Kamaavi

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Everything posted by Kamaavi

  1. Originally posted by grasshopper: quote:Originally posted by Boom Boom: It sucks that I have to be apart of this worthless community. So damn shameful to tell people my background. lol! how about you do US a favour and not mention your background to people...the less self-loathing somalis out there, the better Boom Boom, say walah.
  2. Right now for your listening pleasure, here is one my favs from , ..... [Removed by the moderator]
  3. Originally posted by Libaahe*: Good luck to the people of Southern Sudan and their referendum.
  4. South Sudan Political Parties’ Council launches referenda action plan Sunday 7 November 2010 JUBA - The recently formed Southern Sudan Political Parties’ Council (PPC) and other leading civil society organizations have officially launched the PPC’s action plan to promote the code of conduct for the referendum on south Sudan independence and the popular consultations in the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile. JPEG - 31.1 kb AU’s Aminata Mansaray (L), Justice Chan Reec (center) and Fibel Ufondi addressing journalists on the launch of the referenda action plan in Juba, Saturday, November 06, 2010 (Sudan Tribune) The action plan is supported by the African Union (AU) High-Level Panel on Sudan, led by former South African President Thabo Mbeki. South Sudan is 66 days away from holding a referendum vote in January 2011 on whether it wants to remain united with the Muslim-dominated north or secedes to form its own independent nation. All prognoses indicate that south Sudan secession is a fait accompli. According to a press release issued on Saturday, the action plan includes the expansion of the PPC and its alternative coordinating bodies, which are tasked with promoting the code across all 10 states in South Sudan. The PPC’s acting chairperson, Fibel Ufondi, told journalists on Saturday that the referendum code, which was adopted during a recent conference of Southern Sudan political parties in Juba, would guide the action plans aimed at ensuring a peaceful and credible conduct of the planned ballot. Ufondi acknowledged the continuous commitment of AU panel to promoting free, fair, timely and credible conduct of the referenda, urging the government and civil society organizations to cooperate with the panel. According to the PPC, the launch of the action plan will coincide with the official commencement on Sunday of South Sudan’s extensive media campaign for the referenda, which aims to include various media houses in the region. “Our other objective was to use this occasion [action plan launch] to contribute to the government’s efforts in marking the start of the media campaign with momentum,” the PPC’s press release issued during Saturday’s briefing reads. Aminata Mansaray, a senior officer at the AU liaison office in Juba, said it was important for the outcome of the referenda to reflect the wishes and decisions of the southern population. She affirmed that the AU would remain committed to its rightful mandate in ensuring that the ongoing negotiations on Abyei as well as other referenda-related consultations progress smoothly ahead of the two plebiscites. For his part, Justice Chan Reec Madut, the Chairperson of Southern Sudan Referendum Bureau (SSRB), said that the action plan adopted by the PPC was a timely initiative that would boost efforts to prepare people for the referendum. Madut stressed that the code of conduct is essential to the voters’ education exercise, which he described as the milestone for the achievement of a free, fair and credible referendum. Source: ST
  5. South Sudan rejects Egyptian proposal to delay referendum Saturday 6 November 2010 JUBA - The government of the semi autonomous region of south Sudan (GoSS) on Friday rejected an Egyptian proposal calling for a delay to the conduct of the upcoming self determination referendum in south Sudan. The referendum is the culmination of a six year peace agreement between Sudan’s ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and the former southern-based rebel movement the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), who have governed the south since 2005. Speaking to Sudan Tribune in the regional capital of Juba on Thursday, Marial Benjamin Bil, minister of information and broadcasting services said the vote on self determination would on go ahead as planned because both parties had agreed to it. “The two parties have already agreed to conduct [the] referendum on time. It has been discussed and announced several times. The last presidency meeting also reiterated the conduct of referendum on time. So, there is no delay here,” said the minister. The head of the referendum commission said in press statements last week that holding the vote on time would amount to a "miracle". Bil said that the referendum date had been agreed as part of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, which ended two decades of war. “The 2005 peace signed between the two parties and which was signed by Egyptian government as an eye witness to the agreement, allows conduct of the referendum on 9th of January 2011”, said Bill. There is nothing, he said, that would prevent the conduct of the referendum. “The environment would be conducive. The government of south Sudan is committed and confident that the environment would be conducive for the conduct of the referendum because the exercise will be conducted with participation of the international observers, civil society organizations and forces of United Nations,” he said. The minister also dismissed claims by the NCP that completing the demarcation of the north-south border was a prerequisite for the conduct of referendum. The Egyptian government on Wednesday expressed concerns that post referendum violence would create an influx of migrants from its neighbor to the south. "We fear separation may be accompanied by some violent actions that affect Sudan’s relations with neighboring countries and Egypt, which circumstances may oblige to host Sudanese" fleeing unrest, the official MENA news agency quoted the Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmed Aboul-Gheit as telling a committee at the consultative council which is known as Shura council on Thursday. "This is matter of concern that requires adequate preparations," he said. "It is not a problem if the referendum is delayed for several months.........Sudanese should take into account the priority of the importance of life over the importance of holding the referendum on time " MENA quoted the Egyptian minister as saying. Egypt has been historically opposed to South Sudan’s secession for fear that it would affect its share in their share of the Nile waters. By Ngor Arol Garang.
