Was another bloody day marked in the Somaliland history ...... Ilaahay ha u naxariisto dadkii ku dhintay.

U guys just love to talk ,, eh ??

Sad indeed ,,,,,,

Qarxis.com ,,,

Better Off Stateless: Somalia Before and After Government Collapse Nice Read ...........

Habeen wacan ,,, Jimce Wacan ,,,,, idinka iyo anagoo wada wacan ,,,

respectable ???

Kid's dad join the facebook, kid posted on his wall : WTF ! . . Dad asked him what is WTF? . . kid replied him "Welcome To Facebook"

Don't imagine Malika ,,,, it is just the time u know ,,,

I told u it is too late dee ,,,, u deaf ??

On his first visit anywhere in Somalia, Richard Walker of the African Development Bank, said he was surprised by the vibrancy of Somaliland. "It was a lot more positive than what I expected," he said. "The street traders, the people, the trucks coming in — there's a lot going on there. People trying to get on in a bad situation."

I have a dirty mind today so don't ask me what is up ,,,,, Good afternoon Malika ,,,, how is it going ?

I told u ,, its too late now

We just deal with what we have sxb ...... divided or united we can suit any of them.

Sudan south eyes settlement on disputed Abyei Sudan's south is ready to offer the north a financial package to soften the blow of secession if it agrees to allow southern annexation of the oil-producing Abyei region, said a senior former southern rebel. Both the north and the south claim the central Abyei area, which is due to hold a referendum to decide which part of Sudan it will join on January 9, 2011, the same day southerners are due to vote in a referendum on independence from the north. But the north and south have been unable to agree on who should be allowed to vote in the Abyei referendum, raising questions about whether it can go ahead and leading mediators to to come up with alternative solutions, Reuters reports. Luka Biong, minister of cabinet affairs in the coalition government formed after a 2005 north-south peace deal, told Reuters the south had accepted a U.S. suggestion that it annex Abyei by presidential decree if the referendum did not go ahead. To compensate the north for agreeing to a peaceful settlement along these lines, the south would agree to arrange a financial package. He said this could be in the form of an interest-free loan to the north to cover up to half the loss in oil revenues if the south secedes. The south would also create a development fund from Abyei's oil revenues for Sudan's Missiriya nomads, who move south through Abyei a few months a year to graze cattle. The Missiriya tribes would also be granted citizenship rights in the event the Abyei referendum did not take place. "Abyei could be a flashpoint for not having peace -- this is for the sake of peace," said Biong, a senior member of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM), the grouping of former southern rebels. "It's bigger than just Abyei." He said such a settlement could only happen if an Abyei vote became impossible and must be announced before the January 9 southern plebiscite and implemented before July 9, 2011 when the peace process formally ends. The northern National Congress Party (NCP) says the Missiriya should have full voting rights in Abyei alongside the Dinka Ngok, who farm the land all year round, and other residents. The SPLM rejects this. Biong said Washington feared the dispute over Abyei would end up leading to conflict and had therefore proposed the settlement. "They put this proposal ... having a presidential decree to return Abyei back to the south and the Missiriya to have dual citizenship -- we accepted it," Biong said. Under a 2005 peace deal a semi-autonomous southern government took 50 percent of the revenues from wells in the south, a majority of the 470,000 barrels per day output. But if the south secedes, it will want all revenues from the southern fields. Sudan's north-south civil war was fought over issues including religion, oil, ethnicity and ideology and claimed some 2 million lives. Most analysts predict the south will vote to secede but a lack of agreement over Abyei, citizenship, oil sharing and the north-south border has raised fears of renewed conflict.

I've no choice now but to live with my baruur ,,,,, too late

Wasalaam yaa Juxa ,,,,,,,,, Want some Sambusa ??

Originally posted by NinaNC: Askari xataa ma loo daahaayo.

