Beledxaawo (Caasimada Online) – Xaalad nololeed oo adag ayaa ka jirta magaalada Beledxaawo ee gobolka Gedo, kadib dagaallo maalmihii la soo dhaafay ka dhacay halkaasi. Dadka deegaanka ayaa sheegaya in nolosha magaalada ay adkaatay, ayna wajahayaan dhibaato weyn kadib dagaaladii ka dhacay, iyadoo adeegyada aas-aasiga ah ay hoos u dhaceen. Isgaarsiinta magaalada Beledxaawo ayaa la soo warinayaa gebi ahaanba go’an, taasoo sii adkeynaysa xiriirka bulshada. Wararka ugu dambeeyay ee laga helayo Beledxaawo ayaa tilmaamaya in xaaladdu hadda tahay mid deggan, balse wali ay is hor fadhiyaan ciidamada dowladda federaalka iyo kuwa maamulka Jubbaland, taas oo keeni karta in mar kale uu dagaal qarxo. Wararka ayaa intaasi kusii daraya in dadka deegaanka ay intooda ka badan ka barakaceen xaafadahooda, si ay uga fogaadaan waxyeello kasoo gaarta dagaal mar kale ka qarxa magaalada. Ciidamada Jubbaland ayaa la xaqiijiyay in ay ku sugan yihiin gudaha magaalada, halka kuwa dowladda federaalka, oo uu hoggaaminayo Cabdirashiid Janan ay fariisin ka sameysteen Xerada UK ee duleedka Beledxaawo. Xiisadaha siyaasadeed iyo militari ee u dhexeeya dowladda federaalka iyo maamulka Jubbaland ayaa mar kale dib u kiciyay khilaafkii gobolka Gedo, iyadoo sidoo kale xaalad deggenaansho la’aan ah laga dareemayo magaalada Doolow.

Hargeysa (Caasimada Online) – Magaalada Hargeysa ee caasimadda Somaliland waxaa bilihii dambe kusoo badanayay dilalka qorsheysan, iyadoo ugu dambeeyay dil shalay ka dhacay gudaha magaalada. Dilalkan ayaa loo adeegsaday bastoolado, toorey iyo agab kale, waxaana ugu cuslaa dil habeen dhaweyd ka dhacay bartamaha magaalada Hargeysa, kaasi oo nin hubeysan uu toogtay laba wiil oo dhalinyaro ah. Waxaa xusid mudan in booliska Somaliland oo dadaal badan ka galay soo qabashada gacan ku dhiiglayaasha dilalka geystay ayaa badankooda ku guuleystay soo qabashadooda, marka laga reebo gacan ku dhiiglihii toogtay habeenka dhaweyd labada wiil. Dilkaas oo ahaa mid qorsheysan ayaa gacan ku dhiiglaha markii uu fuliyay dilka isla markiiba waxa uu ka baxsaday goobta. Hargeysa oo kamid aheyd magaalooyinka Soomaaliyeed ee ugu nabdoon ayaa haatan wajaheysa dilal qorsheysan. Caasimada Online oo xiriir la sameysay Taliska Booliska Somaliland ayaa ogaatay in muddo ka yar 5 bilood ay gudaha caasimada ka dhaceen in ka badan 33 dil. Taliska Booliska ayaa inoo xaqiijiyay in ciidamadu ay gacanta kusoo dhigeen dadkii geystay dilalka, marka laga reebo gacan ku dhiiglihii habeen dhaweyd labada wiil ku dilay bartamaha magaalada Hargeysa. “Ciidamada Booliska Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland waxay ku guuleysteen inay soo qabtaan gacan ku dhiiglayaasha dhowr iyo soddanka kiis dil, waxaana weli ku raadjoogna gacan ku dhiiglaha labada qof dilay,” ayuu yiri sarkaal sare oo ka tirsan ciidamada booliska Somaliland oo la hadlay Caasimada Online. Dilkan aan weli lasoo qaban gacan ku dhiiglihii geystay ayaa 20-kii bishan ka dhacay bartamaha magaalada, gaar ahaan boosteejo laga raaco basaska u kala goosha xaafadaha Hargeysa, wuxuuna falka dhacay fiidkii hore. Lama oga sababta ka dambeysa dilka, wuxuuna argagax wayn ku reebtay dadka deegaanka, gaar ahaan reer Hargeysa oo haatan dalbanaya in deg-deg dambiilaha loo soo qabto.

Bosaso (HOL) – Puntland security forces have intercepted a small truck allegedly transporting food and solar panels to ISIS militants stranded in the Baalde River area following recent military operations. Source: Hiiraan Online

Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa ku dhawaaqday inay soo iibsatay laba diyaaradood oo nuucoodu yahay Airbus A320, kuwaas oo ku howlgeli doona magaca iyo calanka qaranka, islamarkaana dib loogu howlgelin doono shirkaddii diyaaradaha Somali airlines. Airbus A320 waa diyaarad rakaab oo nooca ganacsiga ah, waxaana soo saarta shirkadda caanka ah ee diyaaradaha ee Airbus SE, oo xarunteedu tahay magaalada Toulouse ee dalka Faransiiska, waxaana la soo saaray sanadkii 1987-dii, ayadoo la howlgeliyay 1988-dii. Diyaaradaha Airbus A320 waxaa loogu talagalay duullimaadyada masaafada gaaban ilaa kuwa dhexe, waana mid ka mid ah diyaaradaha ugu isticmaalka badan dunida, waxayna diyaaradahani ka koobanyihiin noocyada A318, A319, A320, iyo A321. Dhinaca Farsamada dhererka diyaaraddani waa 37.57 mitir, ayadoo baalasha garbaheedu ay gaarayaan 35.8 mitir, halka jooggeedu yahay 11.76 mitir, waxaana halkii mar ku safri kara 180-186 qof. Masaafada duulimaad ee diyaaradani waa qiyaastii 6,300 km, ayadoo xawaaraha ugu badan ee ay saacaddii jari kartaahi uu yahay qiyaastii 871 km/h, waxaana ku rakiban matoorka loo yaqaanno CFM56 ama IAE V2500. Dhanka Tignoolajiyadda casriga ah, airbus A320 waa diyaaraddii ugu horreysay ee isticmaasha “fly-by-wire” oo ah nidaamka elektaroonigga ah casriga ah ee xakameeya duulista halkii laga isticmaali lahaa xarigyo iyo tuubooyin, waxayna sidoo kale leedahay hannaan 15-20% yareeya isticmaalka Shidaalka. Airbus A320 waxaa isticmaala in ka badan 300 shirkadood oo diyaarado ah oo caalami ah, waxaana ka mid ah,Qatar Airways,Turkish Airlines, Lufthansa iyo qaar kale, waxayna noqotay mid ka mid ah diyaaradaha ugu badan ee hawada saaran maanta, iyadoo lagu ammaano hufnaanta, kalsoonida, iyo tamarta-badbaadinta, ayadoo ay ka howlgeli karaan laba duuliye iyo ilaa 4-6 shaqaale ah. Source: goobjoog.com

Doha (HOL) – A high-level ministerial meeting of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Contact Group on Somalia was held in Doha from July 27–28, focusing on Somalia’s security and development challenges. Source: Hiiraan Online

Addis Ababa (HOL) – Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has called for strengthened international solidarity to support sustainable and inclusive food systems, emphasizing that transforming agriculture is not merely a strategic choice but a moral obligation and national imperative. Source: Hiiraan Online

Addis Ababa (HOL) – Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud met with the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, at the AU Headquarters on Monday, on the sidelines of the UN Food Systems Summit in Addis Ababa. Source: Hiiraan Online

The Kenyan government is facing backlash after Sudan accused it of violating its sovereignty and interfering in its affairs. Source: Hiiraan Online

