Xiinow, Ibrahim's piece is as interesting and informative as it is correctly predictive really. The fact that Ibrahim has writen about these issues way back in December 29th 2006 attests to the man's clear insight and general oversight about Somalia's geopolitical relations with others, which have developed into a reality of uneding nightmares. This piece reminded me of my own 2003 predictions IN HERE about Ethiopia's detrimental plans in our country. I now regret that I made such predictions.

Amiin. Allaha u naxariisto masaakiin xaq-darrada lagu xasuuqay. Allow u naxariiso Muslimiinta dhibaateysan dhamaantood. Aamiin.

Odey, Yes, I grant you that development is tough to capture, however, if some achieved it successfully, then we are left with no other choice but to strive to find our ways of capturing the illusive development somehow. When I say we have ‘to strive to find ways of capturing the illusive development’, I don’t necessary suggest that we use the ways (or hands) of others, mainly Western, to capture it. However, what I intend to strongly advance is the culture of knowing what ‘development’ means to us as Somalis/Africans, so as to know how best to spread our own nets to capture it. In a nutshell, my analogy is this: some use folks; others use sticks; and others use their hands to eat, whilst the ultimate common goal being to fill the stomach. So, in that context, I believe the time has come to stop attempting to clumsily eat with folks and sticks, but with other hands. And as concerns development, we should learn to know our own realities and abilities to device the best way of approaching development. Now, moving on to Somalia’s microeconomics, the comment I can make towards that end is this: it is true that in Somalia the entrepreneurial spirit exists, but this important ingredient currently remains under-used. Thus far, the entrepreneurialism spirit of our labour force is simply under-skilled to amount to anything. Even more so, our labour force suffers from severe market constraints in the form of minimal opportunities for capital investment generation. To recount the only two channels of investment, remittances and livestock trade-generated capital, these are in themselves volatile in nature. (A) Remittances are prone to circumstantial volatility, heavily dependent on swiftly and unpredictable global political and economic shifts, and thus the long-term sustainability of these sources as capital investment generation is something that cannot be made the foundation of national microeconomics. A case in point is India’s previous false economic calculation of remittances (that started to flow into India during the 1973 oil boom) as a source of capital investment generation, owning to the country’s vast expatriates in Gulf countries. In one instance of geopolitical shift in Gulf countries (while Idia was under the supervision of economist Mao Mohan Singh – now the Premier), the remittances sharply fell unexpectedly in the early 1990s, and the false economic sense created by the stream of remittances, was quickly replaced by a reality of rude economic awakening, which fortunately for India, has ushered in the reform that is now known as the ‘Kerala Model’. So, as far my opinion goes, it is not such a good idea to bank on the longevity and sustainability of remittances. (B) On livestock trade-generated capital investment, this trade too equally suffers from multiple risks, which our future state would be poorly positioned to minimize. (1) Since the primary commodity we are trading in/or exporting is a ‘perishable’ good in one sense, diseases such as the recent Rift Valley Fever can easily have irreparable depreciating disadvantages to the trade. (3)Again, with little or no Animal health facilities available in the whole of Somalia/Somaliland/the NFD and Western Somalia, speculative market messages can easily maximize the scale of loss of trade. I will leave this point at that. (3) Even when the livestocks are healthy and ready to be traded for hard currency, there is the small matter of unfair ‘Terms of Trade’, which tends to devaluate the worth of livestock commodity in Gulf countries, not due to the basic market principles of supply and demand; but in most cases, at the simple whim of the buyers' mood swings. This state of ever-changing ‘Terms of Trade’ regime is too detrimental to the stability of the country’s economic performance, especially by creating unnecessary flactuations, or in most cases than not, by impacting on the Purchasing Parity Power of our masses. So you see, it is probably also not a good idea to solely depend on livestock trade as the sustainable generator of capital investment. It is because of the facts I state above that we may need to diversify our ‘cash-crops’, be that be increasing our agricultural exports from only livestock and bananas, and to the introduction of viable cash-crops suitable for Somalia’s climate. Another point which you have mentioned that I agree with, is the irrelevancy of an existence government, or lack thereof, when particularly dealing with issues of economic nature. What I believe that we are in dire need of, which basic economics structures are securely put in place, is the creation of wide-spread training schemes that produce high and medium skilled labour force that can work in tandem with the need of achieving sustained economic growth and development. I think such skilled labour would prove useful after an envisioned goal of self-sufficiently in primary goods trade is sufficiently met. Then, the surplus resource that would be available could be allocated for R&D purposes, to identify other labour intensive, value-added, and export-oriented industries that would require a pool of readily available skilled labour. I better stop now before I start sounding like a lunatic . PS: Odey, Insha-Allah we should get back to the title of the topic somewhere down the line .

