Mareykanka oo ka war helay qorshe Barnaamij Nukliyeer oo Sacudi Carabiya wado+Dalka ka caawinaya Shiinaha ayaa Sacuudiga ka caawinaya in uu dhisto meelo uu ku sameysto nuclear xilli laga cabsi qabo in isbedeladii dhowaan dhacay ay muujinayaan in hanjabaadii jilicsaneyd ee Maxamed bin Salmaan ay run noqon karto, taasi oo ahayd in boqortooyadda ay sameysaneyso Nuclear. Wargeyska Wall Street Journal ayaa weriyay todobaadkaan in Shiinaha uu ka shaqaynayo dhismaha warshad uu Sacuudigu ku bacriminayo Uranium-ka, taasi oo ah isbedel weyn oo lagu sameynayo barnaamijka Nuclear-ka ee dadweynaha Sacuudigu isticmaalaan. Uranium-ka loo yaqaano Yellowcake oo waddanku uu aad qani ugu yahay ayaa loo isticmaali karaa horumarinta hubka Nuclearka. Warshadda waxaa la rumeysanyahay in laga sameynayo meel u dhow magaaladda ku taala woqooyi galbeed ee Ula waxaana dhismaha caawimaad ka geysanaya laba shirkadood oo Shiineys ah. Sacuudiga iyo Shiinaha ayaa heshiis gaaray sanadkii 2012-kii kaasi oo ku saabsanaa Nuclearka korontada laga dhaliyo, laakiin Madaxweyne Donald Trump ayaa sidoo kale Sacuudiga kala hadlay farsamadda Nuclear-ka. Kooxda wada-xaajoodka u qaabilsan Maraykanka ayaa sheegay in marka hore Riyadh looga baahanyahay in ay ogolaato nidamka ilaalinta si qalabka nuclear-ka loogu raro Sacuudiga, laakiin xukuumadda Riyadh ayaa u muuqata in ay u wareegtay dhanka Beijing si ay xadidaadahaas uga gudbaan. “Sababta aan u sameyno heshiisyadda horumarinta nuclear ka ee aan wadamadda la galno waa in ay u dhaqmaan heer sare islamarkaana ka shaqeeyaan xiriirka Maraykanka. Sacuudigu waxay doonayaan in ay heshiiska helaan, in ay taas ka tagaanna ma ogolaaneyno” ayuu yiri Senator Chris Murphy oo la hadlay Wall Street Journal. “Qiyaasteyda waa in mid ka mid ah sababaha Sacuudihu uu Shiinaha u aaday ay tahay in uusan lahayn xakameynta uu Maraykanku uga baahanyahay” ayuy Murphy ku daray. Inkastoo boqortooyadu ay weli aad uga fogtahay in isku hubeyso uranium, warbixintu waxay sheegeysaa cabsida Maraykanka dhexdiisa ka jirta ee ah in Riyadh ay ka shaqayneyso in ay hesho agabka laga sameeyo nuclear ka. Isbedelkaani waxaa uu noqon karaa qorshe muddada fog ah oo ka dhan nuclear-ka Iran, sida Wall Street Journal uu kasoo xigtay Ian Stewart oo ka tirsan machadka Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies. “Waa talaabo kal oo loo qaadayo bacriminta barnaamijka unianum-ka.” Amiir Maxamed Waxaa uu ka digay 2018-kii “haddii Iran ay sameysato bomb nuclear ah, inaguna waan sameysan doonaa sida ugu dhaqsiyaha badan,” taasina waxay congress-ka Maraykanka ka abuurtay cabsi ah in Sacuudigu sameysto nuclear. Wararka cusub ee la xiriira bacriminta nooca uranium-ka ee yellowcake waxay indhaha congress-ka kusoo jeedin kartaa shirkadaha Maraykanka ee Sacuudiga la shaqaynaya iyo kaalmadda kale ee Maraykanku siiyo Sacuudiga. Sacuudigu waxaa uu ku adkeysanayaa in barnaamijkeeda nuclear-ka uu yahay mid nabdoon iyo qayb ka mid ah qorshaheeda ilo dhaqaale oo kala duwan. Wasiirka tamarta ayaa war ku sheegay in aysan jirin in ay warshad nuclear ka sameynayaan meelaha lagu sheegay, laakiin waxaa uu sheegay in shirkad Shiinaha laga leeyahay heshiis lagula galay soo saarista uranium-ka Boqortooyadda Sacuudiga, sida uu wariyya wargeyska WSJ. “Halkee hufnaantu talaa? Hadii aad sheeganeyso in barnaamijku uu mid nabdoon yahay, maxaadan doo tuseyn waxaaad heysato?” ayuu agaasime ku xigeenkii hore ee hey’adda quwadda atoomikadda aduunka Olli Heinonen u sheegay Wall Street Journal. Qaran News