Lieutenant-Colonel David Rose, who has died aged 98, was awarded a DSO during active service in British Somaliland and a Bar while commanding a battalion of the Black Watch in the Korean War. In 1940 British Somaliland was defended by a small force mainly composed of colonial troops, with the 2nd Battalion the Black Watch (2 BW) held in reserve. Five Italian brigades, stiffened by Black Shirts and supported by aircraft, armour and artillery, forced the main British contingent to withdraw towards Berbera, having fiercely defended the only natural obstacle, a dry wadi known as the Tug Argan. On August 17 the battalion, equipped with a single anti-tank gun, was at Barkasan and acting as rearguard. After a long day's fighting, ammunition was running short and Rose, then a captain commanding the forward company, found himself at great risk of being cut off. He decided to counter-attack and led his men down the hill in a fierce bayonet charge. After being wounded in the shoulder, he stuffed his arm into his belt to stop it flopping about and continued to lead the attack. The Italian forces broke and fled, and many of their native levies were shot down by Black Shirts who had been waiting at their rear. The Highlanders pursued the enemy for a mile and left them so demoralised that they offered no further interference to the battalion's withdrawal under cover of darkness. Rose was awarded his first DSO, at that time an unusual award for a junior officer. David MacNeil Campbell Rose, the son of Brigadier John Rose, was born at Alverstoke, Hampshire, on March 23 1912. His three brothers had distinguished careers in the Army in the Second World War; two of them were highly decorated. After Glenalmond and Sandhurst, David was commissioned into the Black Watch. Army service in Scotland included a period spent on the Royal Guard at Balmoral. King George V was Colonel-in-Chief of the Black Watch and nearing the end of his reign. On one occasion, at the Ghillies' Ball, he discovered Rose and a fellow officer helping themselves to a bottle of champagne which had been specially left out for himself. As a "punishment" he ordered both young officers to dance with the Queen and then come shooting with him the next day. During the shoot, Rose's overenthusiastic dog retrieved a grouse from immediately behind the King's butt. "My bird I think, Rose!" said the King. Not wishing to be deprived of one of his small bag, and aware that the King was very proud of being a superb shot, Rose, in some trepidation, replied: "No, Sir, it must be one of mine. It's a runner!" After a snort, the gruff reply came back: "Proper little courtier, aren't you, Rose? All right. I suppose you can count it as one of yours!" In 1938, 1 BW was deployed to Palestine. The troopship docked at Tangiers, allowing time for a run ashore. While visiting the souk, Rose was astonished to recognise his youngest brother dressed as an Arab and begging. The young man subsequently joined the Foreign Legion and was awarded the Croix de Guerre and Médaille Militaire. After his exploits in British Somaliland, Rose attended Staff College in Haifa. But soon after taking up his first staff appointment in Cairo, 2 BW urgently needed reinforcements following its attempt to break out from Tobruk, and he returned to the battalion as adjutant. Rose was subsequently posted to Burma to command one of the two Black Watch columns in the second Chindit campaign. There he was wounded again in the shoulder, but managed to continue in command behind Japanese lines for some weeks before severe blood poisoning forced his evacuation and a long period of convalescence. After a spell on a military mission in Cairo and a posting to Tripoli as brigade major, he was recalled from commanding the regimental depot in Perth to take command of 1 BW shortly before its departure for Korea in June 1952. That autumn the battalion took over defence of "The Hook", a prominent salient dominating the Samichon river valley. With the help of the Royal Engineers, deep tunnels were excavated in each company position to provide protection from bombardments and allow the soldiers to take cover if they were overrun. Rose was able to call for airburst shelling to be brought down on his own positions to break up enemy attacks before clearing the trenches by bayonet. On November 18 and 19, 1 BW was subjected to repeated assaults from two Chinese battalions. On the first night, when they came under heavy bombardment, Rose was never out of touch with his forward platoons. The Hook was held and the Chinese suffered large losses. In recognition of his outstanding leadership, Rose was awarded a Bar to his DSO. In August 1953 he took the battalion to Kenya to help suppress the Mau Mau uprising. On returning to England, he went to the small arms school as chief instructor. He retired from the Army in 1958 and, having settled in Perthshire, enjoyed shooting and fishing and creating a garden. David Rose died on October 24. He married, in 1945, Lady Jean Ramsay, younger daughter of the Earl of Dalhousie. She predeceased him, and he is survived by their son and daughter.