Hello Nomads, economists and non-economists alike. I am starting this topic with the hope of initiating some discussion of the future of Somalia economic development and the role a future Somali state should play . Should the future Somali state wash its hands off the intricacies and forces of the free market, or mindfully structure it, nurture it and direct it in order to achieve maximum performance towords economic development? How would Somalis, having been operating in unregulate market for so many years, in nature accept even the slightest of the interventionist state's directions or guidance? Below is an essay I have written on the subject some years ago on the role of the state in South Asia's 'Miracle' economic development in post-WWII. I know it is a rather long essay to some, but if you want to get some insight into this topic, maybe it is advicable you skim through it. Thanks. ..... Confusion over the role of the state in Pacific Asia development? Pacific Asian countries have experienced dramatic economic development since the end of World War II. Many attribute this success to a unique “Asian Model” of economic development (Johnson 1982, Amsden 1989, and Wade 1990). However, others other theorists such as Robert Wade, although they concede that such development could be partly due to the interplay of some international market forces, they also cite the involvement of heavy direction of the economy by ‘state industrial development planning agencies’. Even in light of the recent East Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s, the latter group’s argument did not change their view that East Asia’s success has been resulted by developmental state’s economic development planning. In fact, Wade (1998, 2000) attributes much of the blame for the late 1990s financial crises to some SE Asian economies’ departure from the state directed economic model. That said the other contrasting arguments that trace the success of East Asian economies in ‘the supremacy of the market’, and the minimalist interventions of the state, are still growing stronger. As a result, attempts to provide objective explanation to the ‘East Asian Miracle’ has only raised confusion over the role of the state. This essay will in the first part discuss neo-statist (of Johnson, Wade and Amsden) arguments, and in the second part, neo-classical arguments so as to shed some light on the source of this confusion. The final part will contain the concluding remarks. ... Driving the debate over the role of the state is a ‘straightforward neo-classical claim that free market is the distinguishing feature of Pacific Asian economies, and thus the secret of their peculiar dynamism’ (Weiss and Hobson, 1995:139). In the last decade, the term ‘free market’, which is not necessarily not meant with ‘laissez faire’, has at times been called ‘export-promoting policy’ and at others times, an ‘outward-oriented strategy’. However, the World Bank has replaced these terms with ‘neutral incentive policy’ (Woo 1990: 413, cited in Weiss, 139). State neutrality, as neoclassical economists argue, was the key to East Asian success. If this reasoning is employed, then, the region’s success is due to adoption of ‘neutral trade regime’. In other words, there is ‘broad neutrality between import substitution and exporting’, so that ‘sales from exports are no less profitable than sales in the domestic market’ (Lal, 1983: 46). Neutrality is of importance because of the ‘primacy liberal economists’ attribute to export-oriented industrialisation’ (Weiss: 139). Although the extent of Pacific Asia’s ‘out-ward’ orientation remains contentious (Wade 1990:19); the successful penetration of export markets with manufactured goods has, nevertheless, been fundamental to the region’s vitality. Understandably, then, the burden of neoclassical analysis is to explain why exports expanded in the NICs and the role states have played, or not played. The neo-classical tale may therefore appear relatively straightforward. As Krueger (1986) asserts, ‘exports expanded because prices were undistorted by government measures’. To support this view, neo-classical economists contend that exports were brought into line with global prices, due to the state trade reforms, which varied from devaluation of the currency and reduction of import barriers’. Unsurprisingly, this very reforms which neo-classical dismiss as being corrective mechanism provided by the states, neo-statist writers such as Wade perceive them as being state endeavours to lead, structure or govern the market. However, as neo-classical economists argue, by introducing these reforms, states ‘got prices right’, which sent appropriate ‘market signals’ to potential exporters’ (Weiss: 134). Such appropriations were made possible to be sent by allowing imports into the economy, and by putting in place favourable exchange rates that allowed prices to reflect real scarcities. The claim is that these governments, far from governing the market, their role was restricted to the creation of a neutral trade regime that has allowed markets to work more freely than elsewhere. It is this that had therefore led to the stimulation of an ‘exceptional export drive and virtually self-sustaining development’ (Ibid.). The argument put forth by those who advocate for the market-led approach is that the success of the economies of the Asian NICs was as a result of free market agents taking advantage of ‘liberalised’ markets, and markets freed from government controls through the right policies. Thus, the Asian NICs can be perceived as being the product of the neo-classical formula for economic success, in which the state has little role to play. That being the case, the simple formula of unrestricted markets and minimal state involvement used successfully by East Asian countries, as the World Bank purports, should be emulated by other developing countries, such as those in the sub-Saharan Africa. Although liberals value ‘the primacy of the market’ in explaining economic performance, ‘it is only since the counter-revolution of the 1980s that this has gone hand in hand with an equally decisive anti-interventionist and an emphasis on the incapacity of states’ (Shapiro and Taylor 1990: 863). At best, some neo-classical writers concede the ‘activism’ of East Asian states, but then rhetorically dismiss their impact as either irrelevant or impossible to evaluate. Lal (1983: 46-7), for example, claims that ‘the effects of export-promoting policies has been achieved despite intervention’. Riedel (1988: 36) similarly concludes that ‘governments main contribution to economic success …was… principally in removing the obstacles to growth when they themselves put there in the first place’ As Weiss and Hobson wonder, the ‘assumption that what is difficult to evaluate must therefore be irrelevant is left undefended’. Weiss and Hobson note that some economists, will, without any evidence go as far as claiming that the ‘East Asian performance would have been superior if states had been less active, especially in encouraging particular industrial sectors’ (149). As Wade further adds, if this neo-classical assertion is employed, it would mean that: Japan’s economy would now been much better off if the Governor of the Bank of Japan had been allowed to have his way in the mid-1950s, when he opposed a concentration on steel and mobiles on the grounds that Japan’s comparative advantage lay in textiles (Wade 1988a: 151-2). The minimalist view of the state dominates neo-classical works, and considers Pacific Asian states to matter only for their ‘environmental’ function, in that they provide and sustain a suitable environment, in which the markets can operate freely. In this view, planning agencies of the states haven’t made any significant difference at all, since they did not govern the market, foster and channel productive investment and exports. Their only contribution was to ‘remove obstacles –for which governments are created in the first place- to the market’s otherwise spontaneous development’. Contrary to Neo-classical explanations, however, neo-statist interpretations offer entirely different view of the state’s role in Pacific Asian economic development. For neo-statist economists, ‘states in the East Asian economies had not only determined the character of trade regime’, but they also facilitated and managed the industrial investment and productive profile of the whole nation. Thus, far from the neoclassical view that the states’ role in the rise of East Asia was minimal (and limited to removing the market from obstacles), neo-statist economists point to an evidence of the highly structured nature of East Asian trade regimes; an evidence that weakens neoclassical claims. As this evidence shows, Pacific Asia states were not only ‘active’ interventionist states’ – something which neo-classical economists dismiss - but were in fact ‘developmental’ states (Johnson 1982), in the sense that they had overarching priorities, anticipatory (strategic) policies, and also possessed ‘a capacity to alter economic direction of the nation’. Building on the core contributions of Johnson Chalmers’ ‘developmental’ state thesis, other subsequent writers such as Alice Amsden and Robert Wade’s ‘guided market’ thesis, have come to the fore to refute the neoclassical claim of minimal government involvement in the development of Pacific Asian economies. Johnson Chalmers’ (1982) ‘developmental’ state thesis, serves the purpose of differentiating East Asian capitalism from the capitalism that prevails in Anglo-American lands. In doing so, Johnson identifies states whose major features include priority of production over consumption. States that create a mechanism that allows cooperation and communication between business groups and ministries and planning agencies, or the rationalisation of vital resources such as finances. States that were also capable of resisting the demands interest groups, and were able to operate and lead the market via the implementation of strategic industrial policies. These strategic industrial policies are the ones which neoclassical economists confuse with other free market forces, enabling them to debate for the argument states’ minimal the role in economic development. Judging from this minimal state role thesis, it is no wonder that the neo-classical economists to consider the role of the state as being limited to removing obstacles, correcting market failure or offsetting existing market distortions, and creating neutrality in resource allocation. Accordingly, if state policies do neither of these things, then they simply function in support of entrepreneurial activities. However, contrary to this assertion, Robert Wade and Alice Amsden posit that ‘what is significant in East Asia, with the exception of Hong Kong, is that the state has been firmly in the driving seat’ (Appelbaum and Henderson, 20-1) in achieving industrialisation. Ministries and planning agencies in Japan and NICs have ‘encouraged and directed companies - as opposed to neoclassical arguments - ‘into higher valued added, higher wage and more technology-intensive forms of production’ (Ibid. 21). These states have been able to encourage the adoption of their strategic industrial policies via ‘systems of constraints’ or in the case of Japan, Korea, Taiwan and Singapore, ‘by rigging prices’. This is to serve as one example of interventionist policies, employed by East Asian states in their role of guiding the market. Similarly, other interventionist policies can be cited in order to counter the neoclassical or liberal market supremacy interpretation of the rise of East Asian economies. Thus, in the context of East Asian economic development, all neo-classical arguments appear somewhat inadequate to find a way out of the confusion over the role of the state. In contrast, neo-statist arguments seem to offer a realistic approach that has the potential to minimize confusion over state role. Furthermore, neo-statist economic models delineate useful pointers in the future of effective economic development (in other developing regions) through the responsible role of developmental state. As such, neo-statist model summarises the state’s role into three parts: (1) discipline and support, which is intended to exact higher performance standards from companies invested in by the states; (2) selectivity or targeting, which is intended to select most competitive companies so as to achieve competitive advantage and; (3) aiming for market expansion with long-term horizons expectations. In conclusion, the confusion over the role of the state in Pacific Asian development seems to stem from contrasting interpretations or explanations. While in general neo-classical economists accord the state a minimal role in free market economy and favours non-intervention. However, the application of this preference in explaining the economic performance of Pacific Asia or East Asian region, which has dissimilar circumstances developmentally, at best leads to oversimplification and at worse, confusion of the role of the state. The application of liberal market-supremacy approach to East Asia have since the 1980s been questioned by writers who can be referred to as neo-statist economists. Neo-statist interpretation of the rise of the successful development of East Asian economies disagrees with the neo-classical approach by believing that far from laissez faire market, East Asian markets were indeed state-led, and thus the state’s role in the rise of East Asia was paramount. Neo-statist theorists cite varying examples to evidence and support their claims of the existence of heavy state interventions in these economies. All in all, depending on which approach one employs, to explain the role of the state in the development of Pacific Asian countries, the debate over this issue continues to rage. Bibliography Johnson, C. (1982) ‘MITI and the Japanese Miracle: The Growth of Industrial Policy’, 1925-1975 Stanford: Stanford University Press Amsden, A. (1989), ‘Asia’s Next Giant: Korea and late industrialisation’, Oxford: Oxford University Press Wade, R. (1991a) ‘Governing the Market: Economic theory and the role of the government in East Asian industrialisation’, Princeton: Princeton University Press Weiss, Linda and Hobson, John M. (1995) ‘States and Economic Development: A Comparative Historical Analysis’. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Lal, D. (1983), ‘The Poverty of ‘Development Economics’, Hobart Paperback No 16, The Institute of Economic Affairs, UK Robison, Beeson, Jayasuruiya and Kim (2000) ‘Politics and Markets in the Wake of the Asian Crisis’. London and New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group Jones, D. (1997) ‘Political Development of Pacific Asia’, Cambridge: Polity Press Henderson, J. and Appelbaum, R, (1992) “Situating the State in the East Asian Development Process.” In States and Development in the Asian Pacific Rim, Newbury Park: Sage Publications Hodder, R., (1992) ‘The West Pacific Rim: An introduction’, London: Belhaven Press

Hmm. Eid already? Bummer!

Mudantii Huweenkaay ..mudda aan yarayn baan kugu soo maqnaayee! by none other than M. Mooge (AUN). Never fails to restore appreciation. Habluhu kala wanaagsane.... Halkey caawa joogtaa... Mooge again..

Peering at her ample clevage proves more soothing than listening to her butchering of the language. Waxay tahay, she has opened a new market for a host of wannabe singer sujuis .

We wouldn't want in aan suuqa kaa xirno, would we?

Dear a display name, I shant keep you waiting, Insha-Allah. I have the next 5 parts ready albeit in need of some edition. Will post more soon as.

As if she found it!

'Bakhtiga ma cuno. Balse fuudkiisaan cabbaa' sums up the predicament of fellow SOLers who support Ethiopia in one principle, and yet, are opposed to it in another. Their argument, far from having any substance to hold water, rather has an amusing oxymoronic entertaining quality to it. The kind of argument you would want to be beguiled with, by a hoary nay-sayer while you sit by the fire sipping Suusac. It's that sort of a bitter-sweet argument. If only Meles were aware of the argument they are entertaining .

Waa wax laga naxo, waxaana ka sii naxdin wayn kuwa Muslim isku sheegga ah ee hurmuudka u ah ee masaajidka ku hogaamiyey! Allow Alle.

Saalim Saciid Saalim geber iyo garoobaa garuun ii wataanee! qaranimo - Sadax qayb baa dhigaye, Somali sadax qayba baa loo dhigayee

[Guys forgive me were you to find slight spelling errors or gramatic mistakes. Thanks] Part Three The punishment of memories After a short tearful moment, Diiriye reached deep into his trouser pocket, produced a white handkerchief, and dried his wet from the tears. He shifted his head from the front seat’s hand rest, sat upright and blew a heavy sigh of relief. ‘Oh for shame’ he murmured to himself ‘I cried’. In his state of emotional exhaustion, Diiriye turned his thoughts at tracing the last time he cried. As far back as he went to remember, he could not find a time in his adult life that he did cry, except for today. He always remained extremely calm, and emotionally unsettled under any situation at all times. However, recent trying times have changed my character, or so he thought. He sensed as though his affections for Sucaad were wearing out his strength to keep his emotions under control. Lately, Sucaad has been appearing in all his dreams, seeming very real, and in each dream, he and Sucaad, were living in a harmonious bliss of marital companionship. In reality, however, Sucaad has eluded him and rejected all his attempts to win her over. It for this reason that Diiriye decided to seek advice from Haajir, whom he considered a good friend. And after pouring his heart out, Haajir accepted to help Diiriye in succeeding to get the girl of his dreams. Haajir suggested that they visit his cousin, Nimo, who happens to be Sucaad’s best friend, and this brought Diiriye into Nimco’s presence. But he has never anticipated what was to unfold upon meeting Nimo. Nimco knew Diiriye as the strange guy who has been unfailingly attempting to win over Sucaad. Every morning, she saw him standing on Sucaad’s route to work, bearing flowers, gifts and hand-written poems, which Sucaad uncaringly ridiculed. Every time Diiriye handed flowers, gifts or poems to Sucaad, Sucaad would disdainfully pass it to Nimco to chuck it in the bin. At first, Nimco never use to think twice about chucking Diiriye’s offerings into the bin, but gradually, she grew slightly hesitant. Slowly by slowly she felt heavy-hearted about wasting the affectionate efforts of this love-wounded poor guy. Then, on one auspicious day, instead of bining a hand-written love poem, she got herself immersed in conversation with Sucaad and total forgot to fulfil her bining duty. And as she normally does with all papers she finds in her hand, she threw the poem into her bag without paying attention to what it was. Later that same day, while preparing to do some unfinished work-related research with tight deadline, she emptied all the contents of her purse onto her study desk, and out fell the poem. At a glance, she thought of ignoring the neatly folded poem paper, but then she grew slightly curious. She picked it up and gently unfolded. She then realized that it was a hand-written poem addressed, ‘To you, Sucaad’, at which point she began to read it, and in every line of the poem, a beautiful yet a touchingly sad emotional message of love came through to her. Impressed with the poet’s talent - in delivering an affectionate declaration of unrequited love- she forgot about what she was meant to be doing. Obsessively, she repeated the lines of the poem again and again, with no regard for time. Such was her preoccupation that she spent hours reading and re-reading the poem. And at the end of each reading, she would press the poem against her heart. That night, she fell asleep as tender feelings entertained her. Part Five In love with a poet the following morning, she woke up and quickly dressed up, in order not to miss the chance to accompany Sucaad to where they both worked. She excitedly looked forward to see Diiriye’s usual stand along the pavement. Today, she hoped, he would be offering another beautiful poem which she intends to keep. She rushed out of the house past her mother preparing breakfast, and reached where she and Sucaad normally meet in the nick of time. Unfailingly, Sucaad was there. After a few pleasantries of salutation, they both begun their ritual walk to work, and after few minutes, Diiriye appeared right before them. ‘Ooh!’ shouted Sucaad with irritation. ‘ This creepy guy is really getting on my nerves.’ Pretending to be the peace-maker, ‘honey, let me talk to him, OK?’ suggested Nimco. ‘OK.’ ‘You keep working.’ ‘Oh, thank you honey.’ Sucaad said. Nimco stopped at Diiriye's stand and looked at his face and then what his hand was holding. And lucky was she, he seemed to be holding another folded paper that looked like a poem. ‘Listen, brother’ Nimco began, ‘my friend is angry with you bothering her. She wants you to leave her alone, you hear? ‘But I desperately need her to talk to me just once. That’s all I am asking, honestly,’ Diiriye pleaded. ‘Please, can’t you make her talk to me?’ Nimco paused to think. ‘I am sorry she won’t speak to you. But I can only help you to give her your gift later. OK?’ she told him. ‘Thank you, thank you so much’ Diiriye repeated. ‘Not a problem.’ Later that night, Nimco was at home hesitating to unfold the paper poem. She felt she was being dishonest betraying her best friend, but that did not stop her. She unfolded the paper and found in it another masterfully written poem. This time, the poem was even more touching and sad-laden. With each line she read, a lonely tear dropped down her cheeks. Her whole body shook, and her falling tears socked the paper in her hands. By the time she was finished reading the poem, she had started to sympathize with the poem's composer. She kept thinking about the kind of pain he must be in, and wanting to console his troubled soul, she thought of ways to be of some help to him. The compassion she felt for Diiriye was slowly turning to fondness. As each day passed, she was begining to slowly fall for Diiriye. Although she felt slight jealousy about the sort of affections he showered on Sucaad, yet she felt sorry for her. 'Only if she knew the sweetness and tenderness with which Diiriye’s poems were written', she would murmur, 'she would have fallen head over heals for him in an instant'. She was surprised of how poetry not intended for her, has etched into her heart. She couldn't help feeling sure that Sucaad’s heart, if only she knew how Diiriye care for her, would feel the same way she now felt. Nimco had, for several times, tried to reason with Sucaad to give Diiriye a single chance to get to know him. But every time Sucaad refused to consider such a request outrightly. Acknowledging how she now felt about Diiriye herself, Nimco once asked Sucaad if she would give her the blessing to try her chance with Diiriye. To this, Sucaad replied ‘of course, my dear, he is all yours!’ with a nonchalant attitude. In the days that were to follow, Nimco was beginning to fantasize about getting to win Diiriye’s heart for herself. That was before Haajir, her cousin, called to inform that his friend, Diiriye, will be coming to visit her at home about matter regarding Sucaad. The news of Diiriye coming sent her over the moon with joy. She could not believe her luck. 'The man I fantasized about was going to visit me? Ohhh' she kept repeating. She couldn’t be more happier. At first she couldn't take Haajir seriously and as he told her about Diiriye's future visitation, she repeatedly ask him ‘are you sure he is coming to visit’? Haajir somewhat amused, and couldn’t understand her excitement but confirmed the news anyway. 'This was my only chance', Nimco said to herself. 'I must play my cards right. It is do or die'. tr> To be continued, Insha-Allah...

^^Yes sxb. It is approximately All Saints rail station.

Caamir: I can envision the seething anger beneath the long-term effect of this name. I personally won't want my clan to be buried under the title of another. It is like denying my existance, which is the worst thing done to a clan society. Take the clan as an example of a nation with distinct linguistic and cultural rights? Herein lies the crux of disappointment of the century. Skeptical minds professing to be equally struggling for the cause of Somali liberation shelter their half-hearted commitment under a single word! A word that they use to defame those whose genuine action propells the only hope of an entire region. A word that seems to magically transform into a clan name (which was in fact it was expediently coined to refer to a land by others with devient plans) and instills in them the unwavering force to dismiss the entire struggle! Lord God! If the very force with which these clanistically inclined people put into this lame argument could be channeled to the benefit of the cause! I can swear that this fickle argument the skeptical lot advance has been implanted in them by colonialists and Ethiopia, in order to turn Somalis against themselves over petty semantics such as this one. But the infuriating thing is that these skeptical individuals are not clever in spotting this divisionist implanted mentality, and only become all clever when their fellow Somalis' clan name is coincidentally invoked. Shame. Shame.

Originally posted by Khalaf: quote:Its time for reconciliation J11 and I am down for that. lol ....my fault but this is funny...some ppl overestimate their influence or take SOL serious....u just faceless cats with keyboard if u want make difference then go out and do somthing tangible. Funny thing, i remember Mr. Me no offense dude talking about going to somalia to fight...and Paragon (Jll) saying same thing he'll go to frontlines...hadaana sheekda wa lets reconcile on SOL. hahahaha carry on fellas....i just thought it was funny nothing personal. Stay cool. :cool: Khalafow, ha fududaanin ninyow. Hadaad si miyir leh ugu kuur gali layd macnaha ku ladhan the reconciliation I have suggested, to which brother Me agreed to, you wouldn't have written the above comment of yours. Reconciliation in the context within which I have in mind, does not include sitting down with Ethiopians iyo waxa la halmaala! No. These Ethiopianised folks have gone beyond the point of reconciling with them. It is not them with which I seek reconciliation, but it is between 'us' - those of us who are against the occupation - and those who equally opposite the occupation but yet sit on the fence of neutrality. Only after that, if reasonable and sympathetic figures - in the so-called parliament make their desire known (to reconcile on the basis of reinstating Somali independence), should we (again that is 'us' for re-liberation) spread the mat of reconciliation. I am sure you are quite capable to grasb the gist of what I am saying, or can you not? If no, then you musn't hasitate to request of me further elaboration, Khalaf .

When such a shady character passes away, I find myself unable to muster even few words to utter- due to the angst and disdain I have towards them. Here it is: I bluntly wish death on such characters whose sick conscience is infested with the worst disease that can ever afflict a conscience. May they die today and tomorrow, may they die the day after that, and death prey on them. Roll in hell ma ahee, rot in hell baan ku leeyahay. Maxay tahay wanaagiyo asxaanta ay noo faleen ee inaga sugeysa in aan 'Alle ya raxmo' ugu ducayno? None. Absolutely none. There.

Waan ka soo raayey oo cadcaadda iyo cirkuba ka kaaftoomay. Inan bilicsanoo shabahda cadcaddoo caga loo yeelay iyo cirkoon caad lahayn ayaa indhahayga cawirtayoon daba cararayaa .

Sharmarkoow, war sxb maxaad noogu cidleyneysaa goobta? Waa ku sidee ninyow? Ma waxaad dooneysaa in aan inaguna barkiga dheereysano? PS: Bal waa yahay, maca salaama intaad naga maqan tahay iyo nooli-kulante sxb.

^Sure looks like you've been missed up in here.

^^Right. rudy, let me put this to you: does your choice of 'rudy' as nickname make you a rude Jamaican Yardie? I am sure you would say NO. So the same is with the fellow.

Originally posted by Valenteenah: quote:Originally posted by J.11: Men are mostly logical and rely less on it but women? Oh thats a whole lotta different ball game. There is no logic to them mostly and when their intuitive or instinctive feelings lands them in hot water, they ofcourse have another thing at their disposal: sobbing Is that right? Resourceful creatures, aren't they? Lol. Sorry dear, forgive me for not spotting your comment sooner. And to answer you; yes that is right but that depends on which creatures one finds resources. If you mean to imply 'aren't women resourceful', then I must admit they are more resourceful creatures in comparison to men. Their resourcefulness is in their genetic make-up, and their natural disposition of being quite capable in tackling some issues is a miracle of biological mechanics. Their tendency to skip and hop from one approach - when it appears to be of limited use - to others is the work of a psyche engineered to deal with life in a sophisticated manner. Although I might have implied that they make less use of logic, I make an additional statement which confesses that women are as much likely to use logic to some ends when they know they stand to gain . Thus, their switchovers are not at all a weakness to be minimised. Rather their flexibility to employ all means (majorely emotions) is advantagous if viewed in light of the logical rigidity that makes short of choice. So ' yes, the creatures are 'instinctly' resourceful. However, if your concern was with men, then I have to answer that there isn't much resourcefulness in their nature. Happy with that explanation? Or do you want me to mumble further?

Dear Mr.Oodweyne, I wish to ask you, if I may, in Somaliland's endeavour towards the achievement of international recognition: how significantly does a comment such as the one above, resonating from top brass American personnel, raise the value of Somaliland's stocks? If I may impose on you further, how often have such comments been made by the Americans? Or is this one the first of its kind? PS: Just wanted to know the weight the comments carry in the minds of die-hard Somalilanders. Maybe you can enlighten me, dear Oodweyne.

^^rudy lol. He is not a Christian bro. Mercus is just a name . Don't read much to it.