
Jacaylbaro
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Everything posted by Jacaylbaro
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The whole thing the church is wailing about is the issue of the abortion i heard ....... and that is why they're making noises.
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................. Sheekadaasi inay nuune laftiisa ku dhacday ma laga yaabaa ?
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Originally posted by Faarax-Brawn: quote:Originally posted by Jacaylbaro: quote: 01% of the population has access to the internet? The priorities are flawed..... Since when did u make that research ?? Since now. Do you have data to proof me wrong,JByow? LoL you have to proof you're right first ..... lol
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looooooooooooooooooooooooooooool@gorgious ,,,,
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Alhamdulillah kuye ,,,,, he probably means he got the chance to live in the west and thus he doesn't care about the rest .....
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Theiry has the real va va voom...congrats on his wedding
Jacaylbaro replied to NinBrown's topic in General
^ ^ ,,, aar tuxfatul caruuska armuu beri hore akhriyayba ,,, lool -
Yeah u can blame me ,,,,,, No official date yet ,, probably in June
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we live in a world where generation after generation ,people were practically raised by such ahadiith .. So what do u want the generations to be raised ? Playboy magazines ??
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Deeqaay dabac wanaageey dadkaba taan ka doortaay Waa laguu yaqaan baan ku idhi ,,,,
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HARGEISA, 7 May 2010 (IRIN) - The human and environmental disruption wreaked by drought in Somaliland, where more than 60 percent of people raise livestock for a living, means the self-declared, but barely recognized, independent state should draw up its own plan for climate change adaptation, according to a new report. The Impact of Climate Change on Pastoral Societies of Somaliland, by Candle Light, a Somali NGO promoting sustainable development, focused its research on an area particularly vulnerable to climate change, the semi-arid Haud region, which runs from Hargeisa’s airport to the Ethiopian border, 70km to the south. Combating climate change requires investment in soil conservation, water harvesting, reforestation and restoration of grazing. Candle Light emphasized the need to develop scenarios for the impact of climate change on grasslands, vegetation and agricultural production. It also suggested a more efficient use of water, and creating plans for equitable water sharing that target the specific needs of pastoralists and farmers; trade-offs involving water should be carefully assessed and discussed to avoid conflict. Noting that livestock is a source of nutrition and bride-price as well as income, the NGO also recommended introducing insurance mechanisms to Somaliland, whose livestock exports dominate the economy. The UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), a global secretariat, has asked some poor countries to draw up National Adaptation Programmes of Action (NAPA), making them eligible for funding. But since the territory’s independence is entirely unrecognized outside Somaliland, there is no one to bat for it at the UNFCC. Having its own NAPA would be a great advantage, according to Candle Light. The vulnerability of the livestock sector was exposed by an import ban imposed by Gulf states in 2000 because of Rift Valley Fever. The ban was only revoked in late 2009, and export certification capacity remains weak. Unpredictable rainy season Drought also exerts a heavy toll on the sector. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, it can reduce herd sizes by 60-80 percent. Consequently, Somali pastoralists are adept at climate prediction and the shorter-term art of rain-forecasting, which affects breeding plans. "We used to wait 120 nights after the summer to mix the male with the female sheep because we wanted our sheep to give birth in May... but nowadays, in May there are no rains and all the lambs born during this time have died, making predicting the climate even more confusing," said Hassan Jama Awad, a pastoralist expert based in Erigavo, capital of Somaliland's Sanag region. In the serious drought of 1974-75, when changing rainfall patterns affected livestock and milk production, bringing widespread starvation, tens of thousands of pastoralist households fled eastern Somaliland. Most of the displaced camel-herding households were relocated to the agricultural belt between the Juba and Shabelle rivers in southern Somalia to lead a settled life based on farming and fishing. Chief Caaqil Khadar Hassan Ibrahim, 76, father of 12 and resident of Saila, 48km south of Hargeisa, said the rainy seasons had become unpredictable, with consecutive rainfall failure. Diminishing tree cover Another development is that charcoal-burning has become a major source of income for 70 percent of poor and middle-income pastoralists. But according to people interviewed by Candle Light, revenue from charcoal is often spent not on food for families but by men on `qat’, a mild stimulant which helps avert depression. Residents of the areas where charcoal-burning is prevalent have expressed concern over the diminishing tree cover as more and more trees are felled. At least four charcoal trucks, each carrying 250-300 sacks of charcoal, leave Saila for Hargeisa, daily. Environmentalists estimate that four trees are cut to produce one sack of charcoal.
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Morning Chubacka and others ......... I'm gona have 6 days holiday excluding my actual annual holidays. Talk about 18th May, voters registration, weekend, compensation of extra hours i worked and so on ............. whohooo
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Al Shabaab Militants Execute Christian Leader in Somalia
Jacaylbaro replied to Jacaylbaro's topic in Politics
Muslim, Christian, kuwani cidna may reebin .... -
This is taking more than i expected really. It is going through religious issues. Now we have the Christians campaigning against the new constitution saying it favors Islam against other religions in the country. Here we have the Churches demonstrating: Kenya churches confident of referendum win Will the Muslims do the same if things will be changed based of the Christians demands ??
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Good Morning peeps ,,,,, I love this month ,,,, too many holidays i tell ya.