Taliyahii hogaaminayey Ciidamadii Ingiriiska ee ka dagaal-galay dalka Somaliland dagaalkii labaad ee adduunka, Lieutenant Colonel. David Rose, ayaa ku dhintay dalka Ingiriiska isagoo da’diisu haatan ahayd 98 jir. Dagaalkan uu hogaaminayay David Rose ayaa dhacay markay taariikhdu ku beegnayd 10 kii August 1940 kii, socdayna muddo shan cisho ah ayaa ahaa mid qadhaadh oo ay iska horyimaadeen ciidamadii Ingiriiska ee ku sugnaa Somaliland iyo ciidamadii Talyaaniga ee ka soo duulay dalka Somalia iyo Itoobiya oo qaybo ka mid ah ay haysteen. Ciidamada duulaanka soo qaaday ee oo ka koobnaa shan bataliyan oo ay ku jiraan qolyahii Baandada loo yaqaanay ama Shaadh Madawdii laga keenay soomaalidii talyaanigu gumaysan jiray oo ay caawinayaan in ka badan 350 dayuuradood ay duulaan ku soo qaadeen ciidamadii Ingiriiska ee Somaliland ku sugnaa ee loo yaqaanay Camel Corps-ka oo tiradoodu dhamayd 1500 oo askari oo ay ku jiraan askar badan oo reer Somaliland ah ay kaga soo duuleen dhinaca Itoobiya. Ciidamadii Ingiriiska oo tiradoodu koobnayd ayaa dagaal adag oo faraha lagaga gubtay uu ku dhexmaray Talyaaniga dooxada loo yaqaan Tog Argan oo ku taala inta u dhaxaysa magaalooyinka Hargeysa iyo Berbera, halkaas oo ku dhintay Cumar Ku Joog oo ahaa Saajin ka mid ahaa ciidamadii Somaliland u dhashay ee Ciidamada Ingiriiska ka tirsanaa oo muddo shan cisho ku hor taagnaa meel taag oo halkaas ku taala isagoo adeegsanaya boobayaasha culus, iyagoo xittaa lagu soo weeraray diyaarado, balse markii danbe loo adeegsaday madaafiic si looga saaro goobahii ay ku jireen, halkaasna uu ku dhaawacmay Colonel. David Rose oo ka barbar-dagaalamayay dagaal-yahanada reer Somaliland oo wacdaro ka gaystay dagaalkaas. Markay taariikhdu ahayd 15 kii August sannadkii 1940 kii ayay ciidamada Ingiriisku laga daadgureeyay dakada Berbera, loona qaaday magaalada Cadan, iyadoo wakhtigaas ay Somaliland u gacan-gashay Talyaaniga waxaanu oo muddo lix bilood ah dalka haystay intii aanay dib ugala wareegin ciidamadii Ingiriisku. Ciidamadii kaga dhintay Ingiriiska dagaalkaas, waa kuwa lagu aasay goobta loo yaqaan Xabaalaha Gaaladda oo la darris ah Miiska Saraakiisha ee ku taala Hargeysa, iyadoo wakhtigaasi ahaa markii ugu horaysay ee si duruufi keentay loo jabiyey heshiiskii dhex maray Shacabka Somaliland iyo Ingiriiska oo qodobadiisa ku jirtay inaan lagu aasi karin meydka gumaystaha Ingiriiska dhulka Somaliland. Lieutenant Colonel. David Rose ayaa markii danbe helay billad geesi uu ku mutaystay geesinimadii uu muujiyey dagaalkaas, waxaanu markii danbe ka soo shaqeeyay dalalka Falastiin iyo Kuuriya.

By: Abdurahman A. Osman ‘Shuke’

