Listenin to nothing. But one song..

Ethiopia?

Sima Passer, 5tum vids achaylow. Mimin addis yelem. Ye mebrat hayl inchetnaa badoo kifilooch amataat ye nebere naachow(even before onlf took up the fight). Irsha limitatu ye hisbu lifaatnow. Ye nigdu bekul genaa addisnow. Ye timirtu, it is same as before. Babili akabiibi heylengya tuur tekesete just yesterday( ofcource onlf haveing the upper hand). Idmee yalow salaam migegnyow hagariitun neza si hoon bichaa now!! That said, no selective ETV fictional stories or fake peace deals will change hearts of the struggling diaspora who are on protest for their rights in many fronts right now( surprisingly your numero one audience). Better hire an independent journalist who will do a great deal for you.

Originally posted by oba hiloowlow: quote:So Duke gets your vote? Lol Haa nooh koley xooga beeso waa haysayaa Oba, Lol. Who invited you to Sol?

ONLF Military Communiqué The Ogadēn national Liberation Front Army- is continuing its offensive against Ethiopian Army troops in the Ogadēn. During the months of October and the beginning of November It has conducted 34 tactical and strategic military operations, killing 267 Ethiopian Army Soldiers and wounding 157. Casualty on the ONLF side was minimal. The latest fighting occurred on November 4, 2010 near the strategic town of Babile, which lies on the road between Harar and Jigjiga, a main supply route for the Ethiopian Army in the Ogadēn. The liberation forces attacked and captured the Ethiopian Army garrison of Dhalac near Babile guarding that strategic route, killing 25 soldiers and wounding 32, while the rest retreated to Babile. The Liberation Army destroyed the garrison, burning a military vehicle and capturing large stockpiles of food, medicine and ammunition. In addition, the Liberation Army seized 24 Ak-47 assault rifles, 2 heavy machine-guns and 3 RT military communication Radios. Since mid-2009, the ONLF liberation Army has seized the military initiative and Ethiopia has been forced to be on the defensive while trying to hide its military weakness by engaging in propaganda war, falsely claiming peace deals with surrogates it created, nicknaming them an ONLF faction. The Ogadēn National Liberation Army will continue pounding Ethiopian government establishments in the Ogadēn until the rights of the Ogadēn Somali people to genuine self-determination is implemented. ONLFPress@onlf.org

That was a lost chance indeed. But the breakup of Sudan began many years ago and now demands the very best diplomatic efforts to achieve a successful division in 2011. The Sudan, Ethiopia, and Nigeria suffer from the same failures of colonial powers that mainly sought to extract wealth from the continent while forcing distinct nations into states without consent. The chance for consent now sits on the horizon for the peoples of Sudan's south. This stage will not be the end, but the beginning of a new trial.

Sudan's president, in Qatar for a state visit, describes confederation plan as "not under consideration at the moment". Omar al-Bashir, the Sudanese president, has said that speculation about what will take place in the wake of the January referendum on the fate of south Sudan is premature. Al-Bashir said that the Egyptian proposal for confederation between north and south Sudan was not under consideration at the moment. He arrived in Qatar over the weekend for talks with Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, the Emir of the Gulf state. "This issue is not for discussion at the moment because the agreement is about referendum for either unity or separation," al-Bashir said. "Our brothers in the south are refusing at the moment the proposal of confederation. "If the separation was the result of the referendum, the two sides are going to negotiate over the future of relations between them." Disputed borders Plans for the referendum have been dogged by disagreements, in particular on the demarcation of the proposed border between north and south, the status of the disputed Abyei region, and security issues. Diplomats from the UN and the African Union (AU) have announced that there will be months of "intensive" talks starting with a five-day meeting in Khartoum that began on Sunday, aimed at reaching consensus over the contested oil-rich region of Abyei. The UN has 10,000 peacekeepers stationed in Sudan, not counting its joint mission with the AU in the western province of Darfur. Most of the UN troops are in the south and in three former civil war battle ground areas along the border. More than 2 million people died during the two-decade long war between Sudan's north and south. The January 9 referendum is part of a 2005 peace deal that ended a two-decade-old civil war in Sudan, which left an estimated two million people dead. Source: Al Jazeera