  6. Sudan’s NCP warns against unilateral referendum in Abyei Friday 5 November 2010 The northern Sudan ruling National Congress Party (NCP) has warned its peace partner and southern Sudan ruling party SPLM against organizing unilaterally a popular vote on the future of Abyei which lies on the North-South border. Didiri Mohamed Ahmed (Reuters) The Abyei Referendum Commission has not yet been formed due to differences between the NCP and SPLM over who will participate in the referendum. The NCP says all the population of the oil producing area, including the Misseriya tribe who enter the region for a few months a year are eligible, while the SPLM says only the Dinka Ngok can vote. In October, the signatories of the 2005 peace agreement failed to agree on the voter eligibility during a series of talks brokered by the US envoy to Sudan Scott Gration held in Addis Ababa. A senior NCP member, Dirdiri Mohamed Ahmed, who is in charge of Abyei file on Thursday accused the SPLM of preparing to annex Abyei to southern Sudan before or at the same time as the south’s referendum on full independence. Dirdiri who was addressing a meeting of the NCP members from the Dinka Ngok youth organized at the headquarters of the ruling party in Khartoum, warned that if the SPLM undertakes such measures it would be a "flagrant violation of the Abyei Protocol and the Comprehensive Peace Agreement" (CPA). He further stressed that the Interim Constitution provides that none of the two parties can amend the 1956 border before the referendum is conducted. "If the parties do not agree on an alternative for the referendum there is no way to amend the border unilaterally," he said. The NCP delegation to Addis Ababa meetings said in a press conference held in Khartoum in October that it was not possible to hold Abyei referendum as scheduled on January 9. It called further to discuss other alternatives including the delay of the referenda. The official responsible for the Abyei dossier said the NCP informed the former South African President Thabo Mbeki who is leading the ongoing efforts to broker a solution for the row over Abyei Referendum about this "dangerous development". Mbeki who chairs the African Union High Level Panel on Sudan on Monday announced the adjournment of talks between the two partners of the 2005 peace agreement scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa on 27 October without indicating when they would meet. Nonetheless, he stressed that this postponement will not affect the ongoing preparations to hold the referendum on 9 January as scheduled. He added the parties need more time to agree on the agenda of the talks. In accordance with the CPA, the population of Abyei is invited to decide whether they want to be part of the north or a possible new country in the south. This vote will take place simultaneously with another one on self-determination in Southern Sudan. Source : ST
  7. Three months and one week remain until the people of Southern Sudan have the opportunity to vote for independence. Apprehension is growing that an oil war is in the making. But such fears should be tempered. War between northern and southern armies over the country’s oil-rich border region is unlikely. Instead, a messy mix of intraparty struggles in the South and local armed resistance in oil-bearing regions pose serious threats. Oil had previously fuelled an over two-decade civil war between the North and South, leaving two million dead until the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed in 2005. Since peace was established, the North’s ruling National Congress Party and its southern counterpart, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement have no interest in disrupting their yearly windfalls of oil revenue by returning to war. Even with southern separation almost assured, when it comes to oil, the North and South will be attached to one another for years to come. It would be an act of economic suicide for either side to make a move to capture oil fields by force. Over 80% of Sudan’s oil production and reserves lie beneath landlocked southern soil. But the only means of exporting the crude oil, extracted from the ground by a trio of Asian national oil companies from China, India and Malaysia, is through a set of pipelines heading northeast to the Red Sea. Until the South develops its own pipeline, which would take years, it is in quite the bind. If it wants to continue to profit from essentially its only source of revenue, and it has handsomely at over $9 billion over the past five years, it will have to continue sharing oil revenues with the North. At the same time, the North’s dependency on oil, measuring in at 60% of its annual revenues, will certainly have to take a sizeable cut to please southern leaders. Tensions have previously driven the NCP and SPLM to blows over oil. In May 2008, hundreds of civilians were killed and thousands displaced in the aftermath of a violent confrontation between northern and southern armed forces in the oil region of Abyei. Yet inevitably the NCP and SPLM