Somaliland, not Somalia: What a unity! A tale of five countries and not two “Baroor-diiqdu meydka waa ka badh, Bagaanad is-lahayn biyaan qubay,” Heello Qaraamiga ah. “Grieving with the mourners is half the funeral, How great that you could not show any sympathy?” Classical (Qarami) Somali song. It was early on the disreputable day of October 21st, 2010 that I tuned into the BBC at 7.00am. They have been covering a press conference held by Johnny Carson, the American Undersecretary of African Affairs. Mr. Carson was talking about the Obama administration’s new ‘double track’ policy towards the Somali dilemma: supporting the TFG while dealing with the peaceful administrations of Somaliland, Puntland and the central areas of Somalia without recognizing them as separate entities. After the press conference, the BBC organized a brief debate convened by Mohamed H. Hussein (Shiine) between a woman from Somalia, Sadia, whose only first name I was able to catch and Anis Abdillahi Essa, a strong advocate for Somaliland. Mr. Carson used the term ‘Somaliland’ to refer to the Republic of Somaliland in his press conference, while our sister Sadia insisted on using ‘The Northern Regions’ in reference to Somaliland. Embarrassed for Sadia, Mr. Anis requested from his sister to at least follow the American Under-secretary in using ‘Somaliland’ in her communiqué. In response, Sadia staunchly refused by stating that she will never in her life utter the word ‘Somaliland’, but will continue using the term ‘The Northern Regions.’ The standard of hatred, animosity and bitterness has reached such a level and this discouraging, while scary scrutiny is not restricted to Sadia alone, but is at least shared by most of the Diaspora and the TFG who are envious and resentful of the victories scored in Somaliland. This is far from a benevolent or compassionate human response to a successful story of some of your brethren, much akin to a neighbor who has put his house in order while steering clear of your side of the fence. In contrast to their diasporic counterparts, Somalia’s local population has shown their admiration of what is going on in Somaliland. The despair and the grief they have shown on the death of President Egal is something unforgettable. This was followed by the joy they demonstrated after the recent successful transfer of power between two popularly elected presidents, the likes of which neither Somalia nor Somaliland has ever seen. Why such an acrimony? Why not appreciate the gains scored by your fellow Somalis to salvage a part of the greater Somali region from havoc and disastrous wars? Why not appreciate and make use of the rich experience they have accumulated in finding solutions to their differences through peaceful dialogue and the Islamictraditional mechanisms of conflict resolution. Why is Somaliland not given the chance to take part in the international and regional arena where the dilemma of Somalia has been discussed for the last two decades? Are they not the brothers with whom we shared the same Republic for almost thirty years of unification? Are we not the closest to monitor and sense their inner feelings and preoccupations? Why we are not offered at least an observer’s status in such efforts? I admit that the authorities of Somaliland were too busy focusing on the reconstruction of their own nation at the initial stages. But, one should not undervalue President Egal’s offer of hosting a Somali reconciliation conference that was undermined in 2000. This is a brief account of the realities on the ground of two countries divorced from one another, yet locked together by a prejudiced world public opinion and injudicious antagonistic Somali view points. It is not only the people of Somaliland who seceded from the rest of Somalia; the reality is that the people of Somalia and the subsequent so-called governments have cut the country into two parts. For Somalilanders, 18th May is the day they officially restored their sovereignty. The fact is that Somaliland was cut off from Somalia long ago. 18th May marks only the date that our people have reached a verdict on their self- determination. Somalis in the South and the world at large talk about the war in Somalia for the last twenty years and the fact remains that in Somaliland the civil strife started in 1981 and ended in 1991. This is ten against twenty. This is the reality. The first ten is not accounted for, but the other twenty is counted and this makes Somaliland a separate entity. Let us ask ourselves the one million dollar question: Which is the country where a devastating civil war has been going on for the last twenty years in the Horn of Africa? The answer is simple: Somalia and not Somaliland. In Somaliland, we are not talking about wars instead we are talking about the noble and cherished accomplishments we share with the developing world using our meager resources and mechanisms of conflict resolution. At certain instances the world recognizes this and Mr. Carson in his press conference has admitted that Somaliland has realized a successful presidential election unlike many other African countries. He went to the extent of congratulating former president Dahir Ra’yale Kahin for the peaceful transfer of power. On the other hand, two groups of international electoral observers declared the presidential elections of 26/6/2010 to be credible, free and fair. On 18/10/2010, Mr. J. Peter Pham a columnist of the World Defense Review wrote: “….The Siad Barre regime had ignominiously fled Mogadishu – the old despot riding out of town in the last functional tank he possessed – and the erstwhile Somali Democratic Republic had descended into chaos with the exception of Somaliland in the northwest, which seceded, proclaimed the restoration of its former sovereignty, and has since developed a stable polity which earlier this year as I reported here at the time, held multiparty elections which met international standards and led to a peaceful, democratic transition.” For a decade, 1981-1991, the then northern regions of Somalia (now Somaliland) has been a military camp run by despotic and ruthless generals like the dishonorable and infamous Mohamed Hersi Morgan and Mohamed Hashi Ganni. The land and the people have been completely cut from the other regions of the country. People lived under constant merciless orders of curfews and systematic searches and violations of their basic human rights. Rampage and robbery, theft and rape, were the order of the day. The oppressive army and the supporting units from the refugee camps were given the license to do whatever they liked to the civilian population of these regions. Cities had been leveled to the ground. Hundreds of the fleeing population sought refuge in Ethiopia. None of these atrocities has ever been mentioned at the time of their occurrence and Somalia was seen as peaceful both by the regime and the majority of the Somali people. The talk of the day remained the organization of the regional football tournament in Mogadishu stadium while Sado Ali was singing her sarcastic song of the redundant tournament and stating that the ‘Brown’ machine gun was the one conducting the games. The term ‘Somali unity’ could not be applied to the union of 1960 by the two newly independent regions of British Somaliland and Italian Somalia. Such a unity was defined by the will and wish of the widely expressed opinion of the Somalis in the Horn of Africa, inhabitants of: Somaliland, Somalia, ******, Djibouti and the NFD. This cherished dream at its time was enshrined in the blue Somali flag with the five stars. Somaliland did not unite with Somalia because of sheer love for Mogadishu or the south, but was rather in search of the Greater Somalia comprising the five regions. It was not the end. Instead the unification has been the means to search for the five. Djibouti was the third to be independent and it opted for a separate republic for which it had the right and every region including Somaliland has the right to stand on its own as a sovereign state. The ‘Somali unity’ of the fifties and sixties was defined as such. If we want to redefine ‘The Somali unity’ under the prevailing conditions, then it is not for one region – i.e. Somalia – to unilaterally reach a decision on the issue. It is for the Somalis to reach a verdict on how ‘The Somali unity’ of the current situation should be redefined if at it is worth of being raised. That irredentist dream of greater Somalia is a forgone conclusion. Djibouti is an independent republic. The Somalis in the NFD seem to be happy with the speedy integration they are making with the broader Kenyan society and nation. A strong reconciliatory effort is currently well underway in Ethiopia with the fighting liberation movements of the ONLF and the UWSLF finally entertaining the idea of making peace with the Ethiopian federal government. This is a very promising and encouraging endeavor by both Somalis and their counterparts in the Horn. Somaliland is part of such a wide and hopeful move for a lasting and genuine peace in the Horn of Africa. We have every right for the self determination of our people. The sovereignty of Somaliland is irreversible and the ineffective articles by the poor refugees in the Diaspora cannot turn the tide. There are no other alternatives. There is no ‘sacred Somali unity’. Sanctity has no place in politics. Instead it is something correlated to religion and the sacredness of God. Let us look a little deeper into why Somaliland made the union with Somalia in 1960: 1. Because of a wide inter-regional Somali belief of creating a Greater Somalia by uniting the five regions represented by the five point white star on the Somali flag; 2. Because at the year of independence and union of 1960 Somaliland has been the hub and the heart of Somali nationalism as Mogadishu and the south plunged into a complete tribal and clan business since 1956, when the AFIS (local administration) was introduced as general M. M. Ibrahin, Liqliqato has stated in his book: “…The Somali Youth League (SYL) has diverted from its mission of independence and the unification of the Somali territories that it has been pursuing for the last fifteen years. Among the ranks of the SYL a clan controversy that has divided its membership has started. The unity in the search of independence has been undermined and the people lost confidence on the leadership of the SYL.” (Page, 131); 3. This obliged Somaliland to take the lead with the historical responsibility of unifying the Somali territories, starting with Somalia. Somaliland did this with courage and sacrifice and with the reluctance of their Southern brothers who were infected with the ******* versus ****** deadly campaigns and feuds. Mogadishu was not as jubilant as Hargeisa on the eve of the respective festivities of 26th June and 1st July 1960. During these celebrations, Hargeisa and the whole former British Protectorate of Somaliland was jubilant and triumphant with the entertainment of the festivities provided by the ‘Walaalo Hargeisa Band’ who played hundreds of patriotic and celebratory songs. In Mogadishu on the eve of independence and unification not a single song was played apart from the rich repertoire of nationalist songs replayed by the visiting ‘Walaalo Hargeisa Band’ who travelled by a land rover from Hargeisa on the 27th June 1960 to entertain their brothers in the south which was void of songs and music for the glorious events. Almost the majority of the songs and literature composed on the topic of Somali independence and unity were exclusively composed and played in Hargeisa. 4. The union was realized with Somalia taking a lion’s share in all the leading positions, but Somaliland was not interested in gaining positions but was looking forward to the realization of the golden objective of looking for the other three regions which it paid a high price for their liberation specially the ****** war. Such a costly and most probably alien idea of ‘Somali unity’ has been the disaster that has torn the Somali fiber into pieces, which proved difficult to mend again. The Somali people wherever they are, has never benefited from the so-called ‘Somali unity,’ which has been exploited by clan administrations since the independence and the unification of the two regions. In 1960 it started with a clan manipulation that was running the affairs of the country to their narrow clan and group interests until 1969 when Siad Barre took the power and distributed all the national and regional positions to his family and collaborators. Up to now the state of affairs of Somalia remains the same, and those who are advocating for ‘Somali unity’ are simply day dreaming. It is a foregone conclusion. It is already too late – dead. The advocates of ‘Somali unity’ are nothing more than the blood suckers and parasites of the Somali people, and they remain in a state of futile nostalgia waiting for an opportunity to gain their false ranks again. That will never happen and it has been written this time with an indelible ink, blood. Everybody should be happy with what his region or district offers to him. That is the end of a highly centralized so-called Somali unitary government whose perpetrators are power thirsty to succumb the national wealth to their narrow clan and group interests as has been happening for the last five decades. References 1. Dr. J. Peter Pham, Somalia’s new Prime Minister: Not quite what the Doctor ordered, World Defense Review, 2. Ibrahim, M. M, Taariikhdii Soomaaliya, Muqdisho, 200, By: Aw Farax Mohamed xaqa_u_gargaar@hotmail.com