Ugu horreyn, waxaan qabaa in RW Xassan Cali Kheyre uu mas’uuliyad ballaaran ku leeyahay xadgudubyada iyo dib u dhaca 3 sano iyo 1/2 la soo dhaafay dalka ka dhacay. Wuxuu kaloo kaalin mug leh ku leeyahay guulaha iyo horumarka dhalanteedka ah ee dowladda la magac baxday Nabad & Nolol (N&N) sheeganeyso. Eedaha ugu waaweyn ee loo haysto RW Kheyre waxaa ka mid ah kaalintii asaga iyo Golaha Wasiiradda ku lahaayeen dhiibistii mujaahid qalbidhagax iyo ku tilmaamidda jabhadda ONLF urur argagixiso ah, xil ka qaadistii sharcidarrada iyo dagaalka aheyd ee Guddomiye M. Sh. Osman Jawaari, xil ka qaadidda gardarrada iyo maamulxumada aheyd ee wasiirro ay ka mid yihiin Drs. Maryam Qaasim, Khadra Ducaale, yusuf garad, iyo Cabdi Faarax Juxa kuwaaso ku dhiirraday in Ra’iisul Wasaaraha u sheegaan wixii la qaldanaa, isla markaana difaacanayay mas’uuliyadooda wasiirnimo sida ku cad dastuurka kmg. Xaqiiqada waxay tahay in Madaxweyne Farmaajo lahaa go’aannada Ra’iisul Wasaare kheyre ku eedeysan yahay. Inkastoo fursado badan la siiyay, Madaxweyne Farmaajo marna kama qoomameyn, iskama fogeyn dhacdooyinkaas foosha xuma iyo kuwo kale ee la midka ahaa. Sidaas oo kale, Xildhibannada BF oo matalaya shacabka soomaaliyeed wax hadal ah kama dhihin arrimaha shacabka soomaaliyeed dhibsadeen, shucuurtooda taabatay, ay dhalliileen, taaso ugu dambeyn aad u dhaawacday kalsoonida lagu qabo dowladda Federaalka Madaxweyne Farmaajo hogaaminayo. Waxaa maanta la maraya in beelaha soomaaliyeed dib isu abaabulaan, ku dhawaaqaan in dalka halis ku jiro, reer walbana ka fekero midnimadiisa, badbaadadiisa. Nasiib darro, Madaxweyne Farmaajo weli ma garan ismana weydiin sababaha ka dambeeya kalsooni darrada ama quusta laga gaaray dowladdiisa. Mas’uuliyadda hoggaaminta Soomaaliya waxay wada saaran tahay, ka dhexeysa Madaxweynaha, barlamaanka Federaalka, Ra’iisul wasaaraha iyo golahiisa Wasiirrada, Guddiga Garsoorka Qaranka, iyo Madaxda dowlad goboleedyada. Dastuurka kmg ayaa qeexaya mas’uuliyadaha wadaagga ah iyo kuwa gooni gooniga loo kala leeyahay. Madaxweynaha JFS ayaa u xilsaaran inuu hubiyo in hawlfulinta hay’adaha dowladda waafaqsan tahay dastuurka, sharciga, iyo maslaxadda guud ee dalka iyo dadka soomaaliyeed. Fulinta xilka mas’uul kasta ama hay’ad kasta saaran waxay bilaabmeysa maalinta la dhaariyo. Haddii ra’iisul wasaaraha iyo golaha wasiirrada ka gaabiyaan  xil-gudashadooda, ku kacaan xadgudub, Madaxweynaha iyo Barlamaanka Federaalka ayaa laga rabaa inay si degdeg wax uga qabtaan. Haddiise aysan waxba qaban, Madaxweynaha iyo Barlamaanka Federaalka waxay qaadayaan dambi ka weyn kan ra’iisul wasaaraha waayo waxay ka gaabiyeen gudashada xilkooda dabagalka, korjoogteynta, iyo saxitaanka ah; waxaana loo arkaya inay amreen, raalli ka yihiin xadgudub kasta oo dhacay. Maxkamadda caalamiga waxay madaxweynayaal badan ku eedeysay dambiyo ay galeen saraakiil hoose oo ka amar qaata. Dalka waxaa ugu sarreeya Madaxweynaha oo laga rabo inuu si joogta ah u ilaaliyo ku dhaqanka dastuurka iyo sharciga. Mas’uuliyadda ma ahaan in la sheegto awood-sharci-ilaalin marka ujeedo gaar ah laga leeyahay. Siyaabo kala duwan ayaa looga falceliyay xil ka qaadista Ra’iisul Wasaare Xassan Cali Kheyre. Qolo si farxad ku dheehan tahay ayey u soo dhaweeyay xil ka qaadistiisa sababo kala duwan (siyaasad, aargoosi, dano dhaqaale). Qolo waxba kama qabin xil ka qaadistiisa haseyeeshe waxay dhalliileen habka loo maray xil ka qaadista; qolo waa ka soo horjeedeen xil ka qaadista ayagoo Ra’iisul Wasaare Kheyre ku tilmaamaya inuu ahaa halyeyga N&N. Dastuurka iyo xeer hoosaadka barlamaanka ayaa tilmaamaya in Ra’iisul Wasaaraha laga qaadi karo xilkiisa iyo habka looga qaadi karo si loo dardargeliyo xilgudashada Xukuumadda. Aniga waxaan qabaa in habka loo maray xil ka qaadista Ra’iisul Wasaare Xassan Kheire oo qaadatay 7 dadiiqo iyo sida loola dhaqmay daqiiqadahaas ka hor iyo kaddib ay daaha ka qaadeen saddex cashar: In Madaxweyne Farmaajo aabe iyo hooyo u ahaa xadgudubyada, dambiyada, musuqmusuqa ka dhacay dalka 3 sano iyo 1/2 ee la soo dhaafay sababtoo ah ma ilaalin ku dhaqanka sharciga sida uu ku dhaartay. Arrintaas waxaa markhaati fur u ah in arrimaha lagu eedeeyay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha ay ahaayeen arrimo 3 sano taagnaa, lagana baaqsaday in wax laga qabto waqti hore; In Soomaaliya noqotay dal uusan ka jirin dastuur iyo sharci hoggaaminaya, xakameynaya ficillada madaxda iyo hay’adaha Dowladda Federaalka; Inuusan jirin xurmo loo hayo dowladnimada oo mataleysa karaamada ummadda soomaaliyeed. Adduunka waxaa ka fejiciyay in Ra’iisul Wasaaraha dal leh dastuur dimoqradi ah xilka looga qaaday 7 daqiiqo. Walow inta la socota siyaasadda Soomaaliya ay aaminsan yihiin in go’aanka xil ka qaadista uu ka yimid Madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Amir Fahad Yaasin, haddana go’aankaas waxaa si aad u foolxun u fuliyay guddoomiyaha iyo Guddoomiye ku Xigeenka 1aa ee Barlamaanka Federaalka, kuwaaso cambaareyn iyo dhalliil caalami ah iyo sumcad xumo u soo jeediyay dadka iyo dalka soomaaliyeed. Dowladda Soomaaliya waxay u dhimaneysa fadeexaddaas ay Guddomiye Mursal iyo guddoomiye ku Xigeen Mudey hormudka ka ahaayeen. Maadama abaabulayaasha xil ka qaadista Ra’iisul Wasaare kheyre ku tashanayeen codka xikdhibanno ka badan 139, ma jirin sabab ay ummadda soomaaliyeed ugu soo jiidaan karaamo darro iyo ma hadho tusaale xun u noqota dowladnimada Soomaaliya. Waxaa kaloo dhaqan xumo dowladeed ah in wasiirrada Golaha wasiirrada oo kalsoonida lagala noqday ay taageeraan xil ka qaadista Xukuumadda ay ka tirsan yihiin oo lagu soo eedeyay xil gudasho la’aan. Lama aqbali karo in Golaha wasiirrada 3 sano iyo 1/2 RW Kheyre hoggaaminayay sheegto guulo wax qabad, ama ay ka mid noqdaan golaha Wasiiradda la dhisi doono. Mas’uuliyadda fadeexadda soo gaartay ummadda soomaaliyeed waxaa wadaagaya Madaxweyne Farmaajo, Amir Fahad Yaasin, iyo guddoomiyaha iyo guddoomiye ku xigeenka Mudey ee Barlamaanka Federaalka. Waxaa caddaan ah in xil ka qaadista Ra’iisul Xassan Cali Kheyre la go’aansaday kaddib markii uu dhawr jeer ku dhawaaqay inuu ka soo horjeedo ololaha Madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Amir Fahad ugu jireen muddo-kordhinta mudda xikeedka Madaxweynaha iyo BF ay ka harsan tahay 5 bilood iyo maalmo, dalkana aysan ka dhicin doorasho waqtigii loogu tala galay. Dhib kasta oo dadka iyo dalka soomaaliyeed soo gaaray muddo xileedka Madaxweyne Farmajo, Shacabka soomaaliyeed waa dulqaateen, waxayna doorbideen inay sugaan waqtiga doorashada si hab sharci ah u yimaado isbeddel lagu badbaadinayo dadaalka dib loogu dhisayo dowladnimada Soomaaliya. Maanta waxaa la qaadan la’yahay in Madaxweyne Farmajo ku adkeysanayo inuu rabo inuu kursiga ku fadhiyo muddo dhaafsiisan waqtiga dastuurka kmg xadiday, doorashada dib loo dhigo, ayadoo la abuurayo buuq iyo muran ku saabsan doorasho hal qof hal cod oo habayarate aan diyaar garow loo sameyn xag siyaasadeed, sharci, maamul, dhaqaale, iyo nabadgelyo. Mar haddii Madaxweynihii loo doortay ilaalinta ku dhaqanka sharciga uu 3 sano iyo 1/2 ka shaqeynayay ku tumashada sharciga iyo dhidiba u aasidda xukun keligi talis ah, ay ka talinayaan shakhsiyad aan cidna dooran, waxaan qabaa in Ra’iisul Wasaare Kheyre yahay kalkaaliye dambiile (accomplice), mudan eedeyn iyo ciqaab haseyeeshe isdaba qabtay oo ku dhiirriday inuu ka leexdo kooxda wadata mu’aamaradda xukun boobka ah ee la soo qorsheeyay mar hore, kuna markhaati furo. Sharciga wuxuu qabaa in dambiilahaas la siiyo ciqaab dhimid. Dr. Maxamuud Maxamed Culusow – Waa guddoomiyihii hore ee Bankiga Dhexe ee Soomaaliya, iyo musharax madaxweyne oo hore. AFEEF: Aragtida qoraalkan waxa ay ku gaar tahay qofka ku saxiixan, kamana tarjumeyso tan Caasimada Online. Caasimada Online, waa mareeg u furan qof kasta inuu ku gudbiyo ra’yigiisa saliimka ah. Kusoo dir qoraaladaada caasimada@live.com Mahadsanid

Qaran News

Warbixin Xasaasiya:Qaabka uu dekada Beirut ku tegay Markabkii siday shixnada halista ah ee Masiibada Beirut dhalisay Markabka MV Rhosus ayaa dekadda Beyrut gaaray 2013 isagoo sida 2,750 tan oo ammonium nitrate ah Dowladda Lubnaan ayaa sheegtay in qaraxii weynaa ee burburiyay qeybo kamid ah caasimadda Beyrut uu ka dhashay 2,750 tan oo ah maadada ammonium nitrate, taasoo ku keydsaneyd dekadda magaaladaasi. Shacabka dalkaasi ayaa ka carooday in madadaasi khatarta ah oo xagmigaasi leh ay muddo ka badan lix sano ku jirtay makhaasiin aan laga fekerin badqabkiisa, aadna ugu dhaw bartamaha caasimadda. Dowladdu ma aanay magacaabin halka ay ka timid maadadaasi, balse isla ammonium nitrate xajmigaasi la eg ayaa bishii November 2013 waxaa Beyrut geeyay markab sita calanka Moldova, laguna magacaabo MV Rhosus. Markabka oo laga leeyahay Ruushka ayaa September-tii sanadkaas ka shareecday dekadda Batumi ee dalka Georgia, waxaana uu ku socday Beira, Mozambique. Xilli uu marayay bariga badda Mediterranean ayaa markabka Rhosus waxaa ku timid “cillad” waxaana uu ku khasbanaaday inuu ku xirto dekadda Beyrut, sida lagu sheegay warbixin 2015 lagu daabacay wargeyska Shippingarrested.com oo ay qoreen qareenno Lubnaan u dhashay oo metalayay shaqaalaha markabka. Hawlwadeennada dekaddaasi ayaa baaray markabka, waxaana laga “mamnuucay inuu safro” sida uu sheegay qareenka. Inta badan shaqaalaha markabka ayaa dib loogu celiyay dalalkooda marka laga reebo kabtan Boris Prokoshev oo Ruush ah iyo saddex badmaax oo kale oo la sheegay inay Ukraine u dhasheen. Mr Prokoshev ayaa Jimcihii BBC-da u sheegay in markabka Rhosus uu ku hakaday Beyrut, maadama milkiilayaashiisa ay soo wajahday lacag la’aan. Kabtanka ayaa sheegay in lagu wargeliyay in markabka uu shixnad dheeraad ah oo qalabka culus ah qaadayo si uu u helo kharash uu kaga gudbo marinka Suez. Hase yeeshee markabka ayaa qaadi waayay qalabkaasi culus. Markii ay dadkii lahaa bixin waayeen kharashka dekadda, ayaa dowladda Lubnaan waxa ay go’aansatay inay xayirto MV Rhosus iyo ammonium nitrate-dii saarneyd, sida uu sheegay kabtanka. Waxyar kadib, markabka ayaa looga tegay dekadda, maadaama dadkii lahaa iyo kuwa uu u rarnaa ay dan ka geli waayeen, sida ay sheegeen qareennada. Waxaa halkaa ka dhashay dacwad maxkamadeed oo ay gudbiyeen dadkii deymaha ku lahaa MV Rhosus. Dacwadda MV Rhosus Shaqaalaha markabka ayaa xilligaasi wajahay waqti adag oo waxaa gabaabsi ka ahaa cunnada iyo saadka kale. Qareennada ayaa sheegay in arinta u gudbiyeen xaakimka xaaladaha degdega ah ee Bayrut, kaasoo ugu dambeyn 2014 oggolaaday in shaqaalaha markabka laga dejiyo dalalkoodana loo celiyo. Shaqaalaha dekadda ayaa shixnadda markabka ee ammonium nitrate u wareejiyay “makhaasiin 12” oo ku dhagan kan haruurka lagu keydiyo. Qareennada ayaa sheegay in shixnaddaasi ay sugaysay in “la xaraasho ama sida ku habboon loo asturo.” Kabtan Boris Prokoshev (midig) iyo Boris Musinchak oo kamid ah shaqaalaha markabka Kabtan Prokoshev ayaa sheegay in xukuumadda Lubnaan ay ogeyd khatarta ay leedahay shixnadda uu markabka siday, oo ay ahayd in aan lagu keydin dekadda. “Waxay lacag ku siin lahaayeen milkiilaha markabka, lacag dhan boqolaal kun oo dollar si uu meesha uga dhaqaajiyo, iyagana ay uga nastaan dhibaatada uu ku hayay dekadda. Balse waxay go’aansadeen inay sii haystaan.” Maamulaha guud ee dekadda, Xasan Koraytem, iyo agaasimaha guud ee kastamada Lubnaan, Badri Dahir, ayaa labaduba Arbacadii sheegay inay maxkamadda uga digeen khatarta ka iman karta maadada lagu keydiyay halkaasi, iyo in meesha laga saaro. Dukumiinti aad loo wareejinayo online-ka ayaa muujinaya in saraakiisha kastamada ay warqado u direen xaakimka xaaladaha degdega ah ee Beyrut si uu ugala taliyo iibinta ama daadinta ammonium nitrate-daasi, tiro lix jeer ah intii u dhexaysay 2014 iyo 2017. Mr Koraytem ayaa u sheegay telefishinka maxalliga ah ee OTV in xitaa ay warqado u direen laamaha amniga Lubnaan. Dowladda Lubnaan ayaa amartay in xabsi guri laga dhigo saraakiisha ku lugta lahaa keydinta iyo ilaalinta maadadaasi, xilli uu socdo baaritaan ku aaddan qaraxaasi dadka badan laayay. Qaran News

Dina Mufti Dowladda Ethiopia ayaa Jimcihii Shalay Sheegtay, in Xiriirka Masar ay doonayso in ay la samaysato dalal ku yaalla Bari Afrika, ay waajib tahay in aysan waxyeelin Danaha Ethiopia. Af-hayeenka Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda Ethiopia Dina Mufti, ayaa sheegay in Masar ay tahay Waddan madax-bannaan oo xaq u leh, in ay xiriir la yeelato dal kasta oo ku yaalla Gobolka, balse ay waajib tahay in xiriirkaasi uusan wax yeelin Xasiloonida Ethiopia. Dhowaantanba, waxa soo baxayay warar sheegaya, in Masar doonayso in ay saldhig Militari ka samaysato Somaliland, oo ah dowlad ka go’day Waqooyiga Soomaaliya, balse aan weli loo aqoonsan dal madax-bannaan. Dabayaaqadii bishii Luuliyo, wefdi ka socda Dowladda Masar ayaa la kulmay Madaxweynaha Somaliland Muuse Biixi Cabdi, waxaana sida la soo weriyay ay ka dalbadeen in ay saldhig Militari ka samaystaan Qaybta Waqooyi Galbeed ee Gobolkaasi Somaliland. Af-hayeenka Wasaaradda Arrimaha Dibadda Ethiopia, wuxuu sheegay in ay si dhow ula socdaan Arrintaas, islamarkaana ay Khad cas uga dhigantahay Ehiopia, isagoo intaas ku daray in ay Xiriir saaxibtinimo ka doonayaan Somaliland, inkastoo aysan Dowlad madax-bannaan u aqoonsanayn. Falanqeeyaasha qaar, ayaa u arka Tallaabada Masar mid ay uga aar-gudanayso Dowladda Soomaaliya, oo taageertay Xaqa Ethiopia u leedahay Dhismaha Biya-xireenka Webiga Niilka, ee ku kacaya $ 5 Bilyan oo Dollar, kaas oo ay ku muransan yihiin Masar iyo Ethiopia. Kadib markii ay fashilmeen Wada-hadalladii Maraykanku maalgeliyay ee la qabtay bishii Febraayo, kuwaas oo u dhexeeyay Masar Ethiopia iyo Suudaan, Midowga Afrika wuxu bishii June isku keenay saddexda dal, si loo sii wado Wada-xaajoodka. Todobaadkii tegay, Dowladda Ethiopia waxay soo bandhigtay Soo jeedin ku saabsan Buuxinta Biya-xireenka waxayse kala kulantay Kalsooni-darro ay ka muujiyeen Masar iyo Suudaan, oo dalbaday in wakhti dib loo eego. Halkaan ka akhriso Warbixinta oo ay qortay Wakaaladda Wararka Anadolu PUNTLAND POST The post Ethiopia oo si rasmiya u shaacisay Mowqifkeeda Saldhiga Militari ee Masar ka doonayso Somaliland appeared first on Puntland Post.

Diyaaradda labo qeybood u kala go’day iyadoo wadda 191 qof oo Rakaaba Diyaaradda ayaa u kala go’day labo qeybood Mid ka mid ah diyaaradaha shirkadda Air Indian Express, oo ay la socdeen 191 qof oo rakaab ah ayaa ku burburtay garoonka diyaaradaha ee Calicut, oo ku yaalla Kerala ee koonfurta dalkaas, sida ay saraakiil sheegeen. Mas’uuliyiinta waaxda duulista hawada ee Hindiya ayaa sheegay in diyaaradda oo kasoo duushay magaalada Dubai, ay cagaha la weysay waddada ay ku cararaan diyaaradaha, kaddibna ay u kala go’day labo qeybood. Howlgal badbaadin ah ayaa hadda socda, waxaana goobta gaaray shaqaalaha gurmadka degdegga ah. Ugu yaraan labo ruux, oo uu ku jiro duuliyihii diyaaradda, ayaa geeriyooday, sida ay dad xog-ogaal ah u sheegeen BBC-da. Rakaab kale oo badan ayaa dhaawacmay, sida aan kasoo xigannay afhayeen u hadlay shirkadda leh diyaaraddaas. Maamulka diyaaradda ayaa sheegay in tirada rakaabka ay ahayd 184 ruux oo ay ku jiraan 10 carruur ah iyo lix shaqaalaha diyaaradda ah, ayna ka mid yihiin labo duuliye. Duullimaadka ayuu lambarkiisa ahaa IX-1344. Garoonka Calicut wuxuu ka mid yahay kuwa ugu waaweyn ee ku yaalla gobolka Kerala, duullimaadyada ugu badan ee caalamiga ahna ay kasoo dagaan Duullimaadyo badan oo caalami ah ayaa ka dagaya Garoonka Calicut ee ku yaalla gobolka Kerala Agaasimaha guud ee laanta duulista hawada (DGCA) ayaa sheegay in diyaaradda ay ku dhacday haro biyo ah, kaddib markii ay ka gudubtay laamiga garoonka. Musiibadan ayaa dhacday abaare 19:00 waqtiga maxalliga ah, xilli uu roob culus ka da’ayay gobolkaas. Daadab ka dhashay roobabka ayaa Hindiya ka socday muddooyinkii lasoo dhaafay oo lagu guda jiray xilli roobaadka. Bishii May ee sanadkii 2010-kii, 158 ruux ayaa ku geeriyootay diyaaradda Air India oo ku burburtay garoonka gobolka Mangalore. Qaran News

Riyadh (Caasimada Online) – Shiinaha ayaa Sacuudiga ka caawinaya in uu dhisto meelo uu ku sameysto nuclear xilli laga cabsi qabo in isbedeladii dhowaan dhacay ay muujinayaan in hanjabaadii jilicsaneyd ee Maxamed bin Salmaan ay run noqon karto, taasi oo ahayd in boqortooyadda ay sameysaneyso Nuclear. Wargeyska Wall Street Journal ayaa weriyay todobaadkaan in Shiinaha uu ka shaqaynayo dhismaha warshad uu Sacuudigu ku bacriminayo Uranium-ka, taasi oo ah isbedel weyn oo lagu sameynayo barnaamijka Nuclear-ka ee dadweynaha Sacuudigu isticmaalaan. Uranium-ka loo yaqaano Yellowcake oo waddanku uu aad qani ugu yahay ayaa loo isticmaali karaa horumarinta hubka Nuclearka. Warshadda waxaa la rumeysanyahay in laga sameynayo meel u dhow magaaladda ku taala woqooyi galbeed ee Ula waxaana dhismaha caawimaad ka geysanaya laba shirkadood oo Shiineys ah. Sacuudiga iyo Shiinaha ayaa heshiis gaaray sanadkii 2012-kii kaasi oo ku saabsanaa Nuclearka korontada laga dhaliyo, laakiin Madaxweyne Donald Trump ayaa sidoo kale Sacuudiga kala hadlay farsamadda Nuclear-ka. Kooxda wada-xaajoodka u qaabilsan Maraykanka ayaa sheegay in marka hore Riyadh looga baahanyahay in ay ogolaato nidamka ilaalinta si qalabka nuclear-ka loogu raro Sacuudiga, laakiin xukuumadda Riyadh ayaa u muuqata in ay u wareegtay dhanka Beijing si ay xadidaadahaas uga gudbaan. “Sababta aan u sameyno heshiisyadda horumarinta nuclear ka ee aan wadamadda la galno waa in ay u dhaqmaan heer sare islamarkaana ka shaqeeyaan xiriirka Maraykanka. Sacuudigu waxay doonayaan in ay heshiiska helaan, in ay taas ka tagaanna ma ogolaaneyno” ayuu yiri Senator Chris Murphy oo la hadlay Wall Street Journal. “Qiyaasteyda waa in mid ka mid ah sababaha Sacuudihu uu Shiinaha u aaday ay tahay in uusan lahayn xakameynta uu Maraykanku uga baahanyahay” ayuy Murphy ku daray. Inkastoo boqortooyadu ay weli aad uga fogtahay in isku hubeyso uranium, warbixintu waxay sheegeysaa cabsida Maraykanka dhexdiisa ka jirta ee ah in Riyadh ay ka shaqayneyso in ay hesho agabka laga sameeyo nuclear ka. Isbedelkaani waxaa uu noqon karaa qorshe muddada fog ah oo ka dhan nuclear-ka Iran, sida Wall Street Journal uu kasoo xigtay Ian Stewart oo ka tirsan machadka Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies. “Waa talaabo kal oo loo qaadayo bacriminta barnaamijka unianum-ka.” Amiir Maxamed Waxaa uu ka digay 2018-kii “haddii Iran ay sameysato bomb nuclear ah, inaguna waan sameysan doonaa sida ugu dhaqsiyaha badan,” taasina waxay congress-ka Maraykanka ka abuurtay cabsi ah in Sacuudigu sameysto nuclear. Wararka cusub ee la xiriira bacriminta nooca uranium-ka ee yellowcake waxay indhaha congress-ka kusoo jeedin kartaa shirkadaha Maraykanka ee Sacuudiga la shaqaynaya iyo kaalmadda kale ee Maraykanku siiyo Sacuudiga. Sacuudigu waxaa uu ku adkeysanayaa in barnaamijkeeda nuclear-ka uu yahay mid nabdoon iyo qayb ka mid ah qorshaheeda ilo dhaqaale oo kala duwan. Wasiirka tamarta ayaa war ku sheegay in aysan jirin in ay warshad nuclear ka sameynayaan meelaha lagu sheegay, laakiin waxaa uu sheegay in shirkad Shiinaha laga leeyahay heshiis lagula galay soo saarista uranium-ka Boqortooyadda Sacuudiga, sida uu wariyya wargeyska WSJ. “Halkee hufnaantu talaa? Hadii aad sheeganeyso in barnaamijku uu mid nabdoon yahay, maxaadan doo tuseyn waxaaad heysato?” ayuu agaasime ku xigeenkii hore ee hey’adda quwadda atoomikadda aduunka Olli Heinonen u sheegay Wall Street Journal.

Recently, the national independent electoral commission announced that implementing one person, one vote on time is impossible and proposed a term extension for both the parliament and Somalia’s President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s government. They claimed the adjournment was proposed to finish all required policies and technicalities for one person, one vote elections to take place eventually. But this did not sit well with the federal member states as they claimed that if the current federal government allowed the electoral commission to hold one man, one vote elections, they also had the political will to hold it on time. This demonstrated the postponement of the election and the possible term extension were a politically motived plan, rather than a necessary predicament caused by technical and procedural challenges. However, when federal member states leaders met recently in the Somalian city of Dhuusamareeb, in the absence of the federal government leaders, they demanded elections be held on time and urged federal government leaders to follow and respect the provisional constitution which does not mandate term extension and commends elections to be held on time. They also invited the federal government leaders to come to Dhuusamareeb and discuss an alternative electoral model and a suitable time for elections. The outcome expected from this meeting could be either of these two: settling the dispute for regional leaders accepting the possible term extension proposed by the national commission so one person, one vote elections can be conducted within the agreed time frame, which is very unlikely to happen given the recent history between the two political structures which is characterized by mistrust and lack of cooperation. The other possible scenario is if the federal leaders will compromise and agree with the regional leaders to organize elections with a different electoral model. At least there is a political consensus among the political decision-makers that if the desired one person, one vote is not possible, then there should be a different electoral model that will ensure the utmost representation of the people. Of course, developing such a model will need time; there will be a delay for technical and procedural purposes. As the latter outcome is more likely to be agreed upon by the Somali political elite meeting in Dhuusamareeb, the important question concerns when can the one man, one vote be organized in the country. It has been almost 50 years since the last time Somalis went to the polls and cast their votes to elect their government officials. But lately, the possibility of organizing democratic elections has been a subject of discussion. Many believe since the country’s recovery from a decadeslong conflict is going well and establishing an enduring peace seems to be within reach, this is the right time for Somalia to hold democratic elections. Others disagree, arguing that although the idea is appealing, the security realities on the ground do not allow for many Somalis to elect their representatives in both the lower and upper houses, and they will not be able to vote in the presidential election. That being said, what cannot be denied is that there are genuine obstacles along the way that Somalia needs to overcome if the hope of organizing democratic elections is to be realized. Security problem Thirty years have passed since the central government buckled, yet security remains an issue in Somalia. Although there are a number of terrorist groups operating in the country, al-Shabaab has remained the most dangerous group. In fact, they still are the perpetrators of some of the deadliest attacks such as the Soobe terrorist attack in 2017 which claimed the lives of more 500 people and the attack on Ex-Control police checkpoints that took more than 85 lives in 2019. They continue to carry out suicide bombings and targeted killings to prove that they are still active and effective. However, one of the key promises of Farmaajo when he was campaigning, was the eradication of al-Shabaab. But despite some military efforts in which they managed to take back some major cities from the group, the promise of defeating them remains entirely undelivered. Furthermore, another issue that poses a security threat to the country is the armed militias that are loyal to their clans. The disarmament of these militias is also essential in order for Somalia to become safe and secure. Furthermore, defeating these terrorist groups and the disarmament of pro-clan militias will contribute to the triumph of law and order in Somalia, which is very essential to the long-overdue one person, one vote election. Political parochialism Localism and focusing more on local issues rather than broader or nationwide problems are one of the main challenges that Somalia has been facing for the past 10 years. Since the adaptation of federalism, which mandates power-sharing, political parochialism has gained mastery over national interest. As regional politicians have become more local minded throughout the years, their political actions have significantly undermined the efforts needed to address common problems that affect all Somalis. Truth be told, this level of provincialism or parochialism particularly hurts a country like Somalia which is still recovering from years of conflict and civil war. This has even impacted ordinary citizens as local identity has overpowered the national identity. Especially, the young generation whose mindset has become more parochialist. This is another symptom caused by the lack of effective central authority that is able to shape the identity and mentality of its citizens. Therefore, reducing the political parochialism and promoting a common national identity would be necessary for the survival of Somalia’s heterogeneity. Regional leaders will have an important role in recreating a common national identity by at least downplaying their local minded political incentives and addressing the issues as nationwide. Of course, there is no problem if regional leaders focus on dealing with local problems. In fact, it is one of the reasons that Somalia has adopted federalism. But the constant conflict and denial of the wider issues that affect all Somalis is presumably the reason why many Somalis perceive that this parochialist mentality of the regional leaders will do more harm to the survival of Somalia as a unified nation-state. Lack of political will This has been the very reason that Somalia has not been able to progress much in the socioeconomic and political spectrums. The self-centered political behavior of the political elite is the prime reason for the lack of political will to agree on something beneficial for the country and the survival of its nation and to find common ground to move the country forward and deal with the multifaceted problems of Somalis. Therefore, if this journey of democratization and institutionalization is to succeed, then there must be political will from our political leaders driven by inclusivity and common consensus. Only then will Somalia be able to see democratically organized elections. Overcoming these challenges, along with others such constitutional ambiguities, remain critical for Somalia’s journey toward fair and just democratic elections. OHAMED SALAH AHMED is a Ph.D. candidate in political science and public administration, at Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Caasimada Online. For publication please email your article caasimada@live.com. Thank You

Kooxaha Real Madrid iyo Juventus ayaa laga reebay tartanka xiisaha iyo xamaasadda badan kooxaha Yurub ee UEFA Champions League. Manchester City ayaa u soo baxday siddeed dhammaadka tartankan, kadib markii ay lugtii labaad ee 16-ka minankeeda (gurigeeda) 2-1 ugu awood sheegatay kooxda ugu guuleysiga badan koobkan ee Real Madrid. Man City waxaa guusha u horseeday Raheem Sterling iyo Gabriel Jesus oo goolasha u kala dhaliyay labadii qeybood ee ciyaarta, halka goolka qura uu Real Madrid u dhaliyay Karim Benzema. Dhanka kale kooxda reer France ee Lyon oo looga badiyay 2-1, ayaa sharciga goolasha ugu soo baxday siddeed dhammaadka tartanka kooxaha Yurub ee UEFA Champions League, maadaama ay lugtii hore ee 16-ka 1-0 ku garaacday Juventus. Cristiano Ronaldo ayaa kooxdiisa Juventus oo minankeeda joogta gaarsiiyay guul aan waxba u tarin, markii uu labo gool dhaliyay. Real Madrid iyo Juventus oo laga soo ciribtiray UEFA Champions League ayaa kamid ahaa kooxaha loo saadaalinayay tartankan. PUNTLAND POST The post Real Madrid iyo Juventus oo ka haray tartanka kooxaha Yurub appeared first on Puntland Post.

Somalia and Somaliland, which have been locked in a decades-long standoff over Somaliland’s 1991 claim of independence and Mogadishu’s rejection of it, are talking again. Previous efforts at dialogue have repeatedly failed, with both sides fundamentally at odds over Somaliland’s claim to sovereignty. This impasse, in turn, has bled into disputes over territory, the management of resources and security cooperation. Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, has worked to cajole Somalia’s President Abdullahi Mohamed “Farmajo” and Somaliland President Muse Bihi to come back to the table, as have U.S. and EU officials. In a surprise move, the two leaders convened in the Djiboutian capital on 14 June. While the talks produced no meaningful progress on sovereignty questions, the resumption of dialogue provides a basis to improve cooperation on a number of important technical matters relating to international aid, airspace management and security cooperation. The parties should pursue further work in these areas, recognising that the time to tackle the big issues that divide them will likely not come until after both have held forthcoming elections. From Deadlock to Dialogue Relations between Somalia and Somaliland are both influenced by and of significant concern to a wide range of outside parties. Competing Gulf actors have tightened their ties to both sides, increasing tensions, while governments from Addis Ababa to Washington see the bad blood between Mogadishu and Hargeisa as a threat to their interests and to regional stability. Among other things, fraught relations contribute to active militarisation of border areas, imperil regional cooperation in combating Al-Shabaab and complicate collaborative arrangements to address security around the Red Sea. Against this backdrop, outsiders have played a central role in getting the parties back to talks after a five-year hiatus. It has taken some coaxing. Abiy hosted Farmajo and Bihi for a face-to-face meeting in Addis in February 2020, but Somaliland resisted a proposed follow-up meeting among the three in Hargeisa. Officials from the Somaliland side noted to Crisis Group that they viewed the proposal as precipitous – especially given concerns that Farmajo might use the visit to make claims about Mogadishu’s sovereignty over Somaliland, which would have been negatively received by the public. Hargeisa also read Abiy’s proposal as a sign that he was not attuned to their sensitivities. In mid-June, however, Somaliland’s president agreed to sit down with his counterpart in Djibouti. One Somaliland diplomat who spoke to Crisis Group suggested that it was not just Abiy’s pressure that did the trick. Hargeisa agreed to take part after a sustained push from the U.S., which together with the EU was also trying to facilitate a return to the table. The talks are a welcome development. Tensions have been building between Mogadishu and Hargeisa, and delaying a return to the table had the potential to make matters worse. Mogadishu’s relationship with Somaliland, frosty ever since the latter broke away from Somalia in 1991, has suffered in recent years as the federal government sought to curtail Somaliland’s relations with international actors on a number of fronts. In 2018, Mogadishu rejected the continuation of a special arrangement that permitted international assistance to flow directly to Somaliland instead of via the federal government, and in 2019 Somalia assumedairspace control from the International Civil Aviation Organization, which as a specialised UN agency had previously managed the airspace of both Somalia and Somaliland. This move reversed a previously negotiated plan that would have established a joint regulatory body in Somaliland’s capital, with Hargeisa and Mogadishu sharing the revenues accruing from overflights. At the same time, there have also been positive developments that may have helped set the stage for the Djibouti meeting. In early 2020, Somalia made significant progress on international debt relief, to the point where in March it cleared its arrears to the World Bank, allowing it access to concessional financing. Insofar as Mogadishu will now have the capacity to seek direct assistance from international financial institutions that can benefit Hargeisa, the latter has a major incentive to improve bilateral working relations to secure its portion. For Mogadishu’s part, comments to Crisis Group from government officials and diplomats involved in the talks suggest a growing sense that in order for Somalia to make advances on key state-building priorities, such as finalising its still-unratified provisional constitution, it will need to participate in addressing Somaliland’s political status. There is an important wrinkle, in that the June talks came just as both sides face forthcoming polls. With Farmajo’s term ending in February 2021, Somalia is heading into what is expected to be an intense electoral cycle, with elections anticipated for the end of 2020. Pre-election power games have already contributed to parliament’s 25 July ousterof Prime Minister Ali Khayre, a potential rival to Farmajo. Somaliland is also overdue for parliamentary elections, now planned for 2020 as well. While they are likely to be less dramatic than the leadership contest in Mogadishu, these polls may present a tough challenge for Bihi’s ruling Kulmiye party, particularly given unresolved divisionsstemming from its victory in the 2017 presidential race (the results of which were initially contested). The bottom line is that there are limits to whatFarmajo and Bihi will be willing to put on the table, as both likely will be preoccupied by political developments at home and hesitant to expend political capital on compromises that could antagonise nationalist constituents. The Djibouti Talks The June talks in Djibouti were the first direct discussions the two sides have held since 2014. The last dialogue round before that, hosted by Turkey, broke down in 2015 after Somaliland became upset at the inclusion in Somalia’s negotiating team of individuals who trace their roots to Somaliland. (Hargeisa views such individuals as undermining its independence narrative by choosing to work for Somalia instead of their native Somaliland.) After the dialogue fell apart, the implementation of various technical agreements also stalled, with the Farmajo administration going back on deals reached by its predecessors as noted above. Neither Turkey’s continued outreach nor meetingsarranged by private organisations were able to rekindle the dialogue; instead, Ethiopian, U.S. and EU involvement paved the way for resumed contact. Significant hype preceded the June meeting, with diplomats telling Crisis Group of the possibility of a major breakthrough, including potentially a “grand bargain” that would address questions around Somaliland’s sovereignty. That aim, however, was unrealistic, and it was not surprising that the summit bypassed the core dispute of Somaliland’s political status and focused instead on improving working relations on technical issues as a prelude to building more political trust. The final ministerial communiqué on 22 June called for the creation of three sub-committees on humanitarian assistance and development aid, security, and co-management of Somaliland’s airspace, all aspects of the relationship that had previously been discussed between 2012 and 2014, but on which no lasting agreement had been hashed out. In this manner, the Djibouti talks ultimately represent more revival than replacement of the previous Turkish-supported approach, albeit with a shift in external patrons. While Western diplomats expressed disappointment to Crisis Group at the lack of discussion aimed at deeper political reconciliation between the sides, the outcomes leave ample room for continued, constructive engagement – although sustained outside pressure is likely going to be necessary to ensure that the talks maintain momentum. The Facilitators In recent years, outside governments and groups with an interest in reconciliation between Somalia and Somaliland have wrestled with the question of who might take the lead in trying to bring the sides back to the table. Tensions between Turkey, on one hand, and Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, on the other, have meant that certain Gulf actors would likely contest Ankara’s leadership of the process. The African Union might have been a plausible choice to lead discussions, especially if backed by a “group of friends” that would include both sides’ key external partners, but Addis Ababa tends to pursue peacemaking initiatives in the Horn without a great deal of multilateral involvement. In the end, it was a combination of Ethiopian diplomacy and donor pressure from Washington and Brussels that moved the needle. In each case, there was a clear motivation. For Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, there is both a political and policy logic to efforts to close the divide between Somalia and Somaliland. At the political level, Abiy is besieged at home by surging factionalism and violence. A visible diplomatic success would burnish his image. The role he played helping broker the recent talks is a reminder of the work he has done to forge peace agreements in the region – notably between Ethiopia and Eritrea – which helped earn him the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize. Berbera is in step with its overall deepening political relationship with Somalia. More broadly, ending the rift between Hargeisa and Mogadishu would serve Abiy’s goal of expanding economic integration in the Horn of Africa region. As for the U.S., its ambassador to Somalia, Donald Yamamoto, a veteran diplomat in the Horn, has been a keen supporter of the talks and spearheaded his country’s involvement. U.S. interests revolve around the rising importance of Somaliland’s location near Bab al-Mandab, where the Red Sea empties into the Gulf of Aden, the likelihood that large oil deposits lie off Somalia’s coast, and mushrooming competition with China and Russia in the Horn and elsewhere. Complementing Washington’s efforts, the European Union also pressed for talks, reflecting the EU’s longstanding interest in the security and stability of the key Gulf of Aden and Indian Ocean shipping lanes. For both Washington and Brussels,Somaliland’s unresolved status represents a loose end. To the extent that it is not tied up, it could allow other external actors to exploit uncertainty about the Somalia-Somaliland relationship to the detriment of a wide range of U.S. and EU interests, while complicating cooperative attempts at regional security. Hurdles and Challenges While the talks are a step in the right direction for Somalia-Somaliland relations, they face sizeable obstacles. One relates to the distractions created by impending elections. Already, follow-up on the items to which the parties agreed in Djibouti has been delayed. The joint sub-committees on humanitarian assistance and development aid, security, and co-management of Somaliland’s airspace were due to meet two weeks from the talks’ conclusion – meaning at the beginning of July. This deadline has passed, and Mogadishu is asking for more time to prepare. The date for a ministerial meeting that the parties had agreed to hold in Djibouti 45 days after the June talks (so at the beginning of August) for purposes of reviewing progress has consequently also slipped. The delays demonstrate how election-related hurdles in Somalia – most immediately, the selection of a new prime minister and the next round of discussions over election modalities among major Somali election stakeholders in Dhusamareb, scheduled for mid-August – will impede progress. untapped oil. A Puntland official also complained to Crisis Group that the delegation to Djibouti did not include a representative from either Puntland or the contested areas, unlike previous dialogues with Somaliland under Somali Presidents Sheikh Sharif and Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. Puntland’s president, Said Deni, vowed that his administration would not respect the outcome of any discussions in which it is not involved, and a group of traditional leaders from Sool, Sanaag and Cayn also issued a statement condemning the talks. If their concerns are not addressed in future rounds of talks, they could fester and emerge as major point of contention. Still, the overarching challenge remains the divergence between Mogadishu’s views of the future and Hargeisa’s, especially when it comes to Somaliland’s sovereignty. Both leaders gave opening speeches in Djibouti that highlighted their starkly opposed positions. Bihi laid out the case for Somaliland’s independence and talked about the legacy of “state-sponsored genocide” perpetrated against the Somaliland people by the Siad Barre government in Somalia – referring to the former Somali dictator’s brutal campaign to repress Somaliland’s dominant Isaaq clan after they rebelled against Somalia in the late 1980s. Farmajo in turn referenced the historic Arta peace process in Djibouti in 2000, which paved the way for the re-establishment of central governance in Somalia, but in which Somaliland conspicuously did not participate – an intimation of Mogadishu’s desire to resurrect its union with Somaliland. More than just public posturing, the speeches reflected how the parties approached the talks, with Somaliland focusing on technical matters and opportunities for greater cooperation, and Somalia wanting to discuss knottier issues relating to unification. What Happens Now? Especially given the distractions of forthcoming electoral cycles, leaders in both Somaliland and Somalia will find it difficult to resolve their longstanding differences relating to Somaliland’s status in the short term. Some of these differences will continue to be prominently displayed. Indeed, Somaliland has appeared eager to take advantage of the attention created by the talks and present itself internationally as a sovereign state. Since Djibouti, it has hosted high-level delegations from Kenya, Egypt and Ethiopia, all of which discussed upgrading the status of their relations with Somaliland, and announced that it would exchange representatives with Taiwan. Still, the momentum generated by the Djibouti talks need not be squandered. Continuing to seek progress on technical areas of cooperation – for example, encouraging the joint technical subcommittees to keep meeting to hammer out details – while holding off on wider political discussions until the spectre of domestic politics no longer overshadows the dialogue, could be a good way forward, at least pending elections. Also key to success is continued international support, which will be needed to keep this newly emerging phase of dialogue on track. The U.S., EU and Ethiopia should keep up the pressure – potentially in coordination with an expanded range of partners, such as the Intergovernmental Authority on Development regional bloc and the African Union. Following the conclusion of elections, those same actors should be prepared to lean on the parties to re-engage with a deeper exploration of political issues in mind. Ultimately, achieving progress in Somalia-Somaliland talks will require a commitment from Mogadishu, Hargeisa and the international community to address the difficult status issues that have eluded resolution to date. Until the time is riper for those discussions, however, the parties and their external partners should manage expectations, work through the technical issues that are in front of them and keep talking. Source: ICG The post Somalia-Somaliland: A Halting Embrace of Dialogue appeared first on Puntland Post.

Qaran News

Ethiopia said Friday the relations Egypt wants to establish with territories in the East Africa region must not come at the cost of Ethiopian interests. Addressing a weekly news briefing, Ethiopian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Dina Mufti said, “Egypt as a sovereign country reserves the right to establish relations with any country [in the region]. But this should not come at the expense of Ethiopia’s stability.” Recent reports have said Egypt is trying to establish a military base in Somaliland, a breakaway state in northern Somalia not recognized as an independent country. Late in July, a delegation from Egypt met with Musa Bihi Abdi, Somaliland’s self-declared leader, and reportedly proposed setting up a military camp in the northwestern part of the territory. The Ethiopian government said it was following developments very closely. “That is a red line for us,” he said, adding that Ethiopia wants friendly relations with Somaliland, despite its non-state status. Some analysts see Egypt’s move as retaliation against Somalia, a country that supports Ethiopia’s rights on the Nile as Ethiopia and Egypt continue to wrangle over Ethiopia’s $5 billion hydroelectric Nile dam, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). After the failure of US-sponsored talks this February between Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt, the African Union brought the three countries together for continued negotiations in June. Last week, Ethiopia submitted a proposal on the filling of the dam – a proposal met with misgivings by Egypt and Sudan, which asked for time to review it.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Xog ay heshay Caasimada Online ayaa sheegaysa inay sidii hore isaga soo dhowaanayaan Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo iyo Madaxweynaha Jubaland Axmed Madoobe, islamarkaana ay inta badan is faham hoose ka gaareen doodii ka taagneed arrimaha Jubbaland. Mas’uuliyiintaan oo laba jeer kulan ku yeeshay Dhuusamareeb intii uu socday Shirka Madaxda Qaranka iyo kuwa maamul gobaleedyada, ayaa waxaa kadib jiray xiriiro dhex maray dhinacyo ka kala socday, kuwaas oo ku heshiiyay in la ilaaliyo dastuurka Jubbaland iyo kan qaranka, lana qaboojiyo xiisadda. “Madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa Axmed Madoobe u sheegay inuu dhowri doono dastuurka Jubbaland, taas oo ka dhigan in dowladiisa aqoonsato doorashadii Kismaayo,” ayuu yiri masuul sare oo ka tirsan Madaxtooyada Soomaaliya oo codsaday inaan la magacaabin. Sidoo kale, Farmaajo iyo Axmed Madoobe ayaa ku heshiiyay in shir dib u heshiisiin ah loo qabto beelaha Jubbaland waxayna shirarkaas ka dhici doonaan magaalooyinka Kismaayo iyo Garbahaareey si loo xaliyo tabashooyinka beelaha iyo siyaasiinta qaar. Tallaabadii ugu dambeysay ee muujisay isu soo dhowaanshaha labada dhinac ayaa ahayd go’aankii ay dowladda Soomaaliya Arbacadii ku qaaday xayiraaddii duulimaadyada caalamiga ah ee saarneyd magaalada Kismaayo, ayada oo fasaxday in diyaaradaha rakaabka ee caalamiga ah ay toos u tagaan ama uga dhoofaan garoonka Kismaayo, iyagoo soo marin Muqdisho. Go’aanka ee Dowladda Soomaaliya dib ugu fasaxay duulimaayada caalamiga ah ee tooska ah ee Kismaayo ayaa qeyb ka ah fulinta heshiis ay Madaxweyne Axmed Madoobe iyo Madaxweyne Farmaajo gaareen. Sida ay xogta ku heshay Caasimadda Online, qodobada ay labada dhinac ku heshiiyeen isla markaasna aan saxaafadda lala wadaagin ayaa waxaa kamid ah: • In Dowladda Soomaaliya ay dib usoo celiso ciidamada ay geysay Gedo • In Dowladda Soomaaliya ay dib xoriyadda u siiso guddoomiyaashii Gedo ee la xiray • Iyo qodobka sedexaad ee ahaa in dib loo fasaxo duulimaadyada toos ah ee magaalada Kismaayo, wuxuuna qodobkaan noqday midkii ugu horeeyey oo ay Dowladda Soomaaliya fuliso. Ilo-wareedyo ku dhow Villa Somalia ayaa Caasimada Online u sheegay in madaxweyne Farmaajo oo hadda dhinacyo badan ay uga furan yihiin dagaallo siyaasadeed uu garowsaday in sii socoshada dagaalka Jubaland aysan hadda dan ugu jirin. Si kastaba, haddii Farmaajo dib loo doorto, ama uu helo muddo kororsi sida uu hadda u ololeynayo, waxaa suurtagal ah in wax walba isbedelaan.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweyne Farmaajo ayaa ka reebay Wasiirka arrimaha gudaha dalka liiska guddiga farsamo ee ka qeyb-galeyska shirka Dhuusamareeb-3, kaasi oo lagu wado in uu toddobaad kadib ka furmo caasimada Galmudug. Xog ay heshay Caasimada Online ayaa sheegeysa in sababta madaxweyne Farmaajo uu wasiirka arrimaha gudaha Cabdi Maxamed Sabriye uga reebay liiskaasi ay tahay inay saaxiibo dhow ahaayeen ra’iisal wasaarihii xilka laga tuuray ee Xasan Cali Kheyre. Sabriye ayaa ka mid ahaa wasiiradii sida xooggan uga horyimid riditaanka Xasan Cali Kheyre, waxaana tan iyo markaas uusan tegin dhowr kulan oo ay yeesheen golaha wasiirada. Xogta ay helayso Caasimada Online, ayaa sheegaya in Farmaajo uu ka cabsi qabo in loo dabo maro arrimaha doorashooyinka oo ay hore iskugu fahmi waayen Xasan Cali Kheyre, taasi oo keentay in xukuumadiisu ay meesha ka baxdo. Golaha wasiirada ee xilka sii haya ayaa dhawaan ansixiyey xubnaha guddiga farsamada ee ka talo bixinta hanaanka doorashada dalka, oo qeyb ka aheyd heshiiskii lagu gaaray shirkii Dhuusamareeb-, kuwaasi oo ka kala socday dowladda federaalka, maamulada dalka iyo gobolka banaadir. Farmaajo ayaa si toos ah usoo magacaabay xubnaha dowladda federaalka ee guddigaasi, isagoona kusoo daray shaqsi ay saaxiibo dhow ahaan jireen Axmed Madoobe oo ay sanadihii u dambeeyay si weyn isku hayeen, inkasta oo heshiis hordhaca ah ay ku gaareen shirkii Dhuusamareeb. Madaxweynaha ayaa xiligan u arka in aan loo dhaafin arrimaha doorashooyinka oo loo dabo fadhiisto , xili la fahamsan yahay in Villa Somalia ay waddo qorshe muddo kororsi ugu sameynayso Farmaajo. Xaalka Soomaaliya ayaa u muddooyinkii udambeeyay u muuqday mid sii cakirmay, taasi oo ay keentay xiisada ka dhalatay doorashooyinka iyo tallaabooyinka Farmaajo ee xiligan kala guurka oo abuuray jahwareer siyaasadeed.

The Charter of the United Nations is not only the constituent instrument of the United Nations as an organization. It is a multilateral legal manifesto encompassing a set of basic principles and norms aimed at ensuring peace, freedom, development, equality and human rights throughout the world. Source: Hiiraan Online

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Ciidamada difaaca Algeria ayaa maalintii shalay aheyd ka digay in la hubeeyo qabiilada Liibiya, inta ay ka socdaan colaadaha dagaal, iyagoona tusaale xun oo gef ahaana usoo qaatay Soomaaliya. Ciidamada ayaa sheegay in haddii arrintaasi ay ka digeen ay dhacdo ay Liibiya isku badelayso ‘Soomaaliya cusub’, taasi oo qeyb ka noqoneysa ‘aflagaadeynta’ ay madaxda Algeria ku wadaan Soomaaliya. Wargeyska ciidamada Algeria oo baahiyey arrintaasi, ayaa hoosta ka xariiqay in xiligan laga feejignado in hub loo gacan galiyo qabiilada Liibiya, midaasi oo caqabad hor leh ku noqon karta nabadeynta Liibiya. “Xaalada cusub ee maanta ka jirta (Liibiya) waxay ka halis badan tahay inta uu qof walba qiyaasi karayay, waxaana dagaal-wakiileedka ay qorsheeyeen dhinacyadda qaarkood oo ay fulinayaan uu Liibiya u horseedaya cawaaqib-xumo saameysa gobolka” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka Wargeyska ciidamada Algeria. Waxa kale oo lagu yiri “Waxayna arrintaasi Liibiya ka dhigi kartaa Soomaaliyada cusub”. Hadalkan ayaa la macno ah mid uu hore u jeediyay Madaxweynaha Algeria, Abdelmajid Tebboune oo ka digayay in Liibiya ay xiligan noqto Soomaaliya cusub, isagoo la xiriirinaya dagaalkii sokeeye ee dhacay 1991-kii. Wasaaradda arrimaha dibedda Soomaaliya ayaa ilaa hadda ka hadlin aflaagadada madaxda Algeria oo u muuqda kuwa caadeystay inay tusaale xun usoo qaatan dalkeena, lamana oga sababta ay uga gaabsatay ka jawaabida gefafkaasi.

Dhuusamareeb (Caasimada Online) – Qaar ka mid ah ganacsatadda magaalada Dhuusamareeb ayaa ka cabanaya inaan weli la siin lacagta adeegyo looga qaaday shirkii maamulka Galmudug uu ku qaabtay magaalada ee dowladda dhexe iyo dowlad goboleedyada. Ganacsatada iyo dowlad goboleedka Galmudug oo iskaashanaya ayaa si maamuus sare leh u marti sooray madaxdii iyo marti sharafkii kala duwanaa ee 11-kii iyo 22-kii bishii July 2020 ka qeyb galay labadii shir ee Dhuusamareeb 1 iyo Dhuusamareeb 2. Balse ganacsatadi lafdhabarka u ahaa qabashada shirkaasi ayaa walaac kamuujiyay Inaan weli la fulin balanqaad uu sameeyay madaxweynaha Galmudug Axmed Cabdi Kaariye (Qoor Qoor) oo ahaa in qasnadda dowlad goboleedka Galmudug laga bixin doono dhamaan qarashaadkii ku baxay martiqaadka iyo soo dhaweynta martida, marka uu shirka dhamaado. Lacagta ganacsatada ay sheegeen inay ka maqan tahay ayaa looga qaaday waxyaabo ay ka mid yihiin raashinkii iyo adeegyadii kale ee ku baxay shirka, kuwaas oo laga deemiyey balse la sheegay in dib loo siin doono. Sida ay sheegeen, Madaxweyne Qoor Qoor ayaa xilli la filayey inuu bixiyo qarashaadkaasi deymaha ahaa waxa uu safar ku aaday magaalada Muqdisho, kadibna uga sii gudbay Istanbul. Waxa ay sidoo kale madaxweynaha ku eedeeyeen inaanu ka jawabin xiriiro badan oo lagala sameeyay arrintaasi. Ganacsatada ayaa sidoo kale walaac kamuujiyay in Madaxweyne Qoor Qoor uu xitaa uu awoodi waayey inuu bixiyo lacagihii maalinlaha ahaa ee ay ku shaqeynayeen gabdho uu maamulka caasimadda Dhuusomareeb soo aruuriyey oo adeeg isugu jira cunto karin iyo nadaafad u sameynayey martida. Caasimada Online oo xiriir la sameysay madaxtooyada Galmudug, waa ay diiday inay jawaab ka bixiso arrintan.

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha Somaliland, Muuse Biixi Cabdi oo maalmihii u dambeeyay ka war-wareegayay inuu la kulmo wafdi kala duwan oo ka socda dowladda Shiinaha, ayaa maanta ugu dambeyntii qaabilay, kuwaasi oo maalmihii u dambeeyay ku sugnaa magaalada Hargeysa. Xog ay helayso Caasimada Online ayaa sheegaysa in wafdiga Shiinaha ka socda ay madaxtooyada Somaliland u gudbiyeen dalab ku saabsanaa xiriir u jarida Taiwan, oo uu hore u dhex-maray heshiis rasmi ah. Muuse Biixi ayaa gebi ahaanba ku gacan seyray dalabka ay u gudbiyeen Mas’uuliyiinta Shiinaha ee uu maanta la kulmay, sida ay saraakiil ka tirsan madaxtooyada Somaliland u xaqiijiyeen Caasimada Online. Diidmada Biixi ee dalabkaasi ayaa waxa si weyn uga carooday Safiirka Shiinaha ee Soomaaliya, Qin Jian oo isagu Hargeysa u joogey wiiqista heshiiska Taiwan ay la saxiixatay Somaliland. Qin Jian oo maalmihii u dambeeyay dowladiisa Shiinaha ku qasbayey inay dabacsanaan badan u muujiso xukuumadda Somaliland ayaa si dhab ah loo ogeyn waxa uu kaga fal-celin doono go’aanka Muuse Biixi. Jian ayaa la fahamsan yahay inuu door weyn ka ciyaaray keenista wafdi heer sarre ah oo ka socda dowladdiisa, kuwaasi oo maanta si wada-jir ah Muuse Biixi ugula kulmeen madaxtooyada, hase yeeshe aan si cad loogu xusin magaciisa war kasoo baxay qasriga Somaliland Xukuumadda uu hogaamiyo madaxweyne Biixi ayaa weli ku madax adeygaysa xoojinta xiriirka cusub ee Taiwan, iyada oo labada dhinac ay si rasmi ah isku weydaarsadeen wakiilo. Xiriirkaasi ayaa horey waxa si adag uga biyo-diiday Shiinaha, oo isagu sheegta in Taiwan tahay jaziirad ka tirsan dhul-weynihiisa, halka iyaduna ku doodeyso taasi badalkeeda.

Ethiopia, the U.S. and the EU have brokered surprise talks between the Somalia and Somaliland administrations, which are historically opposed, though progress has stalled while [...] The post Somalia-Somaliland: A Halting Embrace of Dialogue appeared first on . Source

Ethiopia said Friday the relations Egypt wants to establish with territories in the East Africa region must not come at the cost of Ethiopian interests. Source: Hiiraan Online

Washington, D.C. (Caasimdaa Online) – Dhaxal-sugaha boqortooyada Sacuudiga, Mohammad Bin-Salman Al Sa’ud ayaa dhawaan wajihi doona dacwad xasaasi ah, taasi oo si rasmi ah loogu gudbiyay maxkmada District of Columbia ee magaalada Washington ee dalka Mareykanka. Bin Salmaan ayaa lagu eedeynaya inuu qorsheynayey dilka mid kamid ah sarkaashii hore uga tirsanaa sirdoonka Sacuudiga, isla markaana uu koox calooshod u shaqeystayaal ah u kireystay. Saad Al-jabri oo ah shaqsiga dacwadda ka gudbinaya Bin-Salmaan ayaa ah sarkaal horey uga tirsanaa sirdoonka dalka Sacuudiga oo hadda ku nool dalka Canada. Al-Jabri ayaa sheegay in Bin-Salmaan uu koox gaar ah usoo diray dalka uu ku noolyahay si ay u khaarajiyaan, maadama uu hayo xogo sir ah oo ku saabsan ganacsiga Maxamed Bin-Salmaan, sida uu sheegay. Saad Al-jabri ayaa gal dacwadeedka uu u gudbiyay maxkamadda ku xusay in dowladda Sacuudigu ay isku dayday inay ugu cago-jugleyso dhiibistiisa labo kamid ah caruurtiisa, kuwaasi oo la xiray bishii March. Dacwada Sarkaalkan hore ayaa waxa gacan ka geysanaya mudaneyaal ka tirsan baarlamaanka Mareykanka, kuwaasi oo garab istaag weyn u muujiyey 39-jirkan baxsadka ka ah Sacuudiga. Saad Al-jabri ayaa sanadkii 2017-kii kasoo firxaday dalka Sacuudiga kadib markii ay si weyn isku qabteen Dhaxal-sugaha boqortooyada Sacuudiga. Maxamed Bin-Salmaan ayaa muddooyinkii dambe waxa dul hooganayey eedeymo la xiriira qorshayaal dil iyo musuq-maasuq, kuwaasi oo marba marka kasii dambeysa god mugdiya kusii rideyay sumcadiisa aduunka.

Turkey’s currency tumbled further Friday, hitting another record low. Source: Hiiraan Online

Madaxweynaha Somaliland, Mudane Muuse Biixi Cabdi, waxa uu maanta qasriga madaxtooyada ku qaabiley wefti heersare ah oo uu hoggaaminayey Wakiilka China u qaabilsan iskaashiga Africa iyo China “Forum on China-Africa Cooperation” (FOCAC), Ambassador. Zhou Yuxiao oo safar saddex maalmood qaatay ku yimid Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland. Ugu Horayn Madaxweynaha Muuse Biixi Cabdi waxa uu weftiga warbixin guud ka siiyey horumarka ka hana-qaaday Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland ee ay iska kaashadeen shacbigeeda iyo dawladdu, kaas oo sababay in beesha caalamku indhaha la raacdo kuna dhiiradaan inay maalgashadaan khayraadka kala duwan ee ku duugan dalka. Waxaanu madaxweynuhu xubnaha weftiga u sheegay in dalkani tusaale u yahay geeska afrika, marka loo eego horumarka dhinaca dimuquraadiyada ee uu ku tallaabsaday sagaal iyo labaatankii sanno ee u danbeeyey isbedelada dhinacyada badan leh ee ka hirgalay, haday tahay dhinaca doorashooyinka, hanaanka axsaabta xisbiyada qaranka iyo nidaamka qori-isu dhiibka ah ee hoggaanka dalka. Dhinaca weftiguna waxa ay madaxweynaha kala hadleen sidii loo xoojin lahaa xidhiidhka soo jireenka ah ee dhinacyada ganacsiga, iyo iskaashiga bulshada ee ay labada dal lahaayeen mudada dheer. Ugu dambayntiina waxa la isku af-gartay in labada dal yeeshaan xidhiidh wanaagsan oo ku dhisan ixtiraam iyo in la iska kaashado dhinacyada dhaqaalaha, ganacsiga iyo horumarka. Waxaana kulankaasi madaxweynaha ku wehelinaayey Madaxweyne ku xigeenka Somaliland, Wasiirrada arrimaha dibeda iyo iskaashiga caalamiga ah, horumarinta maaliyada, macdanta iyo tamarta, wasiir ku xigeenka arrimaha dibeda iyo iskaashiga caalamiga ah iyo wakiilka Somaliland u qaabilsan China. Goobjoog News Source: goobjoog.com

Somalia will in coming years become an oil producing country and build an industry that will create jobs and support economic growth, Ibrahim Ali Hussein, chairman and CEO of the newly created Somali Petroleum Authority, tells The Africa Report. Source: Hiiraan Online

After the dust had settled on the twin United States embassy bombings in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, investigators from the three countries came up with 21 names of possible plotters of the attacks that left more than 250 people dead and about 5,000 injured. Source: Hiiraan Online