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Monday warned against the use of hunger as a tool of war and called for urgent reforms to a global food system that is failing millions. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Bartamihii sanadkii 2022, Soomaaliya waxay qarka u saarnayd guul taariikhi ah. Kacdoon beeleed caan baxay oo ka dhan ahaa Al-Shabaab oo ka qarxay bartamaha dalka, oo ay wehelisay “dagaal dhameystiran” oo uu ku dhawaaqay maamulka cusub ee Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, ayaa sababay in ururkaas xiriirka la leh Al-Qaacida uu lugaha loo laabo. Markii ugu horreysay muddo toban sano ka badan, dhul ballaaran ayaa waxaa xoreeyay isbahaysi ay Soomaali hoggaaminaysy, taasoo dhalisay rajo taxaddar leh oo muujinaysay in ugu dambayn xaalku soo rogmaday dagaalkii dheeraa ee arxanka darnaa. Maanta, rajadaas waxaa beddelay xaqiiqo murugo leh oo halis badan. Al-Shabaab kaliya ma soo rogaal celin, balse waxay si toos ah u halis gelinaysaa caasimadda Muqdisho, kaddib weerar rogaal-celis ah oo ba’an oo ay qaadday sanadka 2025-ka, kaasoo meesha ka saaray ku dhawaad dhammaan guulihii ay dawladdu dhibka ku gaartay. Kooxdu waxay dib u qabsatay magaalooyin dhowr ah oo istiraatiiji ah, oo ay ku jirto magaalada Mahaas oo ahayd saldhigga hawlgallada muhiimka ah, oo ay qabsadeen 27-kii Luulyo, 2025. Waxay xitaa isku dayeen inay caasimadda gudaheeda ku khaarajiyaan madaxweynaha laftiisa bishii Maarso. Dib u dhacan weyn kuma imaan adkaysiga maleeshiyaadka oo kaliya. Wuxuu ahaa mid si toos ah uga dhashay khalad istiraatiiji ah oo musiibo keenay oo ay samaysay dawladda Soomaaliya. Maamulka oo mudnaanta siiyay mashruuc siyaasadeed oo khilaaf abuuraya oo halis badan, kaasoo lagu doonayay in lagu beddelo dastuurka laguna mideeyo awoodda, ayaa wuxuu kala jabiyay isbahaysigii qaran ee ka dhanka ahaa fallaagada, wuxuuna iska fogeeyay xulafadiisii ugu muhiimsanayd, isagoo abuuray firaaq amni iyo mid siyaasadeed oo ay Al-Shabaab si xirfadaysan uga faa’iideysatay. Dawladdu waxay dooratay inay dagaal ka gasho laba jiho—mid ka dhan ah fallaagada iyo mid kale oo ka dhan ah nidaamkeeda siyaasadeed ee jilicsan—waxayna hadda qarka u saaran tahay inay ku guuldarraysato labadaba. Guushii bilowga ahayd ee hawlgalkii 2022-2023 waxay salka ku haysay inuu ahaa mid iskiis uga soo bilowday heer deegaan. Kuma uusan billaaban istiraatiijiyad ay dawladdu soo dejisay, balse wuxuu ahaa kacdoon shacab oo ay wadeen maleeshiyaad beeleed loo yaqaan Macawisley. Sanado badan, bulshooyinka ku nool bartamaha Soomaaliya waxay u dulqaadanayeen xukunka arxanka daran ee Al-Shabaab, laakiin dalabaadka sii kordhayay ee kooxda ee cashuuraha iyo askareynta carruurta, oo ay wehelisay dilalka odayaal dhaqameedyo la ixtiraamo, ayaa abuurtay xaalad aan loo dulqaadan karin. Dawladda cusub ee Madaxweyne Maxamuud ee la doortay ayaa si xikmad leh uga faa’iideysatay caradaas baahsan, iyadoo Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka (SNA) ka dhigtay “dubbe” taageeraya “udinta” Macawisleyda ee sharciyadda iyo sirdoonka deegaanka. Ciidankan isku-dhafka ah, oo ay taageerayeen diyaaradaha aan duuliyaha lahayn ee caalamku, ayaa Al-Shabaab ka saaray dhul ballaaran oo ka tirsan dowlad-goboleedyada Hirshabeelle iyo Galmudug, oo ay ku jirto degmada Aadan Yabaal oo horay u ahayd xarun muhiim u ahayd fallaagada. Guulaha la gaaray waxay ahaayeen kuwii ugu ballaarnaa tan iyo bartamihii 2010-meeyadii, waxayna muujiyeen in istiraatiijiyad ay Soomaali hoggaaminayso oo salka ku haysa deegaanka ay ku guulaysan karto, halka sanado badan oo xakameyn shisheeye hoggaaminayay ay guuldarraysatay. U leexashadii masiiriga ahayd ee dhanka siyaasadda Xilli uu hawlgalkii militari marayay meeshii ugu sarreysay, ayaa diiraddii dawladdu ka wareegtay furimaha dagaalka una wareegtay golaha sharci-dejinta. Dabayaaqadii 2023, maamulku wuxuu bilaabay dadaal hami weyn leh oo lagu doonayay in lagu wax-ka-beddelo dastuurka ku-meel-gaarka ah ee Soomaaliya ee 2012, kaasoo ahaa dokumenti si ulakac ah looga tagay arrimaha xasaasiga ah ee awood-qaybsiga ee aan la xallin. Wax-ka-beddellada la soo jeediyay, oo si muran badan ku jiro uu baarlamaanku u ansixiyay bishii Maarso 2024, waxay ahaayeen kuwo baaxad weyn. Waxay higsanayeen in nidaamka awood-qaybsiga ee ku salaysan qabiilka lagu beddelo nidaam madaxtooyo, la soo bandhigo codbixin qof iyo cod ah, iyo in madaxweynaha la siiyo awoodda uu ku magacaabi karo kuna eryi karo ra’iisul wasaaraha — awood horay uu u lahaa baarlamaanka. In kasta oo ay dawladdu ajandaha u soo bandhigtay tallaabo lagama maarmaan u ah in la helo dawlad casri ah oo deggan, haddana dhaleeceeyayaasha iyo siyaasiyiinta ka soo horjeeda ayaa isla markiiba ku tilmaamay boob awoodeed oo hal dhinac ah. Hogaamiyeyaal goboleed awood leh iyo madaxweynayaal hore ayaa ku eedeeyay Madaxweyne Xasan inuu isbeddelada u adeegsanayo sidii uu ku xoojin lahaa awooddiisa uguna shuban lahaa saaxadda siyaasadda ka hor doorashooyinka 2026. Waxa si gaar ah waxyeello u geystay waxay ahayd in fursaddan dastuuriga ah aan loo adeegsan dhismaha qaranka. Halkii laga raadin lahaa wada-hadal loo dhan yahay oo lala yeesho saamileyda gobollada, habka sare-ka-imaatinka ah ee dawladdu wuxuu sii qoto dheereeyay kalsooni-darrada wuxuuna adkeeyay mucaaradnimada ka dhanka ah siyaasaddeeda. Burburkii Isbahaysiga Saamaynta siyaasadeed ee ka dhalatay waxay ahayd mid degdeg ah oo dhabarjab weyn ku noqotay dadaalladii dagaalka. Bishii Maarso 2024, ka dib markii la ansixiyay wax-ka-beddelada, dawlad-goboleedka Puntland ayaa ku dhawaaqday inaysan aqoonsanayn awoodda dawladda federaalka, taasoo si wax-ku-ool ah uga saartay mid ka mid ah ciidamada amniga ee gobollada ugu awoodda badan dalka dadaal kasta oo isku dubaridan oo lagaga hortagayo fallaagada. Xiriirka kala dhexeeya dawlad-goboleedka Jubaland wuxuu maray waddo la mid ah, taasoo horseeday isku dhacyo hubeysan oo dhex maray ciidamada federaalka iyo kuwa Jubaland dabayaaqadii 2024 ka dib markii Muqdisho ay diidday sharciyadda doorashadii gobolkaas ka dhacday. Markii ay dawladda federaalku ku mashquushay dagaalladan siyaasadeed, ciidamadii jiidda hore waxay dareemeen in la dayacay. Taageeradii loo fidin jiray maleeshiyaadka beelaha ee Macawisleyda—oo ahaa laf-dhabartii hawlgalka—ayaa la sheegay inay gebi ahaanba istaagtay. Iyagoo dareemaya in la khiyaameeyay, niyad-jab weyn ayaa ku dhacay, cutubyo badanina waxay si fudud uga baxeen dagaalka, iyagoo kashifay ciidanka SNA oo markii horeba fidsanaa oo caqabado sahaydu ay haysteen. Wejigii labaad ee hawlgalka ee la wada sugayay, “Operation Black Lion” (Hawlgalka Libaaxa Madow), ayaa dib loo dhigay muddo aan la cayimin iyadoo “dagaalkii buuxay” uu istaagay. Waxa burburkaas sii murjiyay arrin ka qoto dheer: awoodda xaddidan ee ay dawladdu u leedahay inay maamusho deegaannada cusub ee la xoreeyay. Musu-qmaasuqa, isku-xirnaan la’aanta, iyo maalgelinta caalamiga ah ee aan joogtada ahayn ayaa curyaamisay awooddii dawladda ee ahayd inay bixiso adeegyada aasaasiga ah ama dhiirigelinta dhaqaale. Bulshooyin badan oo miyiga ku nool, quus iyo niyad-jab ayaa soo food saaray kaddib markii ballanqaadkii xoraynta uu isu beddelay dayac—taasoo abuurtay firaaq ay Al-Shabaab si degdeg ah ugu buuxisay qaabkeeda maamul ee arxan-darrada ah laakiin la sii saadaalin karo. Soo rogaal-celintii dhiigga badneyd ee Al-Shabaab Firaaqa siyaasadeed wuxuu hadiyad u noqday Al-Shabaab. Kooxda, oo ku korta kala qaybsanaanta dawladda, ayaa dib isu habaysay oo bilowday weerar rogaal-celis weyn ah bishii Febraayo 2025. Iyagoo wajahaya ciidamo dawladeed oo niyad-jabsan oo aan taageero haysan, dagaalyahannadoodu waxay si degdeg ah dib ula wareegeen magaalooyin istiraatiiji ah oo is xigxiga. Aadan Yabaal, oo xoraynteedu ay ahayd guul astaan weyn ah sanadkii 2022, ayaa dib ugu gacan gashay fallaagada bishii Abriil 2025. Bishii Luulyo, kooxdu waxay qabsatay Moqokori, Tardo, iyo saldhigga hore ee hawlgallada ee muhiimka ah ee Mahaas, iyagoo ka sameystay “saldhig saddex geesood ah” bartamaha Soomaaliya kaasoo u oggolaanaya inay gooyaan waddooyinka sahayda ee dawladda. Ciidamadoodu waxay qabsadeen magaalooyin wax ka yar 50 kilomitir u jira Muqdisho, iyagoo adkeynaya go’doon aan muuqan oo ay ku soo rogeen caasimadda. Waxa muhiim ah, soo rogaal-celinta Al-Shabaab kuma koobnayn awood ciidan oo kaliya—waxay sidoo kale ahayd guul sirdoon. Awood-darrida dawladda Soomaaliya ee ah inay gacanta ku hayso deegaannada miyiga ah ama ay ilaaliso shabakadaha sirdoonka deegaanka ayaa u oggolaatay kooxda inay dib isu urursato iyada oo aan la ogaan. Guuldarrada ah in aan la xoojin maamulka gobolladan ka dib xorayntii hore waxay iftiiminaysaa fikrad khaldan oo halis ah: in dib u qabashada magaalooyinka oo kaliya ay la macno tahay guul istiraatiiji ah. Dhanka kale, dareenka shacabku wuxuu billaabay inuu is beddelo. Bulshooyinkii mar u dabbaal-degi jiray burburka Al-Shabaab ayaa ka niyad-jabay fulin la’aanta dawladda federaalka. Markii uu dagaalku sii jiitamay oo ballanqaadyadii xasilloonidu ay rumoobi waayeen, dad badan oo rayid ah ayaa doortay dhex-dhexaadnimo—ama wada shaqayn aamusan oo ay la yeeshaan fallaagada—si ay u badbaadaan. Luminta kalsoonida shacabka ayaa sii wiiqday sharciyadda dawladda iyo dadaalkeedii dagaalka. Go’aanka dawladda ee ah inay mudnaanta siiso isku-duubnida siyaasadeed halkii ay ka siin lahayd amniga qaranka, ma aha oo kaliya inuu hakiyay hawlgal rajo leh, balse wuxuu si toos ah u sahlay soo rogaal-celinta cadowga. Gunaanad Fursaddii 2022 lama dayicin oo kaliya—balse waa la khasaariyay. Maanta, dawladda Soomaaliya way ka kala qaybsan tahay sidii hore, ciidamadeeda ammaankuna way ka sii kala fog yihiin, Al-Shabaabna waxay ku sugan tahay meel ka kalsooni iyo istiraatiiji ah sidii ay ahayd sanadihii la soo dhaafay, taasoo dalka gelisay waddo halis badan oo aan lahayn xalal fudud oo soo socda. Dagaalka Soomaaliya ee ka dhanka ah Al-Shabaab wuxuu hadda galay qaab taariikhi ah oo halis badan. Hawlgallo la mid ah oo dhacay 2011–2014 ayaa iyaguna gaaray guulo waaweyn, laakiin waxay burbureen markii is-qabqabsiga siyaasadeed, isku-xirnaan la’aanta, iyo dabagal la’aantu ay hoos u dhigeen dardartii. Wareegga guusha iyo guuldarradu wuu sii socdaa—ma aha fashil ka yimid goobta dagaalka, balse sababtoo ah hoggaamiyeyaasha siyaasadeed ayaa si isdaba-joog ah ugu guuldarraystay inay guulaha militari u beddelaan maamul waara. Waxaaba kasii daran, kala qaybsanaanta gudaha ee dalka ayaa si isa soo taraysa ugu milmaysa loollan goboleed. Dawladaha deriska ah iyo quwadaha Khaliijka ayaa danahooda ka dhex raadsaday kooxaha Soomaalida, mararka qaarkoodna sii qoto dheereeya kala qaybsanaanta u dhaxaysa dowlad-goboleedyada iyo Muqdisho. Maaddaama ay daneeyayaasha dibaddu la saftaan saamileyda kala duwan ee Soomaalida, colaadda sokeeye waxay halis ugu jirtaa inay noqoto mid goboleed, taasoo sii adkeynaysa dadaallada lagu doonayo in lagu helo istiraatiijiyad qaran oo mideysan.