managed to iron out their differences, and the oil revenues continue to flow. The Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling in July 2009 essentially stripped the Abyei of its oil-rich status, placing the key oil field of Heglig outside of the region. But the decision did not lead to armed conflict as many expected. Two years earlier in 2007, the NCP and SPLM settled a dispute that saw French oil major Total retain its rights to a massive oil block in Southern Sudan. More recently, the North has agreed to resume payment of the southern oil share in foreign currency after the South cried foul in receiving Sudanese pounds from Khartoum’s central bank, undermining its ability to purchase imported goods. But while the NCP and SPLM have continuously found a way to share the spoils, the influx of new oil wealth has caused other problems. Southern Sudan is on a path to continue the sins of a long line of endowed yet unscrupulous African oil producers. Government salaries have made up the fair share of consecutive budgets while major towns in the South continue to lack heath, education and infrastructure investment. Southern finance ministers come and go over corruption scandals, providing political ammunition for those who would like to see the SPLM fall apart. More alarmingly, there is discontent from within. Oil may prove to be a highly divisive factor in power struggles in an independent Southern Sudan. The forces of high-ranking SPLM members, Unity State Governor Taban Deng and General Paulino Matip, clashed last October in Bentiu. Matip has close ties with a US oil outfit, Jarch Capital, which according to its Chairman Phil Heilberg is hoping to capitalize on ‘sovereignty changes’ in Sudan. Jarch’s claim to oil concessions stand in opposition to those of other companies signed up with the southern government. The former rebels may face their own rebellion soon enough in an independent Southern Sudan. A Niger Delta scenario of entrenched conflict between local armed groups and government security forces is brewing in Sudan’s oil regions. Four Chinese oil workers were killed in 2008 during a botched rescue attempt by Sudanese authorities after the workers were kidnapped near the oil town of Heglig. Local populations have seen little benefit come out of oil. Rather their impoverished situation has been worsened by the environmental degradation brought on by negligent oil companies operating under an utter lack of regulation. The cost-cutting discharge of contaminated water from oil reservoirs has lead to the death of livestock and serious illness among local populations. If the northern and southern governments wish to continue to profit from oil after the referendum, they must end their bickering over oil revenues and start to tackle the negative consequences of oil development at the local level. The SPLM must get its house in order and put an end to any dealings its members might have with oil companies looking to make a quick buck. Both parties must also start to take the well-being of local populations in oil-bearing regions seriously. Ignoring the needs of those who live closest to their main source of income is simple common sense. Northern and southern armies will unlikely square off over oil heading towards the referendum. But ensuring a wider stability will only encourage future investment and growth in Sudan’s oil sector.
  8. Originally posted by NASSIR: Meles Zenawi haloo sheego wax ONLF taageeraya meesha ma joogaan. I believe that was the whole plot of the military solution in Galgala just to reassure Zenawi that ONLF wasn't getting any arms shipment from Sanaag's natural ports (Remember the U.N Monitoring's report of 2006). Making sense of Galgala.
  9. How come you are not on the patriotic song ,,, for the beautiful flag. ...Agah!
  10. Originally posted by Libaahe*: [big Grin] [big Grin] Nobody gave up anything we are just waiting for the right time. siidana oo kale ma nihin oo dagaal ku damanaya. [big Grin] sow maadan maqal ,,, Axmed guray ma uu dhiman Ma gablamin darwiishkii, Geenyadu ma daalana. It can be roughly translated as: Ahmed Guray has never died, The Dervish has never lost, and The horse is not retired.
  11. Originally posted by Libaahe*: ^^Aware wa less then 5% sxb ee dhuulka badanka wu xooreysanyahay from Erigavo to Herer. It's all good alhamdullilah and the rest will will join a future somaliland nation not your caanoboodhe pipe dream state. Since you gave up on a whole 5%. Invited them on Berbera, your dream sits on a chair with no seat. It's surrounded by walls that you can walk right through. And her armies have swords made of rubber.
  12. Originally posted by Libaahe*: ^^^ Don't worry about if Djibouti will recognise somaliland or not. Your real concern should be Woyanne. Adu xageed isooga reebtay ,,, miyaanay Aware iyo tii kaleed sheegan jirtay,,, kuu tirsaneyn? kani waaba qalfoof madhan
  13. ^ I might have many another style. But never another name. Back to the topic.... I wonder what would be the budget of the lions that have been given to Geelle.