Originally posted by Wiil Cusub: Waxaad xasuusan tihiin 300 oo nin oo ka soo degay xeebta galbeedka Somaliland oo ay iska kaashadeen dawladaha Somaliland iyo Itoobiya, aakhirkiina dawladda Itoobiya oo ay dhinacooda ku socdeen ay ka aarsatay oo ay ka adkaatay. Sure it was not your navy forces, nor the military army. Because they were busy somewhere else... Shooting ducks may be?

Originally posted by oba hiloowlow: quote:I knew you would vote for a pirate boy Lol Money is power nooh So Duke gets your vote?

Despite the offer, Sudan is unmoved. Fight for Abyie remains fervent.

Every successful person has a painful story! ~Carawelo

..a very gelatinous chicken feet. gelatin is 98-99% protein by dry weight...but has less nutritional value than other protein sources. Protein helps to grow your bone...

Uganda House, the 14-story building that Idi Amin purchased in 1975 right across from the home of the United Nations, stands shoulder to shoulder with the flashy new New York quarters of the US State Department. This October, the distance between the two countries, admittedly strange bedfellows, for one is a rich superpower and the other a developing country, was narrowed a little further. For the greater part of the last two years, Uganda has been a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council where America is top honcho. In October, for the second time in its membership, Uganda was the chair of the council - in theory the world's most powerful body. As is often the case in unequal relationships, Uganda has been serving as a willing surrogate for a variety of US security intentions in Somalia, the Horn and South Sudan. It's not an easy job. And as transpired on the Security Council this month, getting paid for it is no walkover either. By all counts, US policy, and to a lesser or greater extent (depending on how you view Kampala's freedom to act), Ugandan policy in Somalia is a stillbirth. This should not be a surprise; after all, Mogadishu has a high record of policy stillbirths and miscarriages that have left the country bleeding and convulsing. Yet even if success in Somalia is measured by the rate of failure, the current debate on what to do next reveals the need to revisit the relationship between the United States and Uganda. September summit During the September summit at the United Nations, word has it that President Yoweri Museveni threw down the gauntlet and asserted that with a billion dollars, he would have the means to run the latest bad boys in Somalia, the al Shabaab, out of town. A month later, Uganda presided over a Security Council internal debate on Somalia as well as peacekeeping in Africa. Uganda's military leaders do not consider that there is any peace to keep in Africa's version of Afghanistan, but are restrained by their relationship. While the US is not naïve about peace in Somalia, international relations behooves that even if one is fighting a war, it can be called other names. The ensuing conversation on the Security Council, couched in diplomatic speak, was basically about who will pick the bill, not just for Somalia, but in other hotspots on the continent where the United Nations "outsource" the maintenance of peace and security. In other words: get allies to fight their wars. "Two years ago when we started talking of the UN financing African-led peace-keeping, there was a lot of resistance. Several months down the road, that resistance has worn down," said Arthur Kafeero, a diplomat at the Uganda mission. "It's because of the situation on the ground," he adds. Since mid this year, tensions in Somalia have been on the boil. The attrition rate of civilians has caused uproar as the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) struggles with the exclusive help of Ugandan and Burundian troops to ward off an existential threat posed by the al-Shabaab. The group has upped not just its conventional war, but also increased ambushes and suicide attacks, including one in Kampala, which killed more than 70 civilians. Uganda was forced to reinforce its troops on the ground to regain some leverage, but argues that without the money to put a substantial number of boots on the ground, that leverage will slip. It wants to boost the numbers gradually to 20,000. This makes sense. The Ugandan and Burundian forces are fighting a battle to survive - hardly making headway militarily or politically in the country. But herein lie some sticking points in the relationship. The UN, a conveyor belt of the thinking of the big powers like the US, has now provided a small support package of 80 million dollars for the African Union Peace-Keeping Mission in Somalia [AMISOM]. This little step is in fact a giant leap in its relationship with the African Union in Addis Ababa, whose flag the peacekeepers fly in Mogadishu. But the figure is only a fraction