Soomaaliya iyo Shiinaha ayaa ka wada-hadlay xoojinta iskaashiga labada dal, gaar ahaan dhinacyada amniga iyo hormarinta kaabayaasha hay’adaha ammaanka oo dhanka Soomaaliya muhiim weyn u leh. Taliyaha Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka Soomaaliyeed, Sareeye Gaas Odawaa Yuusuf Raage, ayaa Muqdisho kulan kula yeeshay Safiirka Shiinaha ee Soomaaliya, Mudane Wang Yu, ayadoo kulankaas diiradda lagu saaray iskaashiga amniga iyo taageerada ciidanka. Taliyaha ayaa uga mahadceliyay Dowladda Shiinaha taageerada ay siiso Soomaaliya, halka Safiirka uu xaqiijiyay in Shiinuhu diyaar u yahay sii xoojinta xiriirka labada dal, ayadoo muhiimad weyn la siinayo garab istaag Soomaaliya ee dagaalka ka dhanka ah kooxaha argagixisada ah. Soomaaliya oo maraysa waqti xasaasi ah, islamarkaana la daalaa-dhacaysa dagaal argagixiso iyo Faragelin caalami ah ayaa si weyn ugu baahan taageerada dalalka waaweyn ee dunida oo Shiinuhu kamid yahay, ayadoo maamulka Taiwan uu dhowaan heshiis la galay dhinaca Soomaaliland. Source: goobjoog.com

Addis Ababa (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud oo dalka Itoobiya kaga qeyb-galaya shirweynaha Qaramada Midoobey ee sugnaanta cuntada adduunka ayaa halkaas kulan soo dhaweyn ah kula qaatay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya, Abiy Ahmed. Labada hoggaamiye ayaa ka wada-hadlay xiriirka labada dal, gaar ahaan iskaashiga kala dhaxeeya labada dowladood iyo xaaladda gobolka, sida ay shaacisay Villa Somalia. Labada mas’uul ayaa waxay hoosta ka xariiqeen mudnaanta ay leedahay in wadajir looga wada shaqeeyo dagaalka ka dhanka ah argagixisada oo khatar ku ah jiritaanka iyo horumarka shucuubta gobolka. Inkasta oo Villa Somalia aysan soo hadal qaadin, haddana warar soo baxaya ayaa sheegaya in Madaxweynuhu uu Abiy kala hadlay arrinta gobolka Gedo oo ay mar kale kasoo cusboonaatay xiisad Dowladda Federaalka kala dhaxeysa maamulka Jubaland, halkaas oo ay sidoo kale joogaan ciidamada Itoobiya. Kulankaan ayaa kuso aadaya, xilli dhowaan Soomaaliya ay iska diiday in dhoolatus badeed la sameyso dalal aan bad laheyn oo ay ku jirto Itoobiya, oo iyadu si weyn u daneynayso gaarista badda. Qorshahan oo ay fahmeen madaxda Soomaaliya ayaa ujeedkiisu ahaa in Itoobiya ay qeyb ka noqoto dhoolatuska badeed, maadaama ay si weyn u daneynayso gaarista badda. Inkastoo Dowladda Federaalka ay sheegtay in si rasmi ah loo xaliyay khilaafkii kala dhaxeeyay Itoobiya, kadib dhex-dhexaadintii Ankara, haddana waxaa muuqata ifafaalo ay mar kale ku kala tagi karaan labada dhinac, maadaama ay Addis Ababa weli ka tanaasulin damaceeda badda. Si kastaba, safarka Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya ee Addi Ababa ayaa waxa ka horreeyay mid kale oo uu dhowaan ku tegay dalalka Masar iyo Turkiga, isaga oo hoggaamiyeyaasha dalalkaas kala soo hadlay xaaladaha ka taagan Geeska Afrika, gaar ahaan xiisadda haatan kasoo cusboonaatay aagga Badda-cas.

Doha (Caasimada Online) – Sacuudi Carabiya ayaa Isniintii ku boorisay bulshada caalamka inay xoojiyaan taageerada dhinacyada amniga iyo horumarka ee Soomaaliya, iyadoo ammaan u jeedisay dadaallada diblomaasiyadeed ee Muqdisho ee lagu qaboojinayo xiisadda Itoobiya. Isagoo ka hadlayay kulan uu yeeshay Guddiga Xiriirka ee Soomaaliya ee Ururka Iskaashiga Islaamka (OIC) oo ka dhacay magaalada Dooxa ee dalka Qadar, ayuu Wasiir ku xigeenka Arrimaha Dibadda ee Sacuudiga, Waleed Elkhereiji, wuxuu carrabka ku adkeeyay baahida loo qabo tallaabo wadajir ah si looga caawiyo Soomaaliya inay wajahado rabshadaha xagjirnimada iyo inay dhisto mustaqbal deggan. “Boqortooyadu waxay sii waddaa bixinta gargaarka iyo kaalmada bini’aadannimo iyadoo loo sii marinayo KSrelief,” ayuu yiri Elkhereiji, isagoo tixraacaya Xarunta Gargaarka iyo Kaalmada Bini’aadannimo ee Boqor Salmaan. Wuxuu xaqiijiyay sida ay uga go’an tahay “horumarinta dadaallada gargaarka iyo horumarka ee kor u qaadaya xasiloonida isla markaana yareynaya dhibaatada bini’aadanka.” Kulankan heerka sare ah ayaa diiradda lagu saaray sidii loo abaabuli lahaa kheyraad loogu talagalay dal la tacaalaya kacdoon Islaami ah oo joogto ah, jilicsanaan siyaasadeed, iyo loolanka adag ee juquraafi-siyaasadeed ee Geeska Afrika. Bogaadinta wadahadalka Itoobiya Qodob muhiim ah oo ka mid ahaa bayaanka Sacuudiga wuxuu ahaa wadahadalladii dib-u-heshiisiinta ahaa ee dhawaan dhex maray Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya, kuwaasoo uu Turkigu martigeliyay. Elkhereiji wuxuu ku celiyay taageerada Boqortooyadu u hayso wadahadalkaas, isagoo ku tilmaamay “tallaabadii ugu horreysay ee loo qaaday dhanka nabadda ee labada dal.” Wuxuu sheegay in heshiiska wada-hadalku uu “ka tarjumayo rabitaan dhab ah oo lagu doonayo in looga gudbo xiisadaha loona dhiso mustaqbal ammaan, xasilooni iyo horumar wadajir ah leh.” Xiriirka u dhexeeya Muqdisho iyo Addis Ababa ayaa galay xiisad ba’an bishii Janaayo 2024 kaddib markii ay Itoobiya saxiixday Heshiis Is-afgarad (MoU) oo muran dhaliyay, kaasoo ay la gashay Somaliland, oo ah gobol ka tirsan Soomaaliya oo gooni u goosad ah. Heshiiska ayaa Itoobiya siinayay kiro 50 sano ah oo deked iyo saldhig ciidan badeed ah, taasoo beddelkeeda lagu qaadayo tallaabooyin horseedi kara aqoonsi rasmi ah oo loo fidiyo madax-bannaanida Somaliland, tallaabadaas oo Madaxweynaha Soomaaliya, Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud, uu ku tilmaamay fal “xadgudub” ah. Cawaaqib-xumadii diblomaasiyadeed ee ka dhalatay ayaa ku sigtay inay khalkhal geliso gobolka oo markii horeba aan degganayn, ka hor inta uusan Turkigu ka caawin dhexdhexaadinta wadahadalladii hordhaca ahaa ee lagu qaboojinayay xaaladda. In kasta oo uu ammaanay horumarka diblomaasiyadeed, Elkhereiji wuxuu soo saaray cambaarayn kulul oo ka dhan ah rabshadaha lagu wiiqayo xasiloonida Soomaaliya. “Waxa uu hoosta ka xariiqay baahida loo qabo dadaallo wadajir ah oo lagula dagaallamayo xagjirnimada, taas oo khatar ku ah amniga qaranka, wada-noolaanshaha nabdoon, iyo horumarka waara,” sida ay ku warrantay Wakaaladda Wararka Sacuudiga. Hadalkiisu wuxuu ku soo aadayaa xilli ay dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya, oo ay taageerayaan ciidamada Midowga Afrika (ATMIS) iyo maleeshiyaad deegaanka ah, ay waddo hawlgal ballaaran oo adag oo ka dhan ah Al-Shabaab. Kooxda xagjirka ah ee xiriirka la leh Al-Qaacida ayaa ka talisa deegaanno ballaaran oo miyi ah oo ku yaalla koonfurta iyo bartamaha Soomaaliya. Waxay si joogto ah u fulisaa weerarro ka dhan ah dowladda, dadka rayidka ah, iyo bartilmaameedyada ciidan, iyadoo ujeeddadeedu tahay inay afgambiso dowladda Muqdisho ee reer Galbeedku taageeraan. Elkhereiji wuxuu ku baaqay in la sameeyo isbahaysi mideysan oo lagaga hortago kooxda, taasoo weli ah caqabadda amni ee ugu weyn ee haysata Soomaaliya iyo gobolka oo dhan. Baaq horumarin iyo gargaar Wasiir ku xigeenka Sacuudiga ayaa adkeeyay muhiimadda ay leeyihiin xalalka dhaqaale ee muddada fog si loo xasiliyo Soomaaliya. Wuxuu ku boorriyay saaxiibbada caalamka inay taageeraan “mashaariicda kaabayaasha iyo wax soo saarka muddada dheer ee la jaanqaadaya ahmiyadda dowladda Soomaaliya.” Tani waxaa ka mid ah, ayuu xusay, horumarinta mas’uuliyadda leh ee kheyraadka dabiiciga ah ee Soomaaliya ee dhawaan la helay. Dalka waxaa la aaminsan yahay inuu leeyahay keyd shidaal iyo gaas oo aan weli laga faa’iidaysan, kuwaas oo wax ka beddeli kara dhaqaalaheeda, laakiin sidoo kale keeni kara caqabado la xiriira maamul-wanaagga iyo wadaagga kheyraadka ee caddaaladda ku dhisan. Sacuudi Carabiya wuxuu ahaa dal muddo dheer gargaar bini’aadannimo siinayay Soomaaliya, isagoo wax ka qabanaya dhibaatooyinka ay ka mid yihiin abaaraha iyo barakaca colaadaha, isagoo adeegsanaya garabkiisa gargaarka ee KSrelief. Tallaabo muujinaysa sida dalku si tartiib-tartiib ah ugu soo laabanayo fagaaraha caalamka, ayuu Elkhereiji ku ammaanay Soomaaliya inay heshay kursi aan joogto ahayn oo ka tirsan Golaha Ammaanka ee Qaramada Midoobay muddada 2025–2026. Wuxuu ku tilmaamay doorashadii guulaysatay ee Juun 2024 “guul weyn oo diblomaasiyadeed oo ka tarjumaysa kalsoonida sii kordheysa ee caalamku ku qabo doorka Soomaaliya ee horumarinta nabadda iyo amniga adduunka.” Waa markii ugu horreysay muddo ka badan 50 sano oo Soomaaliya ay ka mid noqoto hay’adda ugu awoodda badan Qaramada Midoobay, taasoo ah guul la taaban karo oo u soo hoyatay dawlad loo arkayay “mid fashilantay” intiisa badan soddonkii sano ee la soo dhaafay. Kursigan wuxuu Muqdisho siiyey cod toos ah oo ay kaga hadasho caqabadaha nabadda iyo amniga adduunka, oo ay ku jiraan kuwa ka taagan gobolkeeda aan degganeyn.

