyn ka geysteen dib u soo kabashada dowladnimada dalka. Burburka ka dhacay Afghanistan ayaa marqaati ma doonto u ah inaan laysku hallayn karin cudud shisheeye. Afartii sano ee la soo dhaafay, mudnaanta kowaad ee Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya (DFS) ayaa ahayd dhismaha ciidamo tayo xirfadeed iyo asluub waddaninimo leh si loogala wareego AMISOM mas’uuliyadda amniga dalka. September 2017, ayuu Turkiga ka furay Muqdisho Kulliyadda TurkSom oo ay ku baxday maal dhan ilaa 50 malyan doolar lehna awood ay ku tababbarto in ka badan 1,500 askari markiiba iyo 200 sarkaal. Safiirka Turkiga u fadhiya Soomaaliya Mehmet Yılmaz oo la hadlayey wakaaladda wararka “Anadolu” ayaa sheegay in dalkiisu uu u tababbari doono Soomaaliya inta u dhaxeysa 15,000 ilaa 16,000 askari, (Daily Sabah 04/08/2020). Dhawaan, dowladda Turkiga waxay ku deeqay Soomaaliya gawaarida gaashaaman oo iskugu dhafan kuwo aysan karin waxyaabaha qarxa iyo gaadiid leh udub dhexaad lagu rakibo qoryaha darandoorriga u dhaca oo lagula dagaallami doono xagjirta. Wixii ka horreyey 1975-78, Turkigu waxuu lahaa warshado yar oo lagu farsameeyo hubka. Mareykanka oo uu ka iibsan jireen qalabka kabka ayaa ku soo rogay xayiraad, taasoo ku dhalisay inuu si dhaqsa leh u hormariyo warshadaha muhiimka u ah baahidiisa, si uu uga kaaftoomo ku tiirsanaanta Dibedda. Shantii sanadood ee u dhexeysay 2015 – 2019 hub soo dejintiisa waxay hoos u dhacay 48% marka la barbardhigo shantii sano ee ka horreysay. Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibedda Turkiga oo la hadlay warbaahinta ayaa sheegay inay soo saaraan in ka badan 70% qalabka baahida dalkiisa (BBC News 23/10/2019). Dadaalka heerarka kala duwan ee niyadsamida ku bilowday ayaa unkay xidhiidh bulshadeedka u dhexeeya Soomaaliya iyo Turkiga. Haseyeeshee, siyaasiyiin xildoon ah iyo baraha bulshada aan xasillooneyn ayaa meel kaga dhacay hiilkii walaalnimo. Waxay ahayd faduul dalal gaar ah ay ku doonayeen inay Turkiga suuqa kaga saaraan. Intii u dhexeysay 2010 ilaa 2019 waxuu hub u dhoofiyey ilaa iyo 28 waddan. Waxaa lagu qiyaasayaa hubka uu dhoofiyey 2018 keliya ilaa 2.2 bilyan doolar. Dalka Kenya ayaa ka iibsaday ilaa 118 gawaariga gaashaaman kaddib markii ciidamada gorgor oo ku qalabeysan hubka Turkiga muddo saacada ah ku soo afjareen miliishiya Kenya soo hubaysay. Warshadaha Turkiga ayaa ka mid yihiin 100 shirkadood ee ugu waaweyn adduunka. Waxay si tartiib tartiib ah u kordhiyeen ka iibinta badeecadooda dalal Afrika oo ay ka mid yiniin: Algeria, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Liibiya, Mauritania, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Tunisia, Uganda (Geopolitical Monitor 16/12/2019). Sida ay December 2020 sheegtay hay’adda “Stockholm International Peace Research Institute’s (SIPRI’s)” Turkigu waxuu ka mid yahay afarta hub dhoofiyeyaal ee soo shaac baxay waayahaan oo ay ka mid yihiin Brazil, Koonfurta Kuriya iyo Imaaraadka [oo dulaala ah]. Maalka la qiyaasayo in dowladda Turkiya ay gelisay warshadaha qalabka difaaca ayaa kor u dhaafaya 60 bilyan doolar, taas oo qiimaha warshadahaas oo ahaa hal bilyan doolar 2002kii, gaarsiisay ilaa iyo 11 bilyan 2020kii (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 09/10/2020). Lama dafiri karo in Turkigu wixii ka dambeyey u soo gurmadkii Soomaaliya uu noqday ciyaaryahan saameyn ku leh Afrika. Isha: Jamhuriyadda.com The post Soomaaliya – Ma albaabkii TURKIGA ee Bariga Afrika? appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Mogadishu (PP News Desk) — The former Somalia President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed had privately voiced concerns about the electoral bias towards his successor President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, whose ally Abdullahi Mohamed Nur has been controversially appointed as the Minister for Internal Security. Nur was a State Minister for Finance under the government of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. A senior advisor for Sharif Sheikh earlier today told Puntland Post that “the former President is looking into releasing a statement on the partiality of Mohamed Hussein Roble”, the Somali Prime Minister. Former President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud (left) with Roble, the Prime Minister (middle) and Former President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed in Mogadishu in July 2021. On Thursday, Sharif urged the Prime Minister to concentrate on preparing Somalia for indirect elections in line with the agreed timelines. President of Somalia Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed and the Speaker of the Parliament Mohamed Mursal described Roble’s appointments as a violation of the caretaker government’s duties ahead of presidential elections slated to take place in eight weeks’ time. “Why did we oppose President Mohamed’s term extension of we are expected to be indifferent to what we view as bias to a former President who is plotting a comeback through the Prime Minister’s office? Roble has dropped the ball. His position is gradually becoming untenable” the senior adviser added. © Puntland Post, 2021 The post Former Somalia President Raises Concerns About “Electoral Bias” Towards His Successor appeared first on Puntland Post.