  14. Beentii macow kobtaas ayey ku saqiirtay ,,,
  15. You are reading much in to it. But assume that Sol is just a good, stronger, and a real family that communicates on daily basis. While communication alone is not going to ensure that a family has strong bond, communication does play a large roll in keeping the family a stronger unit that will have more of a chance at staying together. Communication opens the door to there being support, understanding, trust, respect and even happiness. The point is, Sol misses its daughters( married or not) a lot today. They might have moved on with their lives. But it is never same with out them.
  16. Two new reports on Sudan and Ethiopia A difficult pair Nov 5th 2010, 17:44 by C.H. JUST as a meeting of east African heads of states was delayed due to difficulties accommodating Omar al-Bashir, Sudan’s pariah president, two new reports have cast still more unfavourable light on the governments of Sudan and Ethiopia. The long-anticipated referendum on independence for southern Sudan, scheduled for January 9th 2011 is the focus of “Race Against Time”, by the Rift Valley Institute, a non-profit research organisation operating in the region. With optimism that the vote would proceed smoothly already waning in the face of overwhelming secessionist sentiment in the south, and equally overwhelming denial of such sentiment in the north, Aly Verjee, the author, goes a step further. Delays and disputes in planning for the vote, and their likely effect on the credibility of the process could, he says, end up reigniting the civil war that had become Africa’s longest when it ended it 2005, with 2.5m people killed and many more displaced over two decades. With less than ten weeks until the referendum, the report argues that “the self-determination process is in peril.” Disputes over voter eligibility, registration and border demarcation between the two main political forces—the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM) in the south and the National Congress Party (NCP) in the north—mean the likelihood of the vote taking place on time within the agreed laws is small. Yet postponement would be dangerous: the SPLM fiercely opposes any deferral, interpreting (probably correctly) the NCP’s stalling as an attempt to derail the process, or to cast doubt on the credibility of the predicted outcome—that the south will vote to secede. Unpromising terrain to make recommendations from, but the institute does so nonetheless, calling for a new deal between the SPLM and the NCP that recognises that it is too late to hold the vote in strict accordance with the laws, and that parks some issues—such as physical border demarcation—until later. The referendum commission needs to act “with unprecedented speed” in order to overcome the logistical hurdles to hold a vote. How likely is this? It would assume goodwill on both sides. But the report also points out that “lessons need to be learned” from the conduct of the presidential election in April. The SPLM may smile wryly at the NCP’s pledge that they will accept the referendum result only on the basis of a “free and fair” process. The institute is forthright about the scale of the task ahead but is motivated most of all by a need to focus minds, within Sudan and without, on what is at stake. “At this final stage, brinkmanship, delay and broken agreements…threaten to turn the political and technical challenges into a national disaster. Only concerted international attention and skilful diplomacy can bring the process of self-determination in Sudan to a successful conclusion.” With Sudan, international expectations have long been low. A report on Ethiopia, from New-York based Human Rights Watch (HRW), indicates how far a country’s halo can slip. Once upon a time, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) led by Meles Zenawi, the prime minister, was hailed as part of a new democratic dawn in Africa. The country became an “aid darling” for the West. Yet today, after suppression of opposition following the election in 2005 and a rigged poll earlier this year, life in Ethiopia is more akin to the days of the “Derg” regime, overthrown by the EPRDF in 1991. Ethiopia, desperately poor, remains one of the largest recipients of foreign development aid—some $3 billion annually. HRW argues that the aid has become subject to “political capture”, with the doling out of donor funds at local level used “to control the population, punish dissent, and undermine political opponents—both real and perceived.” HRW reached its findings after a six-month investigation in the second half of 2009, which ended with Ben Rawlence, its researcher, being deported. The Ethiopian population, says HRW, “pays a heavy approach for this approach to development.” But its ire is focused on the donors as well as the Ethiopian government. Speaking in London at the report’s launch, Mr Rawlence pointed out that development agencies—such as Britain’s DFID—recognised the harm the government’s actions caused, but turned a blind eye, because of policy that governments themselves “own” aid policy. Monitoring mechanisms which focus on fiscal controls simply did not detect the politicisation of aid. Such a situation poses a familiar dilemma for donors: aid is often misused, but stopping aid harms people in recipient countries. HRW is not calling for this. Instead, it calls on donors to acknowledge the politicisation of aid “across the board” in Ethiopia and to work together in bringing pressure on Ethiopia’s government when the current country assistance strategy expires in 2011. Easier said than done perhaps, but very necessary, especially if donors are to adhere to their own belief that “aid is most effective when defined by accountability and transparency.” Ethiopia, says HRW, is “a case study of contradiction in aid policy.” Source : The Economist
  17. Originally posted by Suldaanka: http://www.biyokulule.com/sawiro/sawirada_waaweyn/Macow3.JPG Eng.Ma'ow looks like Proff.Bubaa. But more to Dr.Negase Gidhadha. Originally posted by Suldaanka: Although I am a German national. I always feel ******i. Kow. Originally posted by Suldaanka: I always used to feel Ethiopian. You can not discard your roots. Laba. Originally posted by Suldaanka: I was not a member of the front. Although I was not a member of the organization, I used to advise the combatants consistently to seek a peaceful solution to the problem. Saddex. Originally posted by Suldaanka: Dr [Muhammad Sirad] Dolal was elected the chairman of the organization and I was elected his deputy. After two years, when Dr Dolal died, I took the chairmanship of the organization. Afar. Originally posted by Suldaanka: [salehdin] The process was so strenuous. The area leaders tried their best to dialogue the ONLF and government. Although the process started some five years ago, due to resistance by some leaders, the process could not succeed. Some of the leaders did not want dialogue. They preferred to continue with the fighting using the people`s money. They only wanted to promote their wishes. As I have stated earlier, in 2006 most of the ONLF leaders broke away from those war mongers. In 2007, in Nairobi, we met government officials. In 2008, we also met and held talks with government officials in Europe. Serious talks started in 2009 when we held talks with [Ethiopian] Ambassador Berhane Gebrekiristos in Belgium. Then in June 2010, we met government officials in Germany and discussed several issues. Then in August 2010 in Washington, we met and discussed issues regarding peace agreement. At last, yesterday [12 October], we managed to sign the peace agreement. Shan. Originally posted by Suldaanka: The organization will continue as it was. The members will not be dismissed. They will give support to the party administrating the region. It will not operate as a political party, may be in future it might transform into a political party, but it will not continue to operate the way ONLF was operating in the past 20 years. Literally a new self declared organization. But with no name and vision. (That is the story of the fake peace agreements in bold.) Originally posted by Suldaanka: Yes, we can stop them if we work hand in hand with the federal and regional governments. The Ethiopian regime can continue entertaining individuals like him who in no way, shape or form represents the O people, and more importantly the ONLF. But regional gov'ts that he is talking about must have already tired of handing over innocent folks. He can't count much on Ina Iley as well for some reason. Originally posted by Suldaanka: I do not know, I have just heard it from you now. There was no money we received from the government. Smart corrupted man. But not smart enough. Originally posted by Suldaanka: by Tesfa-Alem Tekle October 18, 2010 The xaajo one is more entertaining and convincing than that of Tesfa Alem Tekele. In either case individuals like Ma'ow doesn't not only lack competency, but also credibility and the political expertise needed to bring about lasting peace and justice to the O region.
  18. Originally posted by xiinfaniin: Gheelle being the experienced leader he is performed an impressive diplomatic dance for his brother in-law from Hargesya. But buried in the courtesy is a measured, and well chosen words of diplomacy that do indeed speak to the context in which this welcome is undertaken. No word from Gheelle or even a hint on the matter that brought Siilaanyo to Jabuuti--- Somaliland’s independence bid. And although Siilaanyo bravely requests help from his better-positioned neighbor in a very eloquent, and equally diplomatic, manner, the other side of the table lets that one to pass unanswered. It is another reading on the wall that loudly reads even in failure SOMALIA IS ONE… You always had this hope of one day Somalia will stand on its feet again. Silanyo's historic trip to Djab could be turning point for the caravan as it reads from the news. But it needs drivers( and some little fuel from Farmaajo's government) back. Somalinimada, midnimada, gacan qabsiga or iskaashiga ay Siilanyo iyo Geele rabaan waxay u rabaan Somalida mandaqada ku nool iyo jiilka soo kari oo dhan. It was an eye opening trip for many Somali politicians. Gacmo wada jir... Allow garansii
  19. ^War miyaan muranaa kolka... Ilaahay balankii. Amiirka iyo Melezba waa laba jabhad. Silanyona ku dar. Midka hore dharka dumarka kama dhexbaxo. Kan labaad isna yuhuuda ayaa meesha ku haysa. Maxaa soo hadhay? ,,, Siilanyo dheh...
  20. ^ That was just an open goal. I see many more as it comes. Intaas waanba is celinyaa.. For now, think about what would be an appropriate gift for the Amirka too? ,,