Dowladda Soomaaliya ayaa ku dhawaaqday inay 34 sano ka dib dhowaan ay dib u howlgelin doonto diyaaraddii qaranka ee Somali airlines, waxaana arrintaas warbaahinta u sheegay wasiirka gaadiidka iyo duulista Xukuumadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Maxamed Faarax Nuux. Dowladda ayaa heshiis ay ku soo iibsanayso laba diyaaradood oo nuucoodu yahay Airbus A320 la gashay shirkad ajanabi , waxayna diyaaradahaasi ku howl gali doono muddo laba bilood gudahood ah, ayagoo ku duuli doona magaca iyo calanka Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya. Somali airlines oo la aas-aasay sanadkii 1964-kii ayaa sideetameeyadii iyo tobaatameeyadii sumcad weyn ku lahayd dunida, gaar ahaan Afrika, waxaana si isku mid ah ugu safri jirey madaxda iyo rakaabka shacabka ah, nasiib darro’se waxay kamid noqatay hay’adihii qaranka ee ku burburay dagaalladii sokeeye. Xilligan waxaa dalka ka howlgala ku dhowaad 10 diyaaradood oo ay leeyihiin dowlado kale iyo 20-tameeyo kale oo gaar loo leeyahay, waxayna madaxda dalku ku safraan diyaaradahaas oo qarash badani ku baxo, sumcadda qarankana aan u wanaagsanayn. Haddaba sida ay xeeldheereyaashu qabaan dib u howlgelin Somali airlines waxay xoojinaysaa sharafta dowladnimada Soomaaliya, waxayna kaalin weyn ka qaadan doontaa kobaca dhaqaalaha dalka, ayadoo meesha ka saari doonta malaayiin dollar oo ku bixi jirey ku duulista diyaaradaha shisheeye. Source: goobjoog.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Magaalada Muqdisho waxaa shalay si rasmi ah u yimid madaxda ugu sarreysa ee Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Taageerada iyo Xasilinta Soomaaliya (AUSSOM), iyagoo u yimid in ay la wareegaan hogaanka howlgalka cusub ee beddelay ATMIS. Wafdigan waxaa hoggaaminaya Guddoomiyaha cusub ee AUSSOM, Danjire El Hadji Ibrahima Boly Diene oo u dhashay dalka Senegal, waxaana garoonka Aadan Cadde ku soo dhaweeyay saraakiil sare oo ka tirsan dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya. Waxaa sidoo kale qeyb ka ah Guddoomiye ku-xigeenka AUSSOM, Ambassador Mukhtaar Cusmaan Kaariye oo kasoo jeeda dalka Jabuuti, kaasoo isna Muqdisho soo gaaray shalay. AUSSOM waa hawlgal cusub oo si rasmi ah ula wareegaya mas’uuliyadda nabad ilaalinta iyo xasillinta Soomaaliya, kadib markii la qorsheeyey in hawlgalkii ATMIS uu dhammaado dhammaadka 2024. Ujeedada AUSSOM ayaa ah in uu noqdo mid ay Soomaalidu hoggaamineyso, iyadoo ay Midowga Afrika iyo beesha caalamka taageero ka geysanayaan dhanka farsamada, tababarka iyo kharashka. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, caqabadda ugu weyn ee haysata AUSSOM waa dhaqaale la’aan baahsan, taasoo dib u dhac weyn ku keentay howlgalka. Inkasta oo Qaramada Midoobay, Midowga Afrika iyo deeq-bixiyayaasha caalamka ay isla oggolaadeen in si wadajir ah loo bixiyo kharashaadka lagu shaqeynayo, haddana waxaa soo baxaya warar sheegaya in weli ay jiraan caqabado dhinaca bixinta lacagaha, taasoo dhalisay walaac sii kordhaya. Khataraha dhaqaale la’aanta waxaa ka mid ah in haddii aan si deg-deg ah loo xallin arrimaha maalgelinta, uu howlgalka AUSSOM istaagi karo – arrin khatar weyn ku ah amniga Soomaaliya, iyadoo aanay ciidamada dowladda weli u diyaarsaneyn inay si buuxda ula wareegaan mas’uuliyadda sugidda nabadda guud ahaan dalka. Waxaa la filayaa in maalmaha soo socda ay madaxdan AUSSOM kulammo la yeelan doonaan madaxda dowladda federaalka, si loo dardar-geliyo wada-shaqeynta labada dhinac iyo xal u helidda caqabadaha heysta howlgalka cusub.

Mogadishu (Caasimada Online) – In mid-2022, Somalia was on the cusp of a historic breakthrough. A popular, clan-led uprising against al-Shabaab in the country’s heartlands, combined with a newly declared “total war” by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud’s administration, had the al-Qaeda-linked insurgency on the ropes. For the first time in over a decade, significant territory was being liberated by a Somali-led coalition, sparking cautious optimism that the tide was finally turning in the long and brutal conflict. Today, that optimism has been replaced by a grim and perilous reality. Al-Shabaab is not only resurgent but is actively threatening the capital, Mogadishu, after a devastating 2025 counter-offensive that has erased nearly all the government’s hard-won gains. The group has recaptured a string of strategic towns, including the critical forward operating base of Mahaas on July 27, 2025, and even attempted to assassinate the president himself within the capital. This dramatic reversal was not merely a result of the militants’ resilience. It was the direct consequence of a catastrophic strategic miscalculation by the Somali government. By prioritizing a divisive and high-stakes political project to overhaul the constitution and centralize power, the administration fractured the national anti-insurgent coalition, alienated its most critical allies, and created a political and security vacuum that al-Shabaab skillfully exploited. The government chose to fight a war on two fronts—one against the insurgency and another against its fragile political system—and is now on the verge of losing both. The initial success of the 2022–2023 offensive was rooted in its organic nature. It began not as a top-down government strategy, but as a grassroots rebellion by clan militias known as the Ma’awisley. For years, communities in central Somalia had endured al-Shabaab’s oppressive rule, but the group’s escalating demands for taxes and child soldiers, coupled with the assassination of respected elders, created a tipping point. President Mohamud’s newly elected government astutely harnessed this widespread anger, providing the Somali National Army (SNA) as a “hammer” to support Ma’awisley’s “anvil” of local legitimacy and intelligence. This hybrid force, backed by international drone support, dislodged al-Shabaab from significant swathes of Hirshabelle and Galmudug states, including the former insurgent hub of Adan Yabaal. The gains were the most comprehensive since the mid-2010s, demonstrating that a Somali-led, locally grounded strategy could succeed where years of foreign-led containment had stalled. The fateful pivot to politics Just as the military offensive was reaching its peak, the government’s focus shifted from the battlefield to the legislative chamber. In late 2023, the administration initiated an ambitious effort to amend Somalia’s 2012 provisional constitution, a document that had intentionally left unresolved contentious issues of power-sharing. The proposed reforms, controversially passed by parliament in March 2024, were sweeping. They sought to replace the clan-based power-sharing model with a presidential system, introduce universal suffrage, and grant the president the authority to appoint and dismiss the prime minister—a power previously held by parliament. While the government framed the agenda as a necessary step toward a modern and stable state, critics and political rivals immediately denounced it as a unilateral power grab. Powerful regional leaders and former presidents accused Mohamud of using the reforms to consolidate his authority and rig the political landscape ahead of the 2026 elections. The process, pushed through without a broad consensus, was seen as an existential threat by federal member states like Puntland and Jubaland, which fiercely guard their autonomy. What was especially damaging was the failure to use this constitutional moment as a nation-building opportunity. Instead of pursuing inclusive dialogue with regional stakeholders, the government’s top-down approach deepened distrust and hardened opposition to its policies. A more consultative process—especially one that took into account the concerns of Puntland and Jubaland—could have strengthened the legitimacy of the state rather than eroding it. The coalition crumbles The political fallout was immediate and devastating to the war effort. In March 2024, following the passage of the amendments, the powerful state of Puntland announced it would no longer recognize the authority of the federal government, effectively withdrawing one of the nation’s most capable regional security forces from any coordinated anti-insurgency effort. The relationship with Jubaland state followed a similar trajectory, culminating in armed clashes between federal and Jubaland forces in late 2024 after Mogadishu rejected the legitimacy of its regional election. As the federal government became consumed by these political battles, the frontline forces felt abandoned. Support for the Ma’awisley clan militias—the backbone of the offensive—reportedly dried up. Feeling betrayed, their morale plummeted, and many units simply withdrew from the fight, leaving the overstretched and logistically challenged SNA exposed. The much-anticipated second phase of the offensive, “Operation Black Lion,” was indefinitely postponed as the “total war” ground to a halt. Compounding this collapse was a deeper issue: the Somali state’s limited capacity to govern newly liberated areas. Corruption, poor coordination, and inconsistent international funding hampered the government’s ability to provide basic services or economic incentives. In many rural communities, disillusionment grew as the promise of liberation gave way to neglect—creating a void that al-Shabaab was quick to fill with its own brutal but predictable form of governance. Al-Shabaab’s deadly renaissance The political vacuum was a gift to al-Shabaab. The group, which thrives on government disunity, regrouped and launched a major counter-offensive in February 2025. Facing demoralized and unsupported government troops, its fighters swiftly recaptured a string of strategic towns. Adan Yabaal, whose liberation in 2022 was a major symbolic victory, fell back into insurgent hands in April 2025. In July, the group overran Moqokori, Tardo, and the critical government forward operating base of Mahaas, establishing a “triangular stronghold” in central Somalia that allows it to sever government supply lines. Its forces have seized towns less than 50 kilometers from Mogadishu, tightening a virtual noose around the capital. Critically, al-Shabaab’s comeback was not confined to military might—it was also an intelligence victory. The Somali government’s inability to hold rural areas or maintain local intelligence networks allowed the group to regroup undetected. The failure to consolidate control over these regions after initial liberation highlights a dangerous misconception: that retaking towns alone equates to strategic success. Meanwhile, public sentiment began to shift. Communities that once celebrated the downfall of al-Shabaab grew frustrated with the federal government’s lack of follow-through. As the conflict dragged on and promises of stability failed to materialize, many civilians chose neutrality—or quiet cooperation with insurgents—as a means of survival. The loss of civilian trust further undermined the government’s legitimacy and its war effort. The government’s decision to prioritize political consolidation over national security has not only stalled a promising offensive but also actively enabled the enemy’s resurgence. Conclusion The opportunity of 2022 was not simply missed—it was squandered. Today, the Somali state is more fragmented, its security forces more divided, and al-Shabaab more confident and strategically positioned than it has been in years, leaving the country on a perilous path with no easy options ahead. Somalia’s war against al-Shabaab has now fallen into a dangerous historical pattern. Similar offensives in 2011–2014 also made sweeping gains, only to collapse when political infighting, poor coordination, and lack of follow-up sapped momentum. The cycle of advance and retreat continues—not because of battlefield failures, but because political leaders have repeatedly failed to translate military victories into sustainable governance. What’s worse, the country’s internal fragmentation is increasingly intertwined with regional rivalries. Neighboring states and Gulf powers have pursued their own interests through Somali factions, sometimes deepening divisions between federal member states and Mogadishu. As external actors align with various Somali stakeholders, the civil conflict risks becoming regionalized, complicating efforts to develop a cohesive national strategy.

Mogadishu (Caasimada Online) – The strategic Somali border town of Doolow once again became a flashpoint in the Horn of Africa’s most complex and fraught relationship. In a scene grimly reminiscent of past confrontations, Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) troops clashed directly with personnel from Somalia’s federal intelligence agency. The firefight, which reportedly left at least one federal soldier dead and saw the local intelligence commander arrested, was not a random skirmish. It was a calculated display of power, deeply enmeshed in a bitter internal Somali political struggle and timed with cynical precision as Somalia’s president was in Addis Ababa for diplomatic talks. The incident is the latest in a pattern of violations that has seen Mogadishu issue furious condemnations, accusing Ethiopia of “blatant aggression” and a flagrant disregard for its sovereignty. Yet, despite the outrage, Somalia has consistently stopped short of severing all ties. This paradox raises a critical question: Why does a nation, whose sovereignty is so openly challenged, continue to engage with its aggressor? The answer lies in a painful reality forged by a crippling security dependency, deep internal political fractures that Ethiopia masterfully exploits, and a pragmatic, if agonizing, strategy for national survival. Somalia is not passively watching these violations; it is navigating a crisis it cannot afford to escalate. But the time for strategic patience may be reaching its limit. Continued passivity risks normalizing Ethiopian violations, eroding the very concept of Somali sovereignty. If these incidents go unanswered, they will set a dangerous precedent—that Somalia’s borders and military personnel can be violated with impunity. A nation hostage to its security The primary reason Somalia cannot afford a complete diplomatic rupture, as some argue, is its profound and inescapable dependence on the very military it accuses of aggression. For over a decade, Ethiopia has been a cornerstone of the fight against Al-Shabaab, the al-Qaeda-affiliated insurgency that continues to control vast swathes of rural Somalia and poses an existential threat to the state. Ethiopia maintains a formidable and complex military footprint inside Somalia, operating on two parallel tracks. First, approximately 2,500 ENDF soldiers are officially part of the African Union-led peacekeeping mission, now known as AUSSOM, playing a formal role in joint operations with the Somali National Army (SNA). Second, and more significantly, an estimated 5,000 to 7,000 additional Ethiopian troops are stationed in Somalia under separate bilateral agreements. These non-AU forces operate with greater autonomy, primarily in the border regions of Gedo, Bakool, and Hirshabelle, creating a deep security buffer to protect Ethiopia from cross-border attacks. This combined force of over 10,000 seasoned soldiers is indispensable. Somali regional officials, particularly in the Southwest and Jubaland states, have openly stated that a sudden withdrawal of Ethiopian forces would be catastrophic, creating a security vacuum that would only benefit Al-Shabaab. The Somali National Army, still in a developmental phase, is wholly unprepared to fill such a void. Ethiopia’s proxy politics in Gedo Beyond its indispensable military role, Ethiopia wields another powerful instrument of influence: its ability to manipulate the deep political fault lines that run through the Somali state. The constant power struggle between the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) in Mogadishu and semi-autonomous Federal Member States (FMS) provides Addis Ababa with multiple levers to apply pressure and protect its interests. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Gedo region, the epicenter of Monday’s clash. Nominally part of Jubaland state, Gedo has long been a tinderbox of political and clan-based conflict. The FGS has persistently worked to undermine the authority of Jubaland’s president, Ahmed Madobe, whom it views as an obstacle to its centralizing ambitions. In response, Ethiopia has cultivated a strong, long-standing alliance with Madobe and the Jubaland administration, providing them with military and political backing in their struggles against both Al-Shabaab and the FGS. The clashes in Doolow are a direct result of this dynamic. In both the recent incident and a similar one in December 2024, Ethiopian forces intervened decisively on behalf of their Jubaland allies against federal troops. This serves as a powerful message to Mogadishu that its authority is severely limited in regions where Ethiopia has deep-rooted interests. Critics argue that the FGS’s relentless campaign against Jubaland has created the very instability that invites this foreign meddling, at times diverting crucial resources from the fight against Al-Shabaab and creating security vacuums for the militants to exploit. But proxy interference in internal political disputes crosses a dangerous line. Ethiopia is no longer a neutral partner—it is acting as a regional power broker using Somalia’s internal divisions to preserve its strategic leverage. Mogadishu cannot afford to let this dynamic continue unchecked. A sustained diplomatic counter-campaign—both regionally and internationally—is urgently needed to reframe Ethiopia not as a peacekeeping ally, but as a destabilizing force violating Somali sovereignty. The diplomatic tightrope walk Faced with these constraints, Somalia has adopted a nuanced diplomatic strategy that combines protest and pragmatism. The current cycle of tension was ignited in January 2024, when Ethiopia signed a controversial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the breakaway region of Somaliland, offering potential diplomatic recognition in exchange for a 50-year lease on a naval base. The deal sparked fury in Mogadishu, which expelled Ethiopia’s ambassador and threatened to bar its troops from the new AU mission. This high-stakes gambit successfully internationalized the dispute, creating a regional crisis that drew in international partners. The diplomatic off-ramp came in December 2024 with the Turkish-brokered Ankara Declaration. The agreement was a masterclass in face-saving diplomacy: Ethiopia reaffirmed its respect for Somalia’s sovereignty, while Somalia acknowledged Ethiopia’s need for sea access and the sacrifices of its troops in the fight against Al-Shabaab. This allowed Mogadishu to claim a victory on principle while gracefully backing down from its threat to expel the indispensable Ethiopian forces. However, as the recurring clashes in Doolow demonstrate, such diplomatic agreements do not erase the complex power realities on the ground. These incidents serve as Ethiopia’s periodic and brutal reminders to Mogadishu that its leverage remains intact, regardless of the text of any declaration. The Ankara Declaration gave Ethiopia a reputational reset it did not earn. Its repeated violations since then show that Addis Ababa cannot be trusted to respect Somalia’s sovereignty without consequence. Future diplomacy must be backed by credible deterrents—whether legal, regional, or military in nature. Otherwise, Ethiopia will continue to treat Somali territory as negotiable space. The case for a firm response Somalia is at a pivotal inflection point. Continued accommodation of Ethiopia’s increasingly aggressive behavior risks turning what were once exceptional violations into the foundation of a dangerous new normal. Suppose Mogadishu continues to absorb these provocations without consequence. In that case, it risks sending the message that Somali sovereignty is optional. This perception will be difficult, if not impossible, to reverse. A clear and strategic response is no longer optional—it is a matter of national survival and constitutional dignity. The stakes extend far beyond Doolow or Jubaland; they reach into the very heart of Somalia’s ability to govern itself, defend its borders, and maintain the legitimacy of its institutions. Mogadishu must now begin building the legal, diplomatic, and regional infrastructure necessary to hold Ethiopia accountable. That includes formally pressing the African Union and IGAD to investigate the ENDF’s violations in Doolow, securing international backing for a phased drawdown of non-AU Ethiopian troops operating under bilateral arrangements, and initiating a broader review of Ethiopia’s military footprint inside Somalia. Just as crucial is the need to resolve internal divisions. As long as Somalia’s federal institutions remain fragmented, Ethiopia will continue to exploit those cracks to advance its interests at Somalia’s expense. A more unified federal framework will deny Ethiopia its current leverage and strengthen Somalia’s negotiating position on the regional stage. In parallel, Somalia must actively pursue deeper strategic partnerships with reliable regional actors—such as Turkey, Qatar, and other friendly states—who respect Somalia’s sovereignty and can offer security cooperation without the strings Ethiopia now pulls. Somalia’s sovereignty cannot, and must not, be contingent on Ethiopia’s approval. The longer Mogadishu delays action, the more entrenched Ethiopia’s influence becomes—both in Gedo and across Somalia’s political landscape. The time to confront this challenge is now—calmly, strategically, but unequivocally.

Doha (Caasimada Online) – Saudi Arabia on Monday urged the international community to bolster support for Somalia’s security and development, praising Mogadishu’s recent diplomatic efforts to ease the severe tensions with its neighbouring country, Ethiopia. Speaking at a meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Contact Group for Somalia in Doha, Qatar, Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Waleed Elkhereiji stressed the need for collective action to help the Horn of Africa nation confront extremist violence and build a stable future. “The Kingdom continues to provide relief and humanitarian aid through KSrelief,” Elkhereiji said, referencing the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Centre. He affirmed a commitment to “advancing relief and development efforts that promote stability and reduce human suffering.” The high-level meeting focused on mobilizing resources for a country grappling with a persistent Islamist insurgency, political fragility, and the complex geopolitical dynamics of the Horn of Africa. Praise for Ethiopia dialogue A key focus of the Saudi statement was the recent Turkish-hosted reconciliation talks between Somalia and Ethiopia. Elkhereiji reiterated the Kingdom’s support for the dialogue, calling it “a first step toward peace between the two nations.” He said the agreement to talk “reflects a genuine desire to overcome tensions and build a future of security, stability, and joint development.” Relations between Mogadishu and Addis Ababa plunged into crisis in January 2024 after Ethiopia signed a controversial Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Somaliland, a breakaway region of Somalia that is not internationally recognized. The deal offered Ethiopia a 50-year lease on a naval port in exchange for steps that could lead to the formal recognition of Somaliland’s sovereignty, a move Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud labelled an act of “annexation.” The subsequent diplomatic fallout threatened to destabilize the already volatile region before Türkiye helped broker initial talks to de-escalate the situation. While commending diplomatic progress, Elkhereiji issued a strong condemnation of violence aimed at undermining Somalia’s stability. “He emphasized the need for collective efforts to combat extremism, which threatens state security, peaceful coexistence, and sustainable development,” the Saudi Press Agency reported. His comments came as the Somali federal government, supported by African Union forces (ATMIS) and local militias, continues a long and difficult offensive against Al-Shabaab. The Al-Qaeda-affiliated extremist group controls large swathes of rural southern and central Somalia. It frequently carries out attacks against government, civilian, and military targets in its bid to topple the Western-backed government in Mogadishu. Elkhereiji called for a unified front to counter the group, which remains the most significant security challenge to both Somalia and the wider region. Call for development and aid The Saudi deputy minister emphasized the importance of long-term economic solutions in stabilizing Somalia. He urged international partners to back “infrastructure and long-term production projects aligned with Somali government priorities.” This includes, he noted, the responsible development of Somalia’s newly discovered natural resources. The country is believed to have significant untapped oil and gas reserves, which could transform its economy but also pose challenges related to governance and equitable resource sharing. Saudi Arabia has been a long-standing provider of humanitarian assistance to Somalia, addressing crises from drought to conflict displacement through its aid arm, KSrelief. In a sign of the country’s gradual return to the international stage, Elkhereiji praised Somalia for securing a non-permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council for the 2025–2026 term. He described the successful June 2024 election as a “major diplomatic milestone that reflects growing international confidence in Somalia’s role in promoting global peace and security.” It marks the first time in over 50 years that Somalia sits on the UN’s most powerful body, a significant achievement for a state that was considered “failed” for much of the past three decades. The position will give Mogadishu a direct voice in addressing global peace and security challenges, including those in its volatile region.

Mogadishu (Caasimada Online) – Somalia’s government announced on Monday the purchase of two Airbus A320 aircraft to relaunch its national carrier, Somali Airlines, more than three decades after the airline ceased operations with the country’s descent into civil war. The move marks a significant step in the Horn of Africa nation’s efforts to rebuild its state institutions and normalize its economy after years of conflict. Officials stated the revived airline is expected to begin flights within two months. The purchase agreement was formalized at the office of Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre in Mogadishu, signaling high-level government commitment to the project. “Today, we finalized a purchase agreement with Lima Holding Group for two Airbus A320 aircraft,” said Mohamed Farah Nuuh, the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation, in a statement to the press. “These planes will be operational within two months.” The revival of Somali Airlines, once a prominent symbol of national pride with its white and blue livery, is seen as a milestone for a country still grappling with security challenges and focused on a path of recovery. A symbol of national recovery Founded in 1964, Somali Airlines, affectionately known as the “White Star,” grew to connect Mogadishu with major destinations across Africa, the Middle East, and Europe, including Rome and Frankfurt. Its fleet once included modern Boeing 707 and 720 aircraft. However, the airline, like most of Somalia’s national institutions, collapsed with the overthrow of President Siad Barre’s government in 1991, which plunged the country into a prolonged civil war. Its aircraft were left grounded or were lost, and its international routes were abandoned. For the past 34 years, Somalia’s airspace has been served exclusively by private domestic carriers and foreign international airlines. The country regained complete control of its airspace in 2017, nearly three decades after the United Nations had managed it from a control center in neighboring Kenya. The acquisition of the two Airbus jets is the first phase of a broader, more ambitious strategy to re-establish a competitive national airline. Minister Nuuh emphasized that this was just the beginning of a gradual expansion. “The government decides that this is a starting point. We will acquire aircraft in batches,” the minister explained. “These two planes will be followed by another two or three. We want Somali Airlines to be able to compete with international services in a short period.” The Airbus A320 is a modern, short-to-medium-haul passenger jet widely used by airlines worldwide, indicating that the government aims to meet current international aviation standards from the outset. The purchase was made from Lima Holding Group, a company involved in aircraft leasing, chartering, and sales. A government focused on rebuilding The relaunch of the national airline aligns with the broader agenda of the government led by President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and Prime Minister Hamza Abdi Barre, which has prioritized economic development and state-building alongside its ongoing security operations against the al-Shabaab extremist group. Re-establishing a national carrier is expected to boost the economy by improving connectivity, facilitating trade, and potentially lowering airfare costs in a market currently dominated by a few private players. It also holds deep symbolic value for many Somalis, representing a return to normalcy and a restoration of national sovereignty. While the government’s announcement has been met with optimism, the new airline will face significant challenges, including stiff competition from established regional carriers, the high cost of aviation fuel, and the need to build a robust operational and safety infrastructure from scratch. Nevertheless, the sight of a Somali Airlines plane on an international tarmac would be a powerful testament to the nation’s resilience and its long journey toward peace and stability.

Mogadishu (HOL) — President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has appointed Bilan Bile Mahmoud as Secretary-General of the Banadir Regional Administration, replacing Faysal Arale Afrah. Source: Hiiraan Online

Mogadishu (HOL) — The Somali government says it purchased two Airbus A320 aircraft in a major step toward reviving Somali Airlines, more than three decades after the national carrier ceased operations following the collapse of central authority in 1991. Source: Hiiraan Online

Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Federaalka Soomaaliya Mudane Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud ayaa ka qeyb-galay Shirka Qiimaynta Horumarka Nidaamyada Cuntada ee Qaramada Midoobey (UN Food Systems Summit) oo lagu qabtay magaalada Addis Ababa ee dalka Itoobiya. Madaxweynaha oo khudbad ka jeediyay madashan ayaa soo bandhigay muhiimadda iskaashiga caalamiga ah ee la-dagaallanka cunto-yarida, isbeddelka cimilada iyo horumarinta nidaamyada cunto ee waara. Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda ayaa muujiyey in Soomaaliya ay saameeyeen abaaraha soo noqnoqda iyo isbeddelka cimilada, taas oo horseedday in malaayiin qof ay wajahaan cunto-yari, waxa uuna adkeeyay in horumarinta nidaamka wax-soosaarka dalagga iyo xoolaha uu yahay lagama maarmaan si looga gudbo duruufaha nololeed. “Istaraatiijiyadda Horumarinta Beeraha, waxay si cad u qeexaysaa ahmiyadda ay leeyihiin hagaajinta maamulka, kordhinta wax-soosaarka, dhisidda kaabeyaasha dhaqaalaha, horumarinta ganacsiga beeraha, iyo xoojinta awoodda hay’adaha. Waxaan aaminsanahay in beeruhu aysan kaliya dadka quudin, balse ay sidoo kale abuurayaan shaqooyin, xoojinayaan nabadda, islamarkaana ay Soomaaliya u diyaarinayaan mustaqbal ifaya”. Sidoo kale, Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh ayaa xusay qorshaha Dowladda Federaalka ee ku saleysan ee Dib-u-dhiska (National Transformation Plan), kaas oo mudnaanta siinaya horumarinta wax-soo-saarka gudaha, kobcinta dhaqaalaha miyiga, iskaashiga dowlad iyo ganacsatada, dhisidda nidaamyo suuq-geyn ah oo xoojinaya isku xirnaanta beeraleyda, suuqyada gudaha iyo kuwa caalamiga ah. “Sugnaanta cunnadu waa nabad dhisid, isbeddelka beerahana waa dhisidda qaran. Maalgashi kasta oo lagu sameeyo waa maalgashi lagu dhisayo nabad waarta iyo koboc dhaqaale oo loo siman yahay”. Madaxweynaha ayaa ugu baaqay beesha caalamka in ay xoojiyaan garab istaagga Soomaaliya, iyagoo taageero siinaya kaabeyaasha wax-soo-saarka, dhaqaalaha cagaaran iyo hirgelinta tiknoolojiyadda casriga ah ee dhanka beeraha si loo abuuro nidaamyo cunto oo dadka Soomaaliyeed ay si buuxda uga faa’iidaystaan. Source: goobjoog.com

Mogadishu (HOL) — Al-Shabaab militants seized control of the strategic central Somali town of Mahas on Sunday, marking the group’s first breach of the area in more than a decade and raising alarms about its renewed strength across the region. Source: Hiiraan Online

(ERGO) – Families living in Qurdubey displacement camp in Dollow say the allocation of cash aid to less than 10 per cent of the camp’s population is forcing everyone to eat less, as the resources are being shared among many other relatives and neighbours. Source: Hiiraan Online

Xilli saacado ka hor ciidanka Itoobiya ay weerareen saldhiggii xarunta NISA ee magaalada Doolow, islamarkaana ay afduubteen ciidankii ku sugnaa iyo Taliyahoodii, ka dibna taliskii gubeen ayaa waxaa degmada ka bilowday bannaanbax ay sameynayaan dadweynuhu, kaas oo lagu diidanyahay tillaabadii ay ciidanka Itoobiya xalay qaadeen. Dadka bannaanbaxaa dhigayay ayaa ku dhawaaqayay erayo ka dhan ah ciidanka Itoobiya iyo maamulka degmada, ayadoo sheegay inay aad uga caraysanyihiin dhacdooyinka foosha xun ee ciidanka shisheeye ay ka samaynayaan gudaha deegaankooda. Ciidanka Itoobiya ayaa la xaqiijiyay inay ciidankii dowladda ee joogay Doolow qaarna dileen, qaar kale oo taliyihii nabad sugiddu ku jirona ka kaxaysteen, ayadoo ilaa haatan aan la garanayn meesha ay la aadeen, sidoo kalena waxay gubeen taliskii nabad sugidda ee Doolow. Source: goobjoog.com