PRESS RELEASE Update on joint UN and Ethiopian Human Rights Commission investigation on Tigray The final report, which will include the findings, conclusions and recommendations, will be issued on 1 November 2021 ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia, September 10, 2021/ — The joint investigation by the UN Human Rights Office and the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) into alleged violations of human rights, humanitarian and refugee law committed by all parties to the conflict in Tigray has concluded its field work phase, with a final report to be published on 1 November 2021. Between 16 May and 20 August this year, the joint investigation team conducted investigations in Mekelle, Wukro, Samre, Alamata, Bora, Maichew, Dansha, Maikadra, Humera, Gondar, and Bahir Dar, as well as in Addis Ababa. The team carried out more than 200 interviews with victims and witnesses, regional and national authorities, civil society organisations, religious institutions, medical and judicial authorities and humanitarian agencies operating in Tigray. The team also examined documents, videos, photos and other material. While the mission was unable to access some locations due to rapidly evolving security concerns and other difficulties, it spoke to victims and witnesses who fled from these areas. UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet will deliver an update to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on Monday, 13 September 2021 on the situation of human rights in the Tigray region and on progress made in the context of the joint investigation, as mandated by the Council in July this year. Her statement will be followed by an Enhanced Interactive Dialogue, including a speech by the EHRC’s Chief Commissioner Daniel Bekele, and other speakers. The session will be webcast live on https://media.un.org/en/webtv/ and broadcast-quality footage will be made available. “In spite of numerous security and logistical constraints, our joint team has managed to carry out a robust, impartial, independent investigation that will provide a faithful account of the human rights situation in Tigray and should contribute to accountability and redress for victims of the serious violations we have documented,” Bachelet said. Bekele added that the joint investigation team had carried out its work in line with commonly agreed terms of reference, methods of work, a deployment and an information collection plan. “We were always guided by the principles of do-no-harm, independence, impartiality, transparency, objectivity, confidentiality, integrity, sound standard of proof and consistency in applying a victim-centred approach,” Bekele said. The team is currently analysing the full range of information collected. The final report, which will include the findings, conclusions and recommendations, will be issued on 1 November 2021. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). SOURCE Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) Qaran News

Somali politicians have launched frantic efforts to defuse tensions after a damaging feud between the president and prime minister plunged the troubled country into fresh crisis, a lawmaker and multiple officials said Friday. The very public spat between President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, better known as Farmajo, and Prime Minister Mohamed Hussein Roble has raised fears for the stability of the Horn of Africa nation as it struggles to hold long-delayed elections and keep an Islamist insurgency at bay. The pair have clashed twice this week over hirings and firings within Somalia’s security agencies, raising fears of an all-out power struggle at the highest levels of government. But on Friday, a lawmaker told AFP that senior leaders had stepped in to resolve the dispute. “There are politicians including heads of some member states who have intervened in the situation… and efforts have been started to mediate between the president and the prime minister”, Abdifatah Mohamed, a member of Somalia’s parliament, told AFP. “I hope this will bring an end to the political conflict,” he said. The row erupted earlier this week when Roble sacked Somalia’s intelligence chief over his handling of a high-profile probe into the disappearance of a young agent. Farmajo overruled the prime minister, appointing the dumped intelligence official as his national security adviser. Roble in turn accused the president of “obstructing” the investigation, and in a late-night move on Wednesday, fired the security minister and replaced him with a Farmajo critic. The spat has sparked fears of violence and prompted senior leaders to intervene in the matter, with officials telling AFP that the presidents of Somalia’s Galmudug region and Southwest state were working to end the impasse. “The mediation efforts started last night and will continue”, a senior official with close ties to Farmajo’s office told AFP on condition of anonymity. “The president and the prime minister have agreed to the negotiations and talks have already started…. There are hopes that the tension will ease very soon”, another official with the Southwest state’s delegation told AFP. But in a sign of the heightened political temperature in Mogadishu, a coalition of opposition presidential candidates on Friday released a statement saying it “supports the prime minister… and condemns the actions of the outgoing president”. – Election impasse – The row has threatened to throw an already fragile electoral process into deeper peril. Farmajo’s four-year mandate expired in February, but was extended by parliament in April, triggering deadly gun battles in Mogadishu, with some rivals viewing it as a flagrant power grab. Roble cobbled together a new timetable for a vote, but the process fell behind, and this week he accused Farmajo of trying to reclaim “election and security responsibilities” from him. Analysts say the election impasse has distracted from Somalia’s larger problems, most notably the violent Al-Shabaab insurgency. The Al-Qaeda allies were driven out of Mogadishu a decade ago but retain control of swathes of countryside and continue to stage deadly attacks. Source: AFP The post Efforts under way to end Somalia leaders’ spat appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Sida uu maanta sheegay, Dr. Xasan Faarax Axmed oo sheegay in uu yahay adeerka Ikraan Tahliil Faarax Axmed, Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo ayaa qaabilay siyaasiyiin iyo odoyaal sheeganaya inay yihiin ehellada marxuum Ikraan Tahliil Faarax. Dr. Xasan Faarax Axmed ayaa sheegay in xildhibaan Daahir Amiin Jeesow, ganacsade Xuseen Dhoobow iyo odoyaal kale oo qaraabo kore la ah Ikraan ay la kulmeen Farmaajo kadibna ay kula hadleen in uu bixiyo diyada Ikraan, isagoo sidoo kale codsaday in kiiskaan la xiro oo aan maxkamad la geynin. “Anigoo ah adeerka runta ah ee Ikraan waxaa halkaan ka sheegayaa in aanan wax diyo ah qaadan doonin, xildhibaan Jeesow iyo Xuseen Dhoobow waxaan ugu baaqayaa in kiiska Ikraan gacanta kala baxaan,” ayuu yiri Dr Xasan Faarax Axmed. Hooyo Qaali Maxamuud Guhaad oo dhashay Ikraan ayaa horey u sheegtay in waxa kaliya ee ay ku qanceyso ay tahay in gabadheeda ay caddaalad hesho, waxayna uga digtay Daahir Amiin Jeesow oo ku beel ah Ikraan, balse aan wax xiriir ah kala dhaxeyn, inuu faraha kala baxo kiiska gabadheeda. In madaxweyne Farmaajo uu codsado diyada bixinta Ikraan Tahliil ayaa ka dhigan qirashada dilka Ikraan oo loo haysto xubnihii ugu sarreeyay hay’adda NISA, waxaana la sheegay in sababta ugu weyn ee u hortaagan yahay ay tahay difaaca xubno kamid ah saraakiisha ku lugta leh. Ra’iisul Wasaare EMaxamed Xuseen Rooble ayaa gudi saaray baaritaanka kiiska Ikraan Tahliil, waxaana ka dhashay mowjado siyaasadeed aad u culus iyo khilaafka u dhaxeeya Farmaajo iyo Rooble. The post Farmaajo oo codsaday inuu bixiyo diyada Ikraan Tahliil kiiskana la soo xiro + Video appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Sheekh Maxamed Idiris oo ka mid ah culumada waaweyn ee Soomaalida ayaa markii u horeysay ka hadlay kiiska Ikraan Tahliil Faarax, oo ay hay’adda NISA sheegtay inay geeriyootay, kadib muddo la weysanaa. Sheekh Maxamed Idiris ayaa sheegay in kiiska Ikraan ay ku jirto xikmad cajiib ah oo banaanka soo dhigeysa dulmiga dowladda iyo mas’uuliyiinta u sareysa, islamarkaana ay kashifeyso dulmi ayada ka horeeyay. “Ilaahay SWT xikmad ayuu ka leeyahay gabadhaas Soomaalida ah ee Muslimada ah in dhiigeeda uu maanta noqdo waxa arrintaan qarxiya, oo siyaasiyiintii kashifa, mas’uuliyiintii kashifa, dulmiga kashifa, dhiig badan oo muslima oo daatay kashifa,” ayuu yiri Sheekh Maxamed Idiris. “Ikraan ma aha kaligeed waxa dhintay laakiin xikmad ayuu Ilaahay SWT ka leeayhay, waxaan leenahay arrintaan waa arrin weyn oo Ilaahay daba-joogo, wallaahi noqon meyso arrin ciyaar ah oo lagu kaftamo.” Sidoo kale waxa uu ka dhawaajiyey inay jiraan Wasiiro, Xildhibaano, Culimo iyo Siyaasiyiin la dilay oo illaa hadda aan la aqoonsan, islamarkaana ay Ikraan tahay xikmad banaanka u soo saareysa dhagar qabayaasha qarsoon, sida uu hadalka u dhigay. “Dhiiga Muslimka ciyaar ciyaar ma aha, meel cidla ah ma dhaceyso, waxa uu Ilaahay SWT daba-socdo cid bad-baadin karta majirto. Gabadhaas yar waxay tusaale u tahay malaayiin Soomaali ah oo dhulka ku jira, cadaalada ha lagu xaqo.” Ugu dambeyntiina waxa uu ka digay in la hor-istaago kiiska Ikraan, si ay cadaalad u hesho, asagoona dalbaday in sida ugu dhaqsaha badan maxkamad loo saaro cida uu ku cadado kiiska Ikraan, oo NISA sheegtay inay geeriyootay. Hoos ka daawo Sheekh Maxamed, ka billow daqiiqadda 2-aad The post Daawo: Sheekh Maxamed Idiris: “Allah xikmad ayuu ka lahaa dilka IKRAAN TAHLIIL” appeared first on Caasimada Online.