of what Uganda and Burundi say they need. Currently AMISOM's budget, together with the UN package, comes to $176m, according to Ugandan diplomats. An additional $25m dollars is drawn from a Trust Fund contributed to by a group of countries, including France, Britain, the EU and Japan. Big push Uganda's proposed big push strategy for Somalia is forcing the issue not just of how the bill for this military surrogacy will be settled, but also about the future configuration of the relationship between the UN and the AU, as moderated by the power, money and interests of the big powers. In a statement about Somalia on October 21, Uganda's permanent representative Dr Ruhakana Rugunda said the situation required "sustained and predictable financial and logistical support." The complaint is that funding right now is arbitrary and risks the military situation on the ground. The big-push strategy has other elements, which includes enforcing a no-fly zone and a naval blockade of the Somali coast, but over all, even the problem of piracy, one of the Frankenstein dilemmas of the Somali question, Ruganda says would be "effectively dealt with by addressing the situation in Somalia itself." All require the committed support of particularly the United States. But judging from the reaction so far, Uganda is unlikely to have its way, at least in the short-run. On the same day, Ban Ki-Moon, the UN Secretary General, presented a 33-page report on how the organisation could work with the AU in Somalia. It contained "bridging" solutions, a series of bureaucratic hoops, which largely focused on how the UN would remain the accounting officer for monies that the AU spent on its behalf for peacekeeping. For now, they include a UN Office at the African Union [uNAO]. This office, according to Ban Ki-Moon, who appeared worn out and yawning next to Uganda's Deputy Prime Minister Eriya Kategaya (Kampala had dispatched him, a senior official, to chair the council on the financing debate on October 22 as a sign that Uganda was gravely "seized" of the issue) would provide "an additional conduit through which the UN and AUcan work together more closely in areas including: mediation; good offices and conflict prevention; elections; security sector reform; disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration; public information; military and police operations; mine action; and security-related matters". The office is yet to be established but a bureaucracy at the UN is already at work on it, appointing an under secretary to head it. Commenting on Ban Ki-Moon's proposals, Kategaya said the "UN package not withstanding," Uganda was still in the budget quicksand of "voluntary contributions." "When the AU [read Uganda] deploys peace-keeping troops authorised by the Security Council, it is doing so on behalf of the UN and the international community," he said and warned that the prevailing financing mechanism was "unsustainable." In the next few days, Kategaya, the closest sign that President Museveni himself was following the issue, who camped at the New York Hemsley Hotel, meeting privately with British and American officials. During the debate he chaired, the big powers had showed polite restraint at the Uganda proposals for a surge in Somalia. It is understood, however, by those in the know that there was irritation that Uganda was pushing the subject and goading the US in particular to “do something." “They feel additional meetings or debates will not help because the heads of state had met over this,” said a seasoned UN hand. Still diplomacy is what the UN is about, and if the US was planning to continue to use Uganda as its regional avatar, then the state of the avatar was a legitimate question that Ugandan diplomats spent literary sleepless nights crafting. “Frank” discussion Less polite were the British whose representative called for a “frank” discussion in the session, which East African attended. To show the weight attached to it; the Brits put one offer on the table. They would pay for salaries for an increased UN staff presence at the AU as reforms got underway to ensure that money is properly accounted for. The US representative also quipped that proper financial management was “a door” to more sustainable funding while the African group led by Nigeria’s Foreign Minister Odien Ajumogobia (and not surprisingly Somalia) backed calls for faster action. This situation where funding is leading the way in discussing war-torn Somalia’s future betrays some uncomfortable truths. In the final analysis, the talk of financial aid (it’s essentially what it is, except it’s not for bringing down HIV/Aids figures) is reminiscent of the problem of all aid, in fact, and carries with it that curse of failure for many aid-assisted projects. Source

Silanyo is doing well ,,,

Terrorized by war on terror?