It is the same to you ??

Mustafe Galaal Oo Dib Ugu soo Digarogtay SNM-tisii Wararka ka imaanaya Magaalada la haysto ee Widhwidh ayaa sheegaya in halkaas uu caawa fiidkii soo gaadhay Mustafe Galaal Xirsi oo ahaa Horgal hore uga tirsanaa jirey Maleeshyaadka SNM. Mustafe ayaa waxaa dhawr bilood ka hor ka soo saaray maleeshiyaadka beesha ***** oo uu horgale u ahaa Qaar ka tirsan Jaaliyadda beeshiisa ee Qurbaha joogta. Mustafe Galaal oo ka mid ahaa Horgaladii u soo horkacay magaalada uu ka soo jeedo ee Widhwdh cadawga haysta ayaa hore u sheegay inuu u adkaysan waayey Handadaad iyo cago jugleyn joogta ah oo lagu hayo asaga iyo Horgalada kale ee ku jira maleeshiyaadka SNM.Mustafe Galaal ayaa la xaqiijiyey inaysan jirin cid ku wehelisey safarkiisa, isla markaana aysan la socon wax ciidana haba yaraatee. Ilo ku sugan magaalada Widhwidh oo diidey in magacooda la shaaciyo sababo xaga amaanka ah ayaa u xaqiijiyey Warbaahinta SSC in soo noqoshada Mustafe ay gacan weyn ka gaysteen koox wadaado ah oo dhawaan shir ku qabtay Tuulada xamar lagu xidh, halkaasoo ay nabad kaga baaaqeen. Waxaana la sheegay in kooxdan wadaada ah oo ay Horboodayaan Faarax Sugaaal iyo Ismaaciil Axmed Dayyib ay doonayaan in ay Mustafe madax uga dhigaan maleeshiyaad beeshaas ka soo jeeda oo lagu wado in la hoos geeyo SNMta haysata magaalada, Waxaana ay aad ugu hanweyn yihiin in ay iskaga dhigaan hadi weerar uga yimaado ciidamo uu hogaaminayo Kayse Abdi Yuusuf oo ku sugan aaga Widhwidh kuwaasoo dhawaan hub qurba joogtu iibisay dib ula wareegay. Dib ugu noqoshada Horgalanimada ee uu Mustafe Galaal ku laabtay ayaa waxay Daliil cad u tahay inaysan Aamin lahayn horgalada ku jiraa SNMta ayna yihiin Lafjabtay sideedii ma noqoto, kuwaasoo la sheegay in Sandareerada la siiyo ay tahay mid sida sixirka u saaqda. Dhanka kale waxaa ka socda magaalad Widhwidh qaban qaabo ku aadan shir la sheegay in ay ka qayb galayaan wasiiro ka socda maamulka Siilaanyo kuwaasoo ay weheliyaan Horgalada deegaanka u dhashay, waxaana qaban qaabada gogashaas wada kooxdii Xamar lagu xidh, Waraysi uu dhawaan siiyey TV-ga Universal Horgale Cismaan Garaad Soofe ayuu ku sheegay in beesha Gulleed Garaad ay isa soo dhiibtay, isla markaana sida uu sheegay ay nabad qaateen, reer Hawdkuna ku daba jiraan oo Garaadadoodii ku maqan yihiin sidii ay shacabkooda u ekeeni lahaayeen sida buu yidhi Garaad Abshir yeelay.