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^ ^ Depends on what you know about Somaliland sxb. They could be from Badhan or Saylac ,,,
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Aqal gal waxa looga jeedaa arimihii is taataabashada ayaa aqal lala gelayaa ,,,, markii hore banaanka ayaa la isku shukaansan jiray, geedaha dhexdooda, adhiga marka la raacyo iyo habeenkii oo meelahaa la is taago ,,,, hadda arooska markuu yimid ,, aqal baaba la isla galay weeyaan ,,,
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Theiry has the real va va voom...congrats on his wedding
Jacaylbaro replied to NinBrown's topic in General
and Theiry is now playing the real sports on the bed ,,, Congratulations bro and send me my share of the bariis by DHL,,,, make sure it doesn't come cold ,,, lol -
It is easy to be pessimistic about Somalia. The weak and increasingly fractious Transitional Federal Government seems incapable of extending its authority or becoming even modestly functional. An insurgency controlled by extremists is now in full control of much of the south, and it is radicalising Somalia’s youth at home and in the diaspora, imposing its harsh brand of Islam, proclaiming allegiance to Al-Qaeda, and promising global jihad. Recent fighting has killed many civilians, displaced over a million and triggered one of the world’s worst humanitarian disasters. But as the Islamic Courts Union — also led by now-President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed — demonstrated in 2006, the situation in Somalia can change rapidly and dramatically if the right policies are enacted. It is easy to forget the Sharif TFG came into office in January 2009 with huge domestic and international goodwill and credibility. It has wasted much of the opportunity this provided, but can still effect change if it can learn from its mistakes. First, the TFG has failed to draft a national reconciliation strategy and draw up a list of potential interlocutors, acceptable mediators, and parameters. This failure created ambivalence and allowed elements within the TFG opposed to any outreach to consolidate their hold. Second, it has failed to capitalise on the internal schisms and violent factionalism within the insurgency that only intensified from early 2009. In some instances, attempts by less extreme and more politically pragmatic insurgent leaders to reach out to the TFG were deliberately rebuffed. The government has been touting the deal with the anti-Shabaab alliance — the Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama’a (ASWJ) — as proof of its commitment to broader national reconciliation. However, the deal is extremely fragile and is now seriously under threat. There are indications some powerful figures in the government are trying to sabotage it. President Sharif must not allow these elements to have their way. The ASWJ — though itself divided — remains the most effective bulwark against the advance of Al-Shabaab into the central and northern regions. If the ASWJ decides to abandon the TFG, some powerful regional and international backers of the TFG, frustrated by the government’s failure to make any headway, may be tempted to withdraw their support. If the deal unravels, it is likely the TFG will be the greatest loser. The TFG also needs to extend its outreach beyond the traditional “alliance of moderates” to include less hardline elements in the insurgency disillusioned with Al-Shabaab’s increasing extremism and amenable to some form of a political settlement. Al-Shabaab is now a deeply fragmented movement. A tiny foreign jihadi cabal supported by a handful of local jihadi leaders — such as Ahmed Godane (Abu Zubayr), Fuad Khalaf (Shongole) and Ibrahim Haji Jama (Zeyli’i) — have been making desperate attempts since early 2009 to steer the movement away from its original aims. What was once a Somali Islamist movement with nationalist roots and largely animated by local ambitions, has been hijacked and transformed into an Al-Qaeda affiliate wedded to the concept of a permanent global jihad. Many local Somali jihadis, keen not to lose their own public support, are resisting this extra-Somalia agenda. Some have abandoned the movement and many are biding their time waiting for an opportune moment to jump ship. The TFG should reach out to these disenchanted jihadis. Creating such a “grand coalition” with Al-Shabaab “dissidents” will be immensely tricky, and sustaining it, even more daunting. Nonetheless, with sufficient Somali will and determination, reinforced by international consensus and support, it is conceivable. In fact, this may arguably be the supreme act of collective sacrifice demanded of Somali patriots of all stripes and ideological persuasion, to rid their country of the foreign jihadi menace, once and for all. A win for the local Islamists will have a huge impact on the peace process and may open interesting possibilities. First, it is likely they will seek to steer Al-Shabaab back to its original ideological and nationalistic roots, thus gradually weakening the stranglehold of the fanatical fringe element determined to maintain the movement within the Al-Qaeda orbit. Second, they are likely to strive to strike a balance between ideology and political pragmatism, currently skewed in favour of ideology. As a consequence, we may see the emergence of a leadership responsive to the concerns of Somalis and amenable to a political settlement. If this does not happen, and the foreign jihadis manage to fend off the looming challenge from the local Islamists, the consequences will be profoundly negative and disastrous for Somalia, the region and the world. The process of Al-Shabaab’s rapid transformation into a wholly Al-Qaeda franchise, which has alarmed many in the world in recent months, may become irreversible. The TFG and the international community cannot be bystanders. As has been demonstrated numerous times, there is no military solution to Somalia. The Transitional Federal Government needs to be more transitional and more federal. It cannot conceive of itself as the new central government (an anathema to most Somalis who still remember Siad Barre’s corrupt and repressive rule), and it needs to share power and resources with those who actually control territory. Much as the Islamic Courts Union did in 2006, the government needs to cut the difficult deals with those local authorities, for only this can bring some stability and calm to the region. The international community should demand no less. Only by doing so can we expect to reverse the growth of Al-Shabaab and improve the situation in Somalia.