Originally posted by oba hiloowlow: lol sxb ninkii dollar haysta isku fikrad nahay ma ogid miyaa I knew you would vote for a pirate boy.

Intii talo soo jeedisay, taladiinii waa aqbal, intii awoodeena ah, Intii soo canaanataay, canaantiinii kuma dhicin dhago xiran oo aan waxba galin ee waxay kudhacdey dhego furan diyaarna u ah inay qaataan, kana waantoobaan qaladaadka Intii soo duceysaay, ducadiina Illaahay ha u aqbalo hana ku anfaco Intaa kadib waxaan mahad gaara u celin lahaa geesiyada naftooda, maalkooda iyo maskaxdooda u huray siday u soo dhicin la hayeenn xaqa shacab weynaha ku nool dhulkaas Guul, isku tashi, mintid & midnimo

. . . There are seven pirate clans in Somalia, . . . One of the groups in Somalia, the Kismayu group, is known as National Volunteer Coast Guard and focuses on small boats close to the shore. They do not use the word "ransom." They call what they collect a "fine" for illegal acts. The Merkah group has fishing boats with longer-range fire power. And the most sophisticated groups have names like the Central Regional Coast Guards, Ocean Salvation Corps and the Somali Marines. . . . [ . . . more than half of Somalia consists of the seas around the country. This makes the oceans vital to the survival of the Somali people. . . . webpage

WASHINGTON | Sun Nov 7, 2010 7:21pm EST Reuters - The United States will drop Sudan from its list of state sponsors of terrorism as early as July 2011 if Khartoum ensures two key referendums take place on schedule in January and the results are respected, senior U.S. officials said Sunday. President Barack Obama made the offer through Senator John Kerry, who recently told Sudan's leaders the United States was ready to "decouple" the issue of Darfur from Khartoum's terror designation to win cooperation on the January polls, the officials said. "We like to consider this a pay-for-performance operation," one official said. The U.S. officials, speaking on background about Kerry's mission to the region, emphasized that separate U.S. sanctions imposed on Sudan over Darfur would remain until Khartoum makes progress in resolving the humanitarian situation in its troubled western region. But they also held out hope that the offer to end the isolation imposed on Khartoum by its inclusion on the U.S. state terror list would persuade the Sudanese government to begin making the necessary concessions to allow the January votes to proceed as scheduled. Sudan's two parallel referendums on January 9 could see southern Sudan secede to become Africa's newest state and decide whether the disputed oil-rich territory of Abyei joins the north or the south. Read the rest

President Al Bashir Back Home from Qatar Monday, November 08 President Al Bashir returned home yesterday afternoon after a two-day visit to Qatar in response to a kind invitation extended the Emir of Qatar State, H.H. Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani. Al Bashir talks with the Emir focused bilateral relations, developments of situations in Darfur, progress on the Comprehensive Peace Agreement implementation, as well as the ongoing preparations for the referendum stage. Before winding off his visit to Doha, Al Bashir met with the AU-UN Joint Chief Mediator, Djibril Bassolé and Qatar's State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ahmed bin Abdullah Al- Mahmoud in connection with progress on Darfur peace negotiations brokered by Doha. The President lauded efforts dedicated by Bassole and Al- Mahmoud regarding the Darfur issue resolution, commending the huge support Qatar extends to the mediation and negotiating parties. The Joint Chief Mediator Bassolé was optimistic that negations would be culminated by the signing of a final Darfur peace agreement during the coming December.

Showqi, the third name hordhac ayu ahaa. Hatu iyo Sayidka, ayaan u duur xulayey. Lakiin waabad soo af jartoo waxaad koobkii siisay qolada dhahday iga siimi ,,,

^What is huggereynaya? JB muxuu sawirada isoogu dhajiyey...

^Lol. War kaad isku fikir tihiin maad dooratid, mise shiidaa jira?

Originally posted by Taleexi: Tolow xagguu joogaa Amaa kan la raadin tahay .. hehehe