FAO’s work through the Food and Nutrition Security Resilience Programme Building food system resilience in protracted crises (FNS-REPRO), is a project funded by the Government of the Netherlands that spans across Somaliland to Sudan and South Sudan over a period of two years. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Sida ay Caasimada Online u sheegeen ilo-wareedyo lagu kalsoon yahay, ciidamo gaar ah oo ka tirsan ciidanka Waran ee hay’adda nabad sugidda Soomaaliya ayaa lagu wareejiyay sugida amniga qeybo muhiim ah oo ka tirsan xarunta NISA. Xogta aan helnay ayaa tilmaameysa in xafiiskii agaasimaha NISA, xafiiska maaliyada, xafiiska diiwaanka iyo xogaha, qeybta hubka iyo VIP-da ee hay’adda NISA la dejiyey ciidankaas, kadib amar kasoo baxay ra’iisul wasaare Rooble. Sidoo kale xogta ayaa intaas ku dareysa in gaari kasta oo xarunta galaya ama ka soo baxaya la baarayo, sidoo kale waxaa la baarayaa dadka galaya iyo kuwa kasoo baxa, iyadoo dadka iyo gaadiidka geli karana ay aad u xaddidan yihiin. Sarkaal lagu magacaabo Maxamed Xasan oo ah taliyaha ciidanka Waran ee hay’adda NISA, islamarkaana taabacsan Rooble, ayaa la sheegay in uu aad adkeynayo ammaanka xarunta gaar ahaan qeybaha ugu muhiimsan ee xogta iyo xafiisyada hay’adda ah. Goobaha ay ciidanka sida gaarka u ilaalinayaan waxaa kamid ah dhowr qeybood oo xafiisyo u badan, kuwaasi oo marba qeyb uu fariisan jiray taliyihii hore ee hay’adda NISA Fahad Yaasiin. Sidoo kale waxaa goobaha aadka loo ilaaliyo kamid ah qeyb degaan aheyd oo uu daganaa Fahad Yaasiin iyo shaqsiyaadka martida u ah. Arrintaan ayaa daba joogto baaritaanka kiiska Ikraan Tahliil Faarax oo la tuhmayo in afduubkeeda iyo dilkeedaba ay sabab u haayeen masuuliyiin katirsan sirdoonka Soomaaliya, lagana cabsi qabo in la burburiyo caddeymaha la xiriira kiiskan. The post Xog: Rooble oo ciidamo gaar ah dul-dhigay xafiisyo ka mid ah xarunta NISA appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Golaha Midowga Murashaxiinta Soomaaliya ayaa sideed qodob kasoo saaray xaaladda xasaasiga ah ee dalka ka taagan ee ka dhalatay isku dayga madaxweyne Farmaajo uu ku hor-istaagay inay caddaalad helaan Ikraan Tahliil Faarax iyo qoyskeeda. Hoos ka aqriso qoraalka Golaha Golaha Midowga Musharaxiinta (Council of Presidential Candidates) Tix: GMMM/32/21 Tr: 10/09/21 Kulan deg-deg ah oo ay isugu yimaadeen Golaha Midowga Murashixiinta iyo wadatashiyo badan oo ay sameeyeen ayaa maanta oo ay taariikhdu tahay 10/09/21 ku soo gebagaboobay magaalaa Muqdisho. Kulanka iyo wadatashiyadaba waxaa looga dooday layskuna weydaarsaday afkaar ku wajahan xaaladda dalka, gaar ahaan dhacdooyinkii ugu dambeeyey ee khalkhalka siyaasadeed geliyey dalka. Waxaa laysla gartay qodobada soo socda: 1. Goluhu wuxuu si buuxda u garab taagan yahay Raysal-wasaare Maxamed Xuseen Rooble oo mas’uuliyada amniga iyo doorashooyinka meel fagaare ah kula wareegay, kadib markii Madaxweynaha muddo xileedkiisu dhamaaday uu ku fashilmay qabashada doorashooyin daahfuran, xor iyo xalaal ah, oo waqtigeeda ku dhacda. 2. Goluhu wuxuu ku garab taagan yahay Raysal-wasaaraha in kiiska Ikraan Tahliil Faarax lagu sameeyo baaritaan hufan, eedaysanayaashana si deg-deg ah loo hor geeyo maxkamad awood u leh ka gungaaridda iyo qaaditaanka kiiskaas. 3. Goluhu wuxuu cambaaraynayaa tallaabooyinka uu Madaxweynaha muddo-xileedkiisu dhamaaday ku carqaladeynaayo caddaalad u helidda kiiska Ikraan, iyo gabaadka sharci-darrada ah uu siinayo eedaysanayaasha kiiska loo haysto. 4. Goluhu wuxuu la socdaa dhaqdhaqaaqa uu gudoomiyihi hore ee Golaha Shacabka, Maxamad Mursal Abdirahman uu ku doonayo dib-u-soo noolaynta Golihi Shacabka ee muddo-xileedkiisu dhamaaday, iyadoo la doonayo in lagu carqaladeeyo daddaalka Raysal-wasaaraha, laguna hor istaagayo caddaalad u raadinta Ikraan Tahliil iyo Qoyskeeda. 5. Goluhu wuxuu xusuusinayaa Maxamad Mursal in uu hore ugu fashilmay mu’aamaraadkaas, dalkana halis u geliyey colaad-sokeeye kadib markii uu meelmariyey mudda-kororsigii labada sano ahaa ee uu dalbaday Madaxweynaha mudda-xileedkiisu dhamaaday. 6. Goluhu wuxuu uga dhigayaa guddoomiye-hore Mursal in uu mar kale dalka geliyo colaad-sokeeye, wuxuuna Goluhu ka waaninayaa in uu dib uga istaago shirqoolada lagu cargaladaynayo hawlaha Dastuuriga ah ee horyaalla Raysal-wasaaraha . 7. Golaha Midowga Murashaxiinta wuxuu ka codsanaayaa Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran in ay tixgeliyaan codsigoodii wax ka beddelka qodobo ka mid ahaa habraaca doorashooyinka oo u baahan in dib loo saxo, iyo in ay dedejiyaan dhamaystirka doorashooyinka Aqalka Sare iyo Golaha Shacabka. 8. Goluhu wuxuu bogaadinayaa Madaxweynaha Dowlad-gobaleedka Hirshabelle, Mudane Cali Guudlaawe Xuseen on fursad siman siiyey liiska tartamayaasha doonaya kuraasta Aqalka Sare oo ah sida saxa ah oo doorashooyinka loo agaasimo, waxaana u rajaynaynaa in ay doorashooyinkaas si daahfuraan ah ku soo dhamaystirmaan. Ugu dambayn, Goluhu wuxuu ugu baaqayaa saraakiisha Ciidamada Qalabka-sida in ay ka fogaadaan ku milanka siyaasadda iyo arrimaha doorashooyinka, garab-na ku siiyaan Raysal-wasaaraha in uu waajibaadkiisa u guto sidii loogu igmaday. Wuxuu kaloo Goluhu ugu baaqayaa Shacabka Soomaaliyeed, madaxda Dawlad-goboleedyada iyo Beesha Caalamka-ba in la iska kaashado sidii ay dalka ugu dhici lahaayeen doorasho daahfurnaan leh, laysla oggol yahay, dhaqsana ku qabsooma. -DHAMAAD- The post DEG DEG: Midowga Murashaxiinta oo 8 qodob kasoo saaray xiisadda dalka ka taagan appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Tan iyo markii xilka laga qaaday Wasiirkii amniga Soomaaliya, Xasan Xundubey Jimcaale ayaa waxa uu bilaabay in uu bartiisa twitter-ka soo dhigao qoraal is-daba joog ah oo ka dhan ah Ra’iisul Wasaare Rooble. Xundubey ayaa u muuqda inuu weli aqbali la’ inuu xilka waayey, kadib markii uu horey sharci-darro ugu tilmaamay, isaga oo qiil ka dhiganaya “in lagu jiro xili kala guur ah oo waddanku galayo doorasho, uuna Rooble cidna xil ka qaadi karin. Wasiirka la ceyriyay ayaa maalmihii u dambeeyay, gaar ahaan saacadihii u dambeeyay bartiisa twitter-ka ku baahinayey qoraalo ka dhan ah Rooble, taasi oo lagu macneeyay “in Xundubey uu ku ciil baxayo tweet-yadaaas”. “Rooble, HORU-SOCOD ayaa laga rabay, ee GADAAL u socod lagama sugayn! In uu WEBIGA doorashada na goysiiyo, oo uu na dhaafiyo ayaa looga fadhiyay, ee in uu BUUNDADA/BRIDGE-ka dushiisa DAGAAL nagu geliyo lagama filayn!,” ayuu ku yiri tweet uu soo dhigay bartiisa. “Rooble, Golihiisa Wasiirada HAL Wasiir hadii laga reebo, inta kale mar hore ayuu go’doomiyay. Dood dheer ka dib Wasiiradu waxa ay go’aansadeen in DANAHA bulshada dartood loo TANAASULO oo AAMUSNAAN lagula shaqeyo. Hadana AAMUSNAANTII ayuu u dulqaadan waayay oo uu SHIRQOOL u arkay!,” ayuu ku yiri mid kale. “Rooble, DOONTA ay dadka Soomaaliyeed saaranyihiin, waxa uu meel nabad ah gaarsii kari lahaay, hadii uu u dhexeyn lahaa MUXAAFAD & MUCAARAD! Haddasa, waxaa muuqata in uu MUCAARADKA ku MILMAY! Hadii uu DAN ka leeyahay dadka & dalka, ha ku soo naqdo waddada DHEX-DHEXAADNIMADA!,” ayuu sidoo kale tweet kale ku yiri saacad kadib. Wuxuu tweet kale haddana ku yiri “Qurbac yar oo qaan gaar ahayn, qalab culus kuu qaadi maa! minaad ku qaadi maagtana, hadow qalibo yaad qabsee?.” Ra’iisul Wasaare Rooble ayaa dikreeto kasoo baxday xafiiskiisa xilkii uga xayuubiyey wasiirkiisii amniga Xasan Xundubey Jimcaale, isagoo xilkaas u magacaabay Xildhibaan Cabdullahi Maxamed Nuur oo aad u dhaliili jiray siyaasadda Farmaajo. The post Xasan Xundubey oo si yaab leh ugu ciil baxaya twitter-ka appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Mohammed Bin Salman oo billaabay qorshe ku wajahan Taalibaan – Muxuu sameeyey? Sacuudi Carabiya ayaa raadineysa door cusub oo ay ku yeelato Afghanistan kadib qabsashadii Taalibaan, waxayna caawimaad ka raadin kartaa Pakistan, xilli Qatar oo ay xifaaltamaan ay kusoo baxday dalka ugu saameynta badan Afghanistan. Dhaxal-sugaha Sacuudiga Mohammed bin Salman ayaa madaxii hore ee sirdoonka boqortooyada Turki al-Faisal u xil saaray inuu dib usoo cusbooneysiiyo xiriiradii uu la lahaa hoggaamiyayaasha Taalibaan, oo uu la macaamilay 20 sano kahor. Turki al-Faisal, oo 76 jir ah, ayaa ahaa madaxa sirdoonka Sacuudiga, intii u dhaxeysay 1979-kii ilaa 2001, wuxuuna kaalin ku lahaa isku xirka mujaahidiintii Afghanistan ee la dagaalamay Midowga Soviet ee kusoo duulay. Sida ay ku warantay shabakadda Intelligence Online, Faisal ayaa dhowaan la kulmay Mullah Yaqoob, oo ah wiilka aas-aasihii Taalibaan Mullah Omar, wuxuuna sidoo kale Qatar kula kulmay Mullah Baradar. Baradar ayaa ah madaxa siyaasadda Taalibaan, wuxuuna hoggaaminayey wada-xaajoodyadii ay kooxda la gashay dowladda Mareykanka ee dhaliyey inay ciidamada shisheeye ka baxaan dalkaas. Kadib qabsashadii Taalibaan ee Afghanistan, Qatar oo ah dal yar oo ay xifaaltamaan Sacuudiga, ayaa waxa uu Mareykanka ammaan kaga muteystay sida ay gacan uga geysteen in kumanaan qof laga daad-gureeyo garoonka diyaaradaha Kabul. Qatar ayaa sidoo kale horey Taalibaan ugu ogolaatay inay xafiis siyaasadeed ka furato Doha 2013-kii, ayada oo taageero ka heleysa madaxweynihii hore ee Mareykanka Barack Obama. Khubarada ayaa u sheegay Middle East Eye, in ayada oo la rumeysan yahay in xiriirka tooska ah ee Taalibaan iyo Sacuudiga uu xadidan yahay, ay Riyadh ay ka faa’iideysan kartoo saameynta Pakistan ay ku leedahay Taalibaan. Hase yeeshee, khubarada qaar ayaa ka digaya in saameynta Pakistan ee Taalibaan aysan u xoog badneyn sidii hore, ayada oo Qatar iyo Turkey ay hadda kusoo baxeen labada dal ee miisaanka ku leh Kabul. “Waxa ay Sacuudiga ku heli karaan maritaanka Pakistan, waa ay xadidan yihiin. Labaduba hadda sidii hore saameyn uguma lahan Taalibaan,” waxaa sidaas yiri Arif Rafiq, oo ah madaxa shirkadda la-talinta amniga ee Vizier Consulting, oo la hadlay Middle East Eye. “Taaliban waxay xiriir la horumarisay dalalka kale ee gobolka. Hadda sidii hore waa ay kaga xiran yihiin caalamka,” ayuu ku daray. “Sacuudiga hadda muhiim uma ahan sidii hore.” Sacuudi Carabiya ayaa xirtay safaaraddeedii Kabul kadib markii Taalibaan ay qabsatay magaalada, waxaana wixii markaas ka dambeeyey ay ka aamusneyd dhacdooyinka dalkaas ku yaalla bartamaha Asia. Sacuudi Carabiya, Imaaraadka iyo Pakistan ayaa ahaa saddexda dal ee kaliya ee aqoonsanaa Taalibaan markii ay Afghanistan maamuleysay intii u dhaxeysay 1996-ii illaa 2021. Xiriirkooda ayaa xumaaday markii Taalibaan ay diiday inay hoggaamiyihii Al-Qacida Sheekh Osmaba Bin Laden usoo masaafuriso dalkaas. Riyadh ayaa si rasmi ah xiriirka ugu jartay Taalibaan kadib markii ay dhaceen weeraradii September 11, 2001 ee lagu qaaday Mareykanka. Qaran News

Gudoomiye Cirro oo Shaaciyey inuu yahay Murashax u taagana Jagada Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga Waddani Waxa aan maanta oo Jimce ah si rasmi ah u iclaaminayaa in aan ahay Murashax u taagan Jagada Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga WADDANI oo aan ka dhex tartami doono Shirweynaha Xisbiga oo qabsoomi doona 30-31 Oktoobar 2021. GUUL. pic.twitter.com/u0iXAcNbI0 — Cabdiraxmaan Cirro (@Abdirahmanirro) September 10, 2021 Qaran News

Boolis Gacanta ku dhigay Nin doonayey inuu iibiyo Ilmo yar oo uu dhalay+Sawirro Nin u dhashay dalka Nigeria ayaa lagu qabtay degaan lagu magacaabo Akwa Ibom isagoo Jawaan ku sidda ilmo yar oo uu dhalay xili uu doonayey inuu iibiyo ilmahaas oo 3 jir ahaa. Booliska ayaa gacanta ku dhigay ninkan kadib markii la waydiiyay sababta ku kaliftay arintan ayuu sheegay iney tahay duruufo dhinaca nolosha ah oo soo wajahay. “Waxaan dhalay Siddeed caruur ah, aniguna wax shaqo ah gacanta kuma hayo, markaa intii Todobadda kale gaajo u dhiman lahaayeen waxaan go’aan ku gaaray inaan iibiyo mid kamid ah Sideeda Caruurta si aan u helo waxay ku noolaan lahaayeen Inta kale” ayuu yiri ninkan oo wejigiisa ay ka muuqdeen duruufo dhinaca nolosha ah. Ilmahan yar hoouadiis ayaa soo wargalisay Booliska ka hor intaa aanu iibin wiilkan yar sidaas ayaana gacanta loogu dhigay Aabahan rabay in uu wiilkiisa iibiyo. Nigeria oo ah shidaalka ugu badan soo saara qaarafa Afrika ayaa waxaa la degay musuq maasuq ba’an oo lagu sameeyo balaayiinta dollar ee dalkaas ka soo gasha shidaal uu dibeda u dhoofiyo taasoo sababtay in dalkaas ay ku bataan faqriga iyo gaajada. Qaran News

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Waxaa weli socda dhex-dhexaadinta laga dhex wado Madaxweynaha muddo xileedkiisa uu dhamaaday ee Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo iyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, xili uu sii xoogeystay khilaafka u dhaxeeya. Madaxweynayaasha Galmudug iyo Koonfur Galbeed ayaa labada dhinac ku qanciyey inaysan qaadin tallaabo kale oo xiisadda uga sii dari karta, islamarkaana waxay labada dhinac soo gudbiyeen tabashada ay qabaan. Siyaasi Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame ahna musharax u taagan xilka madaxweynimo ee Soomaaliya ayaa shaki geliyay waan-waanta laga dhex wado labada mas’uul, isagoona xusay saddex su’aalood oo xasaasi ah oo dul hoganaya arrintaas, kuwaasi oo kala ah; Cayrinta Fahad?, Caddaalad u raadinta Ikraan? iyo Gabbaad-siinta eedaysanayaasha?. Waxa uu sheegay in marnaba aan laga yaabin in uu tanaasulo madaxweynaha muddo xileedkiisa uu dhamaaday ee Farmaajo, islamarkaana uu rabo in uu helo nin uu ka adkaado, sida uu hadalka u dhigay. “Waan-waanta agtiisa waa waqti iibsi, laakiin wuxuu mar walbana helaa qolo, iyaga qudhooda waanwaanta gabbaad ka dhiganaya oo kaga dhuumanaya in ay mowqifkii dadku ka sugayey caddeeyaan,” ayuu ku yiri Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur qoraal uu soo dhigay bartiisa Facebook. Sidoo kale waxa uu ku booriyay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha in uu ku adkeysato go’aanadiisa, islamarkaana uu hore uga sii socdo isaga oo ka feejigan hosaasinta Farmaajo, maadama ay garab taagan yihiin Shacabka Soomaaliyeed. “Maxkamadda dacwadda loo gudbiyeyna waa in ay horay u socodsiiso kiiska. Kiiska Ikraan maxkamad shacab ayuu saaran yahay, ma ah mid la dabooli karo. Dadka iyo dalkaba caddaalad ayaa deeqda.” The post R/W Rooble oo looga digay ‘arrimo ku hoos duugan’ dhex-dhexaadinta Farmaajo appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Aqoonyahan Si weyn u taageera Farmaajo oo lagu afduubay Kenya Prof Cabdiwahaab Sheekh Cabdisamad oo qoray warbixintan Qoyska Cabdiwahaab Sheekh Cabdisamed oo la hadlay qaar ka mid warbaahinta Kenya ayaa sheegay in ay la’yihiin oo ay raadinayaan halka uu ku sugan yahay, ka diib markii laga qafaashay bartamaha Nairobi. Dr. Cabdiwahaab wuxuu ahaa falanqeeye ka faallooda arrimaha Soomaaliya iyo Geeska Afrika. Wuxuuna ahaa bare jaamacadeed. Cabdiwahaab ayaa lagu soo warramayaa in dad aan la garanayn ay ku riteen gaadhi, xillki uu marayay waddada Turbman ee ku xigta City Market, ee Bartamaha Caasimadda Kenya. Gaarigaas ayaa si xawaare ah u dhaqaaqay markii ay raggii watay ay gudaha ku riteen Dr. Cabdiwahaab. Qoyskiisa ayaa sheegay in ay aad ugu walaacsan yihiin, Mudane Cabdiwahaab oo ah aqoonyahan cilmi durugsan u leh arrimaha gobolka Geeska Afrika. Wararka waxay sheegayaan in ay “afduubteen” rag dhar-cad ah oo afar qof ahaa iyo dareewalkii gaariga u waday raggaas. “Waxaan tagnay Saldhigga Dhexe ee Booliiska, annaga iyo askarta waxaan tagnay goobta laga qaaday, illaa iyo hadda wax war ah kama hayno halka la geeyay,” ayay walaashiis u sheegtay TV-ga Citizen.Xaaskiisa, Xaliimo Maxamed ayaa Cabdiwahaab ku tilmaantay nin aan lahayn cadow la yaqaan oo raadsanayay, kuwaas oo si uun xidhiidh ula yeelan lahaaa waayitaankiisa. Sida lagu baahiyey qoraalka warqad caddaynaysa waayitaankiisa oo baafin ah, waxaa lagu qoray ‘in afar nin ay si qasaba gaadhi ugu rideen, halka mid shanaadna uu ku sugayay gaadhigaas gudihiisa”. Waxaana warqaddaas lagu sii baahiyey in sida oo kale qoyska ay xogta geeyeen saldhigga boolis Akila ee Nairobi. Dad badan ayaabaraha bulshada isku weydiinaya halka uu ku danbeeyey, iyaga oo dhanka kalena baafinaya Dr. Cabdiwahaab. Cabdiwahaab ayaa qayb ka ahaa qaar ka mid ah macyada cilmibaadhista ee ka dhisan Geeska Afrika, isaga oo sida oo kalena warbaahinta ugu caansan Kenya wax ku qori jirey. As we wake up from our warm beds, a family is unable to sleep because their father, brother, uncle, cousin, son, friend is missing under unclear circumstances. Where is Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad? pic.twitter.com/qjQpiU3X69 — Ahmed Mohamed ((ASMALi)) (@Asmali77) September 10, 2021 Wuxuu sidoo kale ahaa falanqeeye siyaasadeed oo arrimaha Soomaaliya ah. Tan iyo intaas Cabdiwahaab oo si weyn looga dhex arki jirey bogga baraha bulshada sida Twitter-ka, ayaan tan iyo maalintaa la sheegay in la waayey an waxba lagu soo qorin boggiisii. Waxaana u danbaysay qoraal kooban oo uu kaga hadlayey aragtidiisa ku aaddan xaalka siyaasadeed ee ka taagan Soomaaliya iyo khilaafka u dhexeeya Madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Rooble. Wuxuu ahaa nin si wayn u taageera dowladda Madaxweyne Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo, wuxuuna dhaliilaa dadka mucaaradka ku ah. Mid ka mid ah farriimihii ugu dambeeyay ee uu bartiisa Twitter-ka ku baahiyay. PM Roble's pick, Abshir M. Jama "Gobe" as NISA chief was strategic. He's a TPLF hand & UAE-UK ally. When the UK/EU failed 2 return TPLF 2 Addis, they want 2 create a rearguard 4 it in MOG. But chaos in SOM won't stay there. Take it from me: True Somalis will win. Whites will lose pic.twitter.com/2jWXJUGG3i — Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad (@AbdiwahabSheik7) September 8, 2021 Qaran News

Left Alliance city councillor Suldaan Said Ahmed replaces outgoing party colleague Paavo Arhinmäki in Parliament. Source: Hiiraan Online

Madaxweynaha dowladda Puntland Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni iyo Wefdi uu hoggaaminaayo ayaa maanta safar shaqo ku gaaray magaaladda Garacad ee gobolka Mudug. Madaxweynuhu waxa uu kormeeray dhismaha dekedda Garacad oo meel gebogebo ah maraysa, isagoona mid mid u dul istaagay qaybaha kala duwan ee dhismuhu ka socdo. Bogaadin, dardaaran iyo dhiirigelin ayuu u jeediyey Madaxweynuhu. Sidoo kale Madaxweynaha ayaa kulan la qaatay shirkadaha gacanta ku haya Dekedda ee kala ah TTN iyo Wadaagsin, warbixino ayuu ka dhegaystay Ingineerada iyo masuuliyiinta shirkadaha dhisaya Dekada, waxaa qayb ka ahaa kulanka weftiga Madaxweynaha, waxgaradka, ganacsatada iyo qaybaha kala duwan ee Bulshada magaalada Garacad. PUNTLAND POST The post Madaxweyne Deni oo booqday dekedda Garacad appeared first on Puntland Post.

Nairobi (Caasimada Online) – Magaalada Nairobi ee caasimadda dalka Kenya ayaa waxaa lagu afduubtay fallanqeeye iyo aqoonyahay kasoo jeeda Soomaalida Kenya, oo lagu magacaabo Cabdiwahaab Sheekh Cabdisamad, kaasi oo si weyn u taageersan madaxweynaha waqtigiisa dhammaaday Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo. Cabdiwahaab ayaa waxaa la waayey Arbacadii 8-da Bishan sida ay xaqiijiyeen qoyskiisa iyagoo ka raadiyey dhammaan saldhigyada iyo xarumah ciidamada, balse ma helin wax akhbaar ah oo xaaladiisa ku saabsan. Rag aan heybtooda la garaneyn ayaa Cabdiwahaab waxay ka afduubteen waddada Turbman ee magaalada Nairobi, ragga afduubka geystay ayaa la sheegay inay wateen hub iyo gaari. Cabdiwahaab oo da’diisa lagu sheegay 55-sano jir ayaa ka faalloon jiray arrimaha Geeska Afrika, wuxuuna kasoo muuqan jiray Warbaahinta Kenya iyo Laanta Afsoomaaliga ee BBC-da isagoo faaqidaya arrimaha Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya. Sida ay ogaatay Caasimada Online, Cabdiwahaab ayaa dhawaan tagay magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimadda Soomaaliya, wuxuuna markaas kadib noqday taageero daacad u ah madaxweynaha waqtigiisa dhammaaday Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo. Waxaa sidoo kale loo qoray lacag si uu warbaahinta uga taageero Farmaajo. Barta uu leeyahay Twitter-ka ayaa maalmihii ugu dambeeyey isku badashay meel lagu aflagaadeeyo siyaasiyiinta kasoo horjeedo madaxweyne Farmaajo, wuxuuna la rumeysan yahay inuu sidoo kale taageero weyn u ahaa Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya Itoobiya Abiy Ahmed. Gabar la dhalatay Cabdiwahaab oo la hadashay warbaahinta dalka Kenya ayaa sheegtay in lagu guul-dareystay baadi goobka walaalkeed, islamarkaana ay booliska xaqiijiyeen inuusan ku jirin gacantooda. Xaliimo Maxamed oo ah xaaska Cabdiwahaab ayaa iyadana sheegtay in ninkeeda uusan laheyn cadow gaar ah oo ay uga shakisan yihiin inay afduubteen, waxayna sidoo kale sheegtay inuusan jirin khalad uu ninkeeda sameeyey. Walaacda laga qabo xaaladiisa ayaa si xoogeysanaya, iyadoo aan la ogeyn inay afduubteen dambiilayaasha iyo inay heystaan ciidamada sirdoonka Kenya, sidoo kale waxaa shaki ka jiraa in la khaarijiyey. The post Fallanqeeye iyo aqoonyahan si weyn u taageera Farmaajo oo lagu afduubtay Nairobi appeared first on Caasimada Online.

At an Afghan National Army checkpoint outside of Kabul, Afghanistan, April 2021 Mohammad Ismail / Reuters In 2005, I visited a branch of Afghanistan’s national bank in Kandahar to make a deposit. I was launching a cooperative that would craft skin-care products for export, using oils extracted from local almonds and apricot kernels and fragrant botanicals gathered from the desert or the stony hills north of town. In order to register with the authorities and be able to operate legally, we had to make a deposit in the national bank. The cooperative’s chief financial officer, an Afghan, had been trying to achieve this formality for the past nine months—without paying a bribe. I had agreed to accompany him this time, knowing that together we would fare better. (I’m withholding his name because until a few weeks ago, he was a minister in the Afghan government and his family is now a target for retaliation by the Taliban, as are all Afghans who refuse to transfer their allegiance from the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to the newly declared Islamic Emirate.) “Come back tomorrow,” barked the clerk, with a toss of his head, just as clerks had been telling my colleague for the past nine months. The subtext was clear: “Come back tomorrow—with the money.” Abruptly, I found myself on top of the clerk’s desk, sitting cross-legged amid all the documents and paperwork. “Fine,” I told him. “Take as long as you want. But I’m staying right here until you complete our forms.” Eyes wide, the clerk got to work. This is how life was for Afghans on the United States’ watch. Almost every interaction with a government official, including teachers and doctors, involved extortion. And most Afghans weren’t able to take the risk I took in making a scene. They would have landed in jail. Instead, they just paid—and their hearts took the blows. “The police are supposed to be upholding the law,” complained another cooperative member a few years later, a former police officer himself. “And they’re the ones breaking the law.” These officials—the police and the clerks—did not extort people politely. Afghans paid not just in cash but also in a far more valuable commodity: their dignity. In the wake of the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan, the Taliban’s swift reconquest of the country, and the chaotic, bloody exodus that has followed, U.S. officials have lamented that the Afghans failed to put up a fight. But how did the Americans ever expect Afghans to keep risking their lives on behalf of a government that had abused them—with Washington’s permission—for decades? There is also another, deeper truth to grasp. The disaster in Afghanistan—and the United States’ complicity in allowing corruption to cripple the Afghan state and make it loathsome to its own people—is not only a failure of U.S. foreign policymaking. It is also a mirror, reflecting back a more florid version of the type of corruption that has long been undermining American democracy, as well. ON THE TAKE Corruption in U.S.-occupied Afghanistan wasn’t just a matter of constant street-level shakedowns. It was a system. No cops or customs agents got to put all their illicit gains in their own pockets. Some of that money flowed upward, in trickles that joined to form a mighty river of cash. Two surveys conducted in 2010 estimated the total amount paid in bribes each year in Afghanistan at between $2 billion and $5 billion—an amount equal to at least 13 percent of the country’s GDP. In return for the kickbacks, officials at the top sent protection back down the line. The networks that ran Afghanistan were flexible and dynamic, beset by internal rivalries as well as alliances. They spanned what Westerners often misperceive as an impermeable wall between the public sector and the supposedly private businesspeople and heads of local “nonprofits” who corralled most of the international assistance that found its way to Afghanistan. These networks often operated like diversified family businesses: the nephew of a provincial governor would get a major reconstruction contract, the son of the governor’s brother-in-law would get a plum job as an interpreter for U.S. officials, and the governor’s cousin would drive opium shipments to the Iranian border. All three were ultimately part of the same enterprise. Westerners often scratched their heads at the persistent lack of capacity in Afghan governing institutions. But the sophisticated networks controlling those institutions never intended to govern. Their objective was self-enrichment. And at that task, they proved spectacularly successful. The disaster in Afghanistan is a mirror, reflecting back the corruption that undermines American democracy. The errors that enabled this kind of government to take hold date back to the very beginning of the U.S.-led intervention, when American forces armed rag-tag proxy militias to serve as ersatz ground troops in the fight against the Taliban. The militias received spiffy new battle fatigues and automatic rifles but no training or oversight. In recent weeks, pictures of Taliban fighters wielding batons against desperate crowds at the airport in Kabul have horrified the world. But in the summer of 2002, similar scenes took place, with little subsequent outrage, when U.S.-backed militias set up checkpoints around Kandahar and smacked around ordinary Afghans who refused to pay bribes. Truck drivers, families on their way to weddings, and even kids on bikes got a taste of those batons. In time, U.S. military intelligence officers figured out how to map the social networks of small-time Taliban commanders. But they never explored the links between local officials and the heads of construction or logistics companies that got to bid on U.S.-funded contracts. No one was comparing the actual quality of raw materials used with what was marked down in the budget. We Americans had no idea who we were dealing with. Ordinary Afghans, on the other hand, could see who was getting rich. They noticed whose villages received the most lavish development projects. And Western civilian and military officials bolstered the standing of corrupt Afghan officials by partnering with them ostentatiously and unconditionally. They stood by their sides at ribbon cuttings and consulted them on military tactics. Those Afghan officials could then credibly threaten to call down a U.S. raid or an airstrike on anyone who got out of line. SOMETHING ROTTEN By 2007, many people, myself included, were urgently warning senior U.S. and European officials that this approach was undermining the effort to rebuild Afghanistan. In 2009, in my capacity as special adviser to the commander of international troops in Afghanistan, General Stanley McChrystal, I helped establish an anticorruption task force at the headquarters of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). (McChrystal’s successor, David Petraeus, expanded the group and rebranded it as Task Force Shafafiyat.) The original team put together detailed plans for addressing corruption at a regional level throughout the country. Later, I helped develop a more systematic approach, which would have made the fight against corruption a central element of the overall NATO campaign. Intelligence units would have mapped the social networks of ministers and governors and their connections. International military and civilian officials in Kabul would have applied a graduated range of sanctions to Afghan officials whose corruption was most seriously undermining NATO operations and Afghans’ faith in their government. And Afghan military commanders caught stealing materiel or their troops’ monthly pay would have been deprived of U.S. support. Later, while serving as special assistant to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, I proposed a series of steps that would have taken particular aim at Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who had intervened to protect corrupt officials who had come under scrutiny, and whose brothers were salting away millions of stolen dollars in Dubai—some of it, we suspected, in trust for Karzai himself. We Americans had no idea who we were dealing with. None of those plans was ever implemented. I responded to request after request from Petraeus until I realized that he had no intention of acting on my recommendations; it was just make-work. The principals’ committee of the National Security Council—a group that includes every cabinet-level foreign policy and security official—agreed to consider an alternative approach, but the plan we sent over died in the offices of President Barack Obama’s national security advisers James Jones and Tom Donilon. Task Force Shafafiyat continued operating, but it served essentially as window-dressing to be displayed when members of Congress visited as proof that the United States was really trying to do something about Afghan corruption. ISAF and the U.S. embassy in Kabul had also formed a more specialized task force, the Afghan Threat Finance Cell, to carry out financial investigations. In 2010, it launched its first significant anticorruption probe. The trail led to Karzai’s inner circle, and police detained Muhammad Zia Salehi, a senior aide. With a single phone call to corrections officials, however, Karzai got the suspect released. Karzai then demoted all of the Afghan government’s anticorruption prosecutors, some of whom had assisted in the ATFC’s investigation, cutting their salaries by about 80 percent and barring U.S. Department of Justice officials from mentoring them. No protest came from Washington. “The cockroaches went scuttling for the corners,” as a member of the ATFC’s leadership described it. Civilian officials at the Pentagon and their counterparts at the U.S. Department of State and in the intelligence agencies had long dismissed corruption as a significant factor in the U.S. mission in Afghanistan. Many subscribed to the belief that corruption was just part of Afghan culture—as if anyone willingly accepts being humiliated and robbed by government officials. In more than a decade of working to expose and fight corruption in Afghanistan, I was never told by a single Afghan, “We don’t really mind corruption; it’s part of our culture.” Such comments about Afghanistan invariably came only from Westerners. Other U.S. officials contended that petty corruption was so common that Afghans simply took it for granted and that high-level corruption was too politically charged to confront. To Afghans, the explanation was simpler. “America must want the corruption,” I remember my cooperative’s chief financial officer remarking. None of the four administrations that carried out the war ever came close to confronting corruption. The precedent for Karzai’s impunity had been established in the wake of the Afghan presidential election of 2009. Karzai had brazenly stolen it by declaring some Taliban-infested districts safe for voting and then negotiating with the Taliban to allow for the entry and exit of ballot boxes—but not to allow voters free access to polling stations. The result was empty ballot boxes that could then be stuffed. Afghan friends regaled me with descriptions of poll workers they had observed in rural villages firing their guns in the air while on the phone to officials in Kabul. “We’re having a tough time here,” the election officials would shout into the phone. “Can you give us a few more days to get the boxes to you?” Then they would go back to filling out fraudulent ballots. In some cases, UN investigators who opened sealed boxes found intact pads of ballots inside, all filled out in the same ink. But Washington declined to call for a new election. Instead, the Obama administration dispatched John Kerry, the Democratic senator from Massachusetts who was then chair of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, to try to reason with Karzai. In the end, the official results emerged from a negotiation: Karzai would still win but by fewer votes. That, ultimately, was the type of democracy that Americans cultivated in Afghanistan: one where the rules are rewritten on the fly by those who amass the most money and power and where elections are settled not at the ballot box but by those who already hold office. THERE WAS ANOTHER WAY How did U.S. officials across four administrations get Afghanistan so wrong? As in any complex phenomenon, many factors played a role. First, despite the high costs, the U.S. war was always a halfhearted effort. In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, U.S. President George W. Bush’s top advisers were obsessed with Iraq; they grudgingly set their sights on Afghanistan only when irrefutable intelligence made clear that the attacks had been carried out by al Qaeda. The organization was then based in Afghanistan, where Osama bin Laden had long-standing partnerships with local jihadis. And yet within a few months of the collapse of the Taliban regime, U.S. diplomats and the military brass had orders to swivel to Iraq. The United States put itself in the impossible position of trying to prosecute two complex wars at once. For his part, Obama always exuded ambivalence about the mission in Afghanistan. As vice president, Joe Biden was outspoken about his opposition to the intervention. President Donald Trump oversaw the negotiations that forced the Afghan government to make concession after concession to the Taliban so that U.S. forces could leave—and set up the Taliban for their lightning victory. And Biden, back in the White House as president, was at last able to bring about the withdrawal that he wanted 12 years ago. But today is not 12 years ago. Throughout all four administrations, U.S. officials never met ordinary people in settings that would have made those people feel safe to speak freely. So the Americans never absorbed critical information that was obvious to Afghans, such as the prevalence of corruption and the disgust it was generating. Meanwhile, Karzai knew how to get Afghanistan into the headlines—something that none of the four presidents who oversaw the war wanted. Even out of office, Karzai seems able to outfox the White House: witness his reported role in paving the way for the humiliating denouement of the U.S. war effort by negotiating with regional strongmen and Pakistani officials (or their proxies) to smooth the Taliban takeover. Afghan leaders were hardly blameless. The United States could have and should have taken a different approach. It should have stood firm in the face of Karzai’s temper tantrums, leveraging the fact that Afghan leaders needed Washington far more than Washington needed them. It should have made U.S. assistance, civilian as well as military, conditional on the integrity of the officials receiving the support. The United States should have supplied as many mentors for Afghan mayors and health department heads as it did for colonels and captains in the Afghan National Army. And it should have ensured that entry-level salaries for Afghan civil servants and security forces were sufficient to keep their families clothed and fed, so that clerks and police officers couldn’t use the excuse of low pay to legitimize their pilfering. The ISAF and Western embassies could have set up tip lines and ombudsman committees, such as the one the Taliban set up in Kandahar Province, so that citizens could lodge complaints and those complaints could be investigated. U.S. military and civilian institutions should have trained more of their own emissaries in Pashto and Dari to reduce their dependence on interpreters, who were always woven into Afghan networks and often had their own interests to further. I have no way to certify that such an approach would have succeeded. But the United States didn’t even try. None of the four administrations that carried out this war ever came close to adopting such an agenda. Of course, Afghan leaders were hardly blameless—not only Karzai but also Ashraf Ghani, who served as president after Karzai and fled the country as the Taliban closed in on the presidential palace. When the former chief financial officer of my cooperative took up his post in the Ghani administration earlier this year, we spoke frequently. “You have no idea,” he told me one day, his voice pale. “No one in this ministry is concerned with anything but his own personal gain.” Even after all he had been through, he was shocked. “I came into my office and I found nothing. There is no strategic plan; no one even knows what this agency’s mission is. And there is no one on staff even capable of writing a strategic plan.” Within weeks of taking up his job, he had to cancel a major contract that his ministry had awarded via a rigged bidding process and head off his predecessor’s plan to create a parallel ministry that would have controlled the bulk of his budget. A DISTANT MIRROR It is likely Afghanistan will soon recede from U.S. headlines, even as the situation there goes from bad to worse. Politicians and pundits will point fingers; scholars and analysts will look for lessons. Many will focus on the fact that Americans failed to understand Afghanistan. That is surely true—but perhaps less important than how badly we Americans have failed to understand our own country. On the surface, Afghanistan and the United States are vastly different places, home to different societies and cultures. And yet when it comes to allowing profiteers to influence policy and allowing corrupt and self-serving leaders to cripple the state and anger its citizens, the two countries have much in common. For all the mismanagement and corruption that hollowed out the Afghan state, consider this: How well have American leaders been governing in recent decades? They have started and lost two wars, turned free markets over to an unfettered financial services industry that proceeded to nearly bring down the global economy, colluded in a burgeoning opioid crisis, and bungled their response to a global pandemic. And they have promulgated policies that have hastened environmental catastrophes, raising the question of how much longer the earth will sustain human habitation. And how have the architects of these disasters and their cronies been doing? Never better. Consider the skyrocketing incomes and assets of executives in the fossil fuel and pharmaceutical industries, investment bankers, and defense contractors, as well as the lawyers and other professionals who provide them with high-end services. Their staggering wealth and comfortable protection from the calamities they have unleashed attest to their success. Not success at leadership, of course. But maybe leadership isn’t their objective. Maybe, like their Afghan counterparts, their primary objective is just making money. SARAH CHAYES is the author of On Corruption in America—and What Is at Stake. From 2002 to 2009, she ran development organizations in Kandahar, Afghanistan. Later, she served as a Special Assistant to two commanders of the international military forces in Afghanistan and to the Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff. Source: Foreign Affairs The post Afghanistan’s Corruption Was Made in America appeared first on Puntland Post.

Ciidanka Xoogga Puntland ee PSF, ayaa soo bandhigay muuqaal lagu wareystay saddex xubnood oo ka tirsan Al-shabaab. Xubnahan lagu wareystay barnaamijka ayaa ka shifay macluumaad ku saabsan, sida loo qorsheeyay weerarkii Al-shabaab ka fulisay xabsiga weyn ee Boosaaso, 5 March 2021. Ka hor weerar, Al-shabaab ayaa lacag dhan $800 oo Dollar u soo diri jiray maxaabiista kaga xiran xabsiga weyn ee Boosaaso, sida uu sheegay mid kamid ah xubnaha lagu wareystay barnaamijkan. Wuxuu sheegay in lacagtaas la soo marin jiray taliye ku xigeenkii saddexaad ee xabsiga weyn ee Boosaaso oo lagu magacaabo Jaamac dheere. Sidoo kale, wuxu tilmaamay in markii dambe Al-shabaab kordhiyeen Lacagtaas oo gaarsiiyeen $1000 Dollar, islamarkaana qolalkooda loogu qaybin jiray dadka Al-shabaab ka xiran. Mar uu ka hadlayay weerarkii xabsiga, ayuu sheegay in qorshayntiisa la bilaabay 2019, markaas oo maxaabiista qaarkood lagu sii war-geliyay diyaarinta weerarka. PUNTLAND POST The post Maxbuus ka shifay magaca sarkaal Puntland ah oo Al-shabaab lacagta soo marin jirtay appeared first on Puntland Post.

Mogadishu (HOL) - The presidents of Galmudug, Ahmed Abdi Karie (Qoor Qoor), and Southwest state, Abdiaziz Hassan Mohamed (Laftagareen), have arrived in Mogadishu on Thursday to reportedly mediate talks between President Farmajo and Prime Minister Roble amidst the current constitutional crisis. Source: Hiiraan Online