waar inantu naaso fiicanaaa ,,,

TO QUOTE one of my more knowledgeable colleagues: “Elections are funny things. Highly technical and procedural exercises that are yet filled with emotion and rhetoric.” During Britain’s recent election, emotion ran short. In Somaliland, it is present in spades. An election in a bit of Somalia, the world’s most failed state, is something to get emotional about. The streets of Hargeisa, Somaliland’s ramshackle and dusty capital, are a carnival. I am here in the north-west of what is still officially Somalia as part of a team of international observers, invited by Somaliland’s electoral commission, for the final week of the de facto state’s presidential election, to (they hope) verify the process, and, if so, help strengthen Somaliland’s long campaign for official recognition. Somalilanders, manacled to the profoundly failed state in the south, crave recognition, and all the advantages—such as multilateral assistance—it brings. But in the African Union, they lack allies, with the likes of Morocco fearful of what it could mean for their own claim over Western Sahara. Still, while pursuing the distant dream, Somalilanders have got on with state-building. This second presidential election (the first was in 2003, followed by a parliamentary election in 2005) is the latest stage of a democratic experiment as Athenian as it gets these days, that the world has largely failed to notice. Many of my fellow observers—59 of us, from 16 countries, including a fair swathe of diaspora Somalilanders—believe deeply in what Somaliland is trying to do. Me, I’m also curious. This is Somalia, after all. Dinner-party conversation-starters sorted for months. But the stakes are high, with long delays in holding the poll, originally set for 2008, sharpening tensions. And there is a chill from the south, where al-Shabaab are no fans of the idea of a democratic secessionist state. Disruption of the election would be a hot ticket, an incident involving foreigners—election observers perhaps—better still. At our first security briefing the point is underlined: “See you on YouTube, with a bag over your head”. On that jocular note, we hit Hargeisa’s streets. Our spirits lift immediately. Somalilanders, it is clear, have not let the long wait for the poll dim their enthusiasm. We foreigners, the non-Somali ones anyway, can only hope to absorb so much. So we fall back on the visuals. To avoid potential clashes, the three candidates take it in turns to campaign exclusively on particular days. Long trains of cars, buses and trucks, each crammed with more people—men, women and children, the young vastly outnumbering the middle-aged and the old—than the technology should rightly bear thread through the streets. Loudspeakers blare, women ululate. One day the livery is green (President Dahir Riyale Kahin of UDUB, the ruling party, whose posters put him in a suit far wider than he is), the next yellow (Ahmed Silanyo of the Kulmiye party, loser by 80 votes to Mr Riyale in the previous presidential election), the next green-and-white (Faisal Ali Waraabe of the UCID party, a Finnish national, who, alongside his running mate, beams at us from billboards “looking like a badly dressed gay couple at a civil wedding”, a fellow observer… observes). Women in hijab cover their heads in the colours of their allegiance; six-year-olds leap upon our bonnets waving their flags. Even the goats, ubiquitous on the streets, are bedecked in party colours. But each day, some of the faces, the people’s anyway, are the same. Could this election simply be an excuse to party? Well, it’s a good party, and little distinguishes the candidates after all. Policy is thin on the ground, apart from a need for “development” and (even for the incumbent) “change”. Our highly unscientific straw-polling on the streets reveals an appetite for “change”. What change? “Change.” Hopes are high, but the how is a mystery. Time up for Mr Riyale, perhaps. Like a proper election anywhere, the candidates avoid specifics, devoting their time to attacking one another. The buzz on the streets says Mr Silanyo, an aging scion of the independence movement that fought Somalia’s last military regime, will take it by a landslide. I ask a senior Kulmiye man what makes his boss the one. “A gorilla in a swimsuit could beat Riyale”, he replies. A ringing endorsement indeed. The main fears concern the result, and the potential for violence which could be unleashed by a narrow one, with most Somalilanders less concerned (we grasp for comfort) at the potential for al-Shabaab disturbance. When we ask them, each candidate pledges to respect the result, whatever it is. But what else would they say at this stage? Polling day arrives, with no serious violence, and we are still alive. Our teams (with armed guards) are dispatched to all six of Somaliland’s far-flung regions, with the diaspora members sent to the tenser ones. Here is where the technical and procedural part kicks in. For this vote, Somaliland is trying out a new voter-ID system, and the potential for fraud and confusion is thought to be high. If that happens, we expect no shortage of the wrong sort of emotion. In the meantime, it is the more positive emotion that dominates. From the crack of dawn, and even the night before, mostly good-natured queues (men and women separately, with far more of the latter, it appears) form outside the polling stations in schools, houses, tents, halls and government buildings throughout the land. I find myself blinking at the unruly crowds: should we really be here? This is Somalia, after all. But voting proceeds smoothly, if slowly at first, with the young polling station staff (mostly students from Somaliland’s few universities) managing mainly to avoid becoming overwhelmed. For in the queues and even in the stations, the party atmosphere continues, with emotion occasionally swimming over as the sun beats down, and the lines drag. On the phones at our Hargeisa base, some worrying reports creep in. At one station, stones have been thrown on the roof, shots fired into the air. False alarm: simply Somaliland-style crowd control. In the wild east, where some clans are no fans of Somaliland, there are more serious reports: ballot boxes have been blocked and a female electoral commission staffer (first worryingly described as an “election observer” in reports) shot dead. We telephone our teams there, tell them to keep to the towns. But, thankfully, it is the only serious violence of the day. Could this really be Somalia? In Mr Riyale’s home region, alongside the Ethiopian border, observers encounter crowds of children in queues, then crowds of people handing out voter cards. “Vote early, vote often” seems to be the name of the game. But we are observers, not monitors. We note it down: one for the final report. And to the aftermath. Back in our digs—our gilded cage—at the Hotel Man Soor, Hargeisa’s finest, all safe and sound, we congratulate ourselves on our bravery, swap war stories, and await the result. And wait. And wait. Five days later, we are still waiting, as the arcane system of Somaliland-style vote-counting goes on. But we note, alongside us in the Man Soor’s carparks, lobbies and dining areas, crowds of smiling Kulmiye operatives, slapping eachother on the back, shaking hands, deep in discussion, doing deals. The word is that a provisional result, and a peaceful change, is imminent. In Somalia—this is still Somalia—that is something worth getting emotional about. And worth noticing too.

Qaad baad u baahan tahay ,,, weliba nooca fujiska la yidhaa ,,

Dear Somaliland Intellectuals, I would like to send my warmest greetings to you, to President-elect, Mr. Ahmed Silaayo and to Somaliland public as a whole hoping the best for all. I would also like to thank our people for voting peacefully and against all odds! Secondly, my dear Somaliland intellectuals let us talk the talk, let us address the facts and let call a spade a spade. It is a fact that Somaliland is not even in the Third World. It is not even in the Fifth World. It is in the nth World. So, its youth, in the hope of realizing a dream, dies in the high seas. It is also a fact that our people die like insects in droves and from simple and curable diseases that have long time ago been eradicated from everywhere in this global village! For instance, it is true but sad that our people drink untreated and human/animal waste contaminated water even though dirty water has been proven to be a DEADLY DRINK!……an area where Somalilanders like me have a valuable expertise…refer to (www.hawasemagazine.blogspot.com.). It is also true that hundreds of thousands of our people struggle to make the daily bread. And it is equally true that 50% if not more of our people in every corner of Somaliland (not only in your village and not only in mine) may never get a decent meal for the whole day! And amazingly, they still maintain peace and tranquility! This is unbelievable! This is amazing and this is interesting though it is of course heart-breaking! My dear Somaliland intellectuals, can we walk the walk? And can we talk the talk? And can we do the doing? Who are OUR people waiting for? My dear friends, many of you would automatically put all blame squarely on the shoulders of President Rayale and his administration, but do not be surprised if the real answer lies elsewhere too! Agree, President Rayale could have done better because if more national self-reliance sacrifices were made for the past nineteen years, Somaliland could have taken long strides toward development. But it is equally true that Somaliland intellectuals did not do their fair share and are therefore equally to blame! For one thing, sadly dozens if not hundreds spent the past decade roaring over the internet and spitting venom on President Rayale and for the other, many did nothing more than cursing his administration! What a shame!! But now that we have a new administration, now that a new dawn has begun for Somaliland, now that OUR people have again proven they honor peace with hunger over turmoil, let us wait and see if those of you who roar like wolfs shut your mouths and do your fair share of national sacrifices or not! But please let us remember one thing: In kastoo nin gees ihi rag u geed adayg yahay, haddaan garabka lala qaban guri oodimaayee! And whether we give heed to this wisdom and bold and patriotically act or again resort to putting the blame on poor Somaliland and its people and administration for NOT doing this or that remains to be seen!………waaba la isbaraneeey! By Noah Arre

is he even alive horta ??

That was one hell of a game ,,,, Bye Bye silly Germans ,, Hello Trollers ,,,,, I wonder where the sun went today ....

How about where there is no sun or have limited sunshine ?

waa la dhamaynayaaa

Yaa qashin ku tuuraba dee ,,,,

Dad waalan iga dheh ,,,

Qare waa maxayna ?? ma xabxabkaa ?? ,,,

Last week, Somalis marked the fiftieth anniversary of their achievement of independence from colonial rule. The contrasting manner in which two parts of the onetime Somali Democratic Republic observed the milestone give a telling indication not only of current realities on the ground in the Horn of Africa, but also the prospects for security and stability in that critical subregion. It should be recalled that historically "Somalia" was never a unified political entity. Traditionally among the Somali, social and political identity was rooted in patrilineal descent (tol) meticulously memorialized in genealogies (abtirsiinyo, "reckoning of ancestors"), which determined each individual's exact place in society. The modern political history of the country begins with establishment of the British Somaliland Protectorate in the northwest in 1884 and the subsequent acquisition by Italy of various holdings along the eastern littoral of the Horn of Africa which were consolidated in 1908 as the colony of "Somalia Italiana." On June 26, 1960, British Somaliland received its independence as the State of Somaliland, notification of the birth of the new state was duly communicated to the United Nations and some thirty-five members duly accorded it diplomatic recognition. On July 1, 1960, what had mutated into the Italian-administered UN trust territory of Somalia received its independence. The two states then entered into a hasty union that a number of legal scholars have argued fell short of the minimal standards for legal validity, and which the Somalilanders quickly regretted due in no small measure to the discrimination which the northerners, predominantly members of the **** clan-family, suffered at the hands of the numerically-superior members of clans from other regions following the unilateral abrogation of the act of union between the former British Somaliland and the erstwhile Somalia Italiana. The ill-advised union came about under the influence of the African nationalism fashionable during the period, even though, common language and religion notwithstanding, the two territories had never developed a common sense of nationhood and had very different colonial experiences. Fast forward three decades to 1991 and the collapse of the dictatorship of Muhammad Siyad Barre, who had seized power in 1969 and attempted to stamp out clan identity with brute force in order to establish "scientific socialism." While southern and central Somalia tore itself apart in paroxysms of violence which continue to this day, in the north elders representing the various clans of Somaliland met in the ravaged city of Burao and agreed to a resolution that annulled the northern territory's merger with the former Italian colony and declared that it would revert to the sovereign status it had enjoyed upon the achievement of independence from Great Britain. Unlike other parts of Somalia, conflict in the region was averted when the Somali National Movement (SNM), the principal opposition group that had led the resistance against the Siyad Barre dictatorship in the region, and leaders of the predominant **** clan purposely reached out to representatives of other clans in Somaliland, including the *****/*****, **********, and Ise. The then-chairman of the SNM, Abdirahman Ahmed Ali "Tuur," was appointed by consensus to be interim president of Somaliland for a period of two years by the Burao conference. In 1993, the Somaliland clans sent representatives to Borama for a national guurti, or council of elders, which elected Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, who had briefly been prime minister of independent Somaliland in 1960 as well as democratically-elected prime minister of Somalia between 1967 and the military coup in 1969, as president of Somaliland. Interestingly, while the apportionment of seats at the two conferences was done along clan lines in a rough attempt to reflect the demographics of the territory, the actually decision making was by consensus. Egal's tenure saw, among other things, the drafting of a permanent constitution, approved by 97 percent of the voters in a May 2001 referendum, which provided for an executive branch of government, consisting of a directly elected president and vice president and appointed ministers; a bicameral legislature consisting of an elected House of Representatives and an upper chamber of elders, the guurti; and an independent judiciary. After Egal's unexpected death in 2002, his vice president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, succeed to the presidency. Riyale, a minority Gadabursi clansman from the western Awdal region near the Ethiopian border, was elected in his own right in a closely fought election in April 2003 – the margin of victory for the incumbent was just 80 votes out of nearly half a million cast and, amazingly, the challenger, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud "Silanyo," graciously accepted the results. Multiparty elections for the House of Representatives were held in September 2005 which gave the president's United Peoples' Democratic Party (UDUB) just 33 of the 82 seats, with the balance split between two other parties, Silanyo's Peace, Unity, and Development Party (Kulmiye), and Faisal Ali Warabe's Justice and Development Party (UCID). The report of a 2005 African Union fact-finding mission led by then African Union (AU) Commission Deputy Chairperson Patrick Mazimhaka concluded that "the fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland's search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history" and recommended that "the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case." In 2008, the AU's special representative for Somalia, Nicolas Bwakira, reported: "This nascent democracy in Somaliland provides a sense of pride and needs to be learned by the rest of Somalia. It is a very encouraging and rewarding socio-political development prevailing in Somaliland compared to the rest of the country whereby insecurity, piracy and insurgent activities are rampant." Despite these positive assessments, no country stepped forward to recognize Somaliland's independence. Undeterred, Somalilanders concentrated on building their domestic institutions while assiduously avoiding the warring militias, Islamist extremism, and rampant piracy that become the hallmarks of their former countrymen to the east and south. While they have experienced a number of hiccups in the last two years due to the repeated postponement of elections that were due in 2008, the hurdles were eventually overcome with the assistance of international partners, including Ethiopia, whose minister of state for foreign affairs, Dr. Tekeda Alemu, shuttled back and forth to successfully broker an agreement between Somaliland's three political parties last year; and the European Union and the United States, whose aid agencies channeled resources to the reconstituted National Election Commission (NEC) and various national and international nongovernmental organizations for political training and voter education. With technical assistance from a British-based consultancy, the NEC finalized a voter list of some 1.07 million electors (out of an estimated population of 3.5 million), removing duplicate and other problematic entries. In May, new voter registration cards which, in addition to a photograph of the bearer, carried biometric data and could function as national identification card, an important symbolic achievement for a nascent state. The date of June 26, the fiftieth anniversary of independence, was set for the poll and twenty-one days of campaigning were scheduled. Interestingly, the three political parties were each allotted seven specific days on which to conduct their activities with no two parties campaigning on the same day to avoid even the possibility of violence breaking out between overly enthused supporters of the competing candidates. I observed the election as part of a multinational nineteen-member delegation organized by the International Republican Institute and led by Ambassador Richard Williamson, former Presidential Envoy for Sudan, and Constance Berry Newman, former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. My teammate, Dr. Christiana Thorpe, Chairwoman of Sierra Leone's National Electoral Commission, and I monitored voting at more than a dozen and a half polling stations in Somaliland's third-largest city, Borama, in the Awdal region. Our conclusion, together with our colleagues who deployed to three other population centers in the country, was that the peaceful poll, which took place without major incident, met international standards and, as our statement noted, "the international community should credit such democratic progress and the example it sets for others." This judgment was reinforced when, five days after the polls closed, the NEC announced that Silanyo, a British-educated economist who was leader in the SNM from 1984 to 1990, during the decisive phase of the struggle against the Siyad Barre dictatorship, and subsequently served as Somaliland's minister of planning and coordination under President Egal in the 1990s, won the first-past-the-post contest with 49.59 percent of the 538,266 votes cast to President Riyale's 33.23 percent and UCID leader Faisal Ali Warabe's 17.18 percent. The defeated incumbent promptly and graciously promised that he would step down and hand over power peacefully before his mandate ends on July 26: "This was a friendly match and at the end somebody had to emerge as a winner. I congratulate President Ahmed Mohamoud Silanyo and his Kulmiye party for winning the presidential election. I will remain in the country as an opposition leader and I will hand over my responsibilities immediately, in accordance with the law." Meanwhile the president-elect moved quickly to establish a fifteen-member committee to help him form what he described as "a consensus government." The committee includes not only members of the winning party, but also features a number of prominent non-Kulmiye political figures, including the formidable Edna Adan Ismail, who served as for foreign minister of Somaliland from 2003 to 2006 in the outgoing president's cabinet and is the founder of well-regarded Edna Adan Hospital in Hargeisa, and Dr. Mohammed Rashid Sheikh, vice-chairman of UCID, as well as religious leaders like Sheikh Mohammed Ali Gadhle and business representatives like Munir Haji Abdullahi "Abusite," head of Daallo Airlines, which serves more dozen destinations in the Middle East and East Africa. Calling on Dahir Riyale Kahin on Sunday, President-elect Silanyo warmly praised his soon-to-be predecessor "for his services to the nation, including the holding of democratic elections," noting that "It is the sign of a true leader who comes forward and concedes defeat." In a neighborhood where free and peaceful elections – to say nothing of consulting with one's political opponents, much less handing over power to them – is sadly still a rather exceptional occurrence, the apparently smooth transition in Somaliland is nothing short of extraordinary. If the northern Somalis in Somaliland marked the golden anniversary of their June 26 independence by queuing to cast ballots, their kinsmen in the southern and central parts of the onetime national territory observed their July 1 anniversary amid a hail of bullets. For the latter occasion, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, head of the self-appointed and utterly ineffective "Transitional Federal Government" (TFG), donned an ersatz uniform cut out of camouflage fabric more suitable for a tropical jungle than his dusty capital and briefly appeared before his troops atop a tank. Meanwhile, the TFG's paltry forces, backed by more than five thousand Ugandan and Burundian troops from the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), tried to extend the regime's writ beyond the tiny enclave in Mogadishu within which Islamist insurgents from the al-Qaeda-linked Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen ("Movement of Warrior Youth," al-Shabaab) and their Hisbul Islam ("Islamic party") allies have largely kept it boxed. Evidently the TFG leader's visit was not sufficient to inspire his troops to achieve the intended result since the long-promised offensive petered out almost as soon as it started, albeit not before it cost the lives of at least two dozen people, including a dozen civilians who died when a shell lobbed by regime forces hit the building they had taken shelter in. By the weekend, Sharif Ahmed, an allegedly "moderate" Islamist cleric who owes his position not to any electoral mandate but to the machinations of the recently-replaced special representative of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, was back in mufti and headed out of the country yet again, this time to attend, along with the heads of real governments, a summit in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, of the subregional Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). At the meeting, hastily convened to discuss the failures of his regime, the TFG leader pleaded for yet more foreign troops to hopefully accomplish what he has been unable to rally Somalis to do. Meanwhile, back in Mogadishu, he left a "government" that is more in disarray than ever: in the last month alone, three of the TFG's ministers, including Defense Minister Sheikh Yusuf Mohamed Siyad "Indha'Adde," have quit. On his way out, Indha'Adde even told the Reuters news service that "the government cannot do its job" of restoring order and, hence, "there is no need to stay in office." Meanwhile, in a further blow to the tottering regime – to say nothing of the wishful thinking of its foreign backers – Sheikh Abdullahi Sheikh Abdirahman Abu Yusuf al-Qadi, spokesmen for the clerical leadership of the Ahlu Sunna wal-Jama'a (roughly, "[Followers of] the Traditions and Consensus [of the Prophet Muhammad]") militias which had entered into a deal with the TFG several months ago, declared on Sunday that the TFG's power-sharing accord with his group was "dead." As Bronwyn Bruton noted succinctly in her Council on Foreign Relations report earlier this year, not only has the TFG "failed to generate a visible constituency of clan or business supporters in Mogadishu," its very physical survival "now depends wholly on the presence of AMISOM forces." Even analysts, like my colleague Professor Ken Menkhaus of Davidson College, who previously could be relied upon to support the conventional policy of bolstering the TFG now acknowledge that not only have "continued external efforts to breathe life into the moribund TFG have also had the unintended but very real effect of prolonging political conditions within which a radical Islamist insurgency has thrived," but they have "actively undermined our own long-term security interests." In an about-face from the position he advanced just a year ago in the RUSI Journal and which I contested in those pages, Dr. Menkhaus testified before a Congressional subcommittee three weeks ago that: Six years into its initial five year transition, the TFG has utterly failed across the entire range of tasks it assumed in late 2004. It has failed to establish itself as a minimally functional government, advance key transitional tasks, broaden itself as a unity government, and extend its authority beyond a few neighborhoods of Mogadishu protected by African Union peacekeepers. It has done nothing to improve the security of its citizens or provide them access to basic services. It has not improved conditions for the private sector. It has not facilitated the flow and planning of international development aid and humanitarian assistance. And it has not proven to be a useful partner for external states seeking to monitor and reduce the security threats emanating from Somalia. All of this bolsters the argument which I have consistently made, most recently a little more than three months ago in this very column space: If, after more than five years since its inception, hundreds of millions of dollars in foreign aid, and the lives of hundreds of valiant Ethiopian, Ugandan, and Burundian officers and enlisted men who have given their lives defending it when its own ministers won't commit their own sons to the effort, the TFG is still unable to rally to its banner the very people it purports to represent, there is nothing that any outside power can or should do to impose it upon clearly unwilling Somalis. Rather, it is high time that the United States and Somalia's other international partners look after their own legitimate interests and refocus their energies on minimizing and containing the harm caused by the interim regime's ineffectiveness and corruption, while strengthening those functional parts of the former Somali state and integrating them into the framework for regional security and stability. The recent peaceful election and upcoming democratic transition highlight Somaliland's moral and strategic appeal to the United States and other members of the international community. Whatever their shortcomings, the people of Somaliland have demonstrated over the course of nearly two decades a dogged commitment to peacefully resolving their internal conflicts, rebuilding their society, and forging a democratic constitutional order. Their achievements to date are nothing short of remarkable in a subregion as challenging as the Horn of Africa, especially when one considers the lack of international recognition under which they labor. Somaliland needs increased engagement, not just politically, but economically. Even if the United States and the European Union are unwilling to move ahead with diplomatic recognition until African states are ready to proceed, at the very least some sort of interim status needs to be found to give Somaliland access to the global economic system so that its people can benefit from their land's vast potential in agriculture, fisheries, and mineral resources. The incoming governing party's foreign policy posture, as articulated in a statement by its foreign affairs secretary Dr. Mohamed Omar, is reasonably realistic: Our main foreign policy goals are security, self-determination, economic development, and peaceful co-existence. The Kulmiye government will actively seek to become a member of international bodies, preserve Somaliland national sovereignty, and achieve political recognition. We will also promote free economy and encourage foreign investment ... [However] promoting Somaliland interest internationally will require positive home stories. Therefore, we will consolidate our democratic system and deny extremist groups the opportunity to find a safe haven in our country. In summary, it is not only prejudicial to our interests, but also antithetical to our ideals, to keep this oasis of stability hostage to the continual conflict which afflicts its neighbors to the south, rather than to hold Somaliland up as an example of what the other Somali regions might aspire to – and could readily achieve if their unelected so-called leaders weren't so busy fighting tooth-and-nail over the decayed carcass of an utterly collapsed state and the pitiful scraps which some members of the international community stubbornly continue to toss at it in the hope of somehow reanimating a corpse that has been dead for almost two decades. It is high time that the international community dedicate its resources to strengthening the viable, rather than wasting them on the defunct. by J. Peter Pham, Ph.D.

With international observers describing last week’s presidential elections in Somaliland as “free and fair”, the United States government on Wednesday praised the break away Somali region for conducting real democracy. In a statement of which APA obtained a copy on Wednesday the United States government commends the people of Somaliland, the national electoral commission, and the political parties for conducting a peaceful election on June 26. Reports indicate that the election proceedings were generally peaceful and orderly. Saying that the high voter turnout indicated that the citizens of Somaliland are determined to exercise their rights. International observers have also indicated that the June 26 election process was largely free and fair. “The election marks an important milestone for the people of Somaliland. We congratulate the winner and commend the other candidates for their statesmanlike acceptance of the results,” the statement said. The US went on to urge the people of Somaliland to sustain their efforts to see this process through to a peaceful conclusion, with the swearing-in of the winner within approximately thirty days. Somaliland, which broke away from the rest of Somalia in 1991, is enjoying relative calm and peace, eve though it is yet to gain international recognition of its independence. Source: Angola Press Agency (AFA)

Nimankaas weli rag ismay arag baan ku idhi ,,,,,,

Originally posted by NGONGE: Oppositioneller gewinnt Wahl in Somaliland Präsident Dahir Riyale Kahin abgewählt Hargeisa/Somalia - Der Kandidat der Opposition hat in der abtrünnigen Region Somaliland die Präsidentenwahl vom vergangenen Wochenende gewonnen. Die nationale Wahlkommission erklärte am Donnerstag Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo zum Sieger. Er erhielt 49,6 Prozent der abgegebenen Stimmen. Das zweitbeste Ergebnis erzielte der derzeitige Präsident Dahir Riyale Kahin. Er werde sich an sein vor der Wahl gegebenes Versprechen halten, das Wahlergebnis auch bei einer Niederlage zu akzeptieren, sagte das abgewählte Staatsoberhaupt. MEHR ZUM THEMA Meer:Günstige Angebote von NIKI. Jetzt buchen Werbung Vier Tote Ein Überfall mit vier Todesopfern hat die Präsidentschaftswahl in Somaliland überschattet. Die Wahlkommission erklärte am Sonntag, eine Miliz aus dem benachbarten Puntland habe versucht, ein Wahllokal im umstrittenen Grenzgebiet zu stürmen. Nach dem Zwischenfall seien 34 Wahlbüros in der Region vorzeitig geschlossen worden, die von Somaliland und Puntland gleichermaßen beansprucht wird. Zuvor hatte die Wahlkommission noch von einem friedlichen Verlauf der Wahl gesprochen. Allerdings seien einige Wahllokale wegen des hohen Andrangs länger als geplant geöffnet gewesen, erklärte die Wahlkommission. Die mehr als 1,6 Millionen Wahlberechtigten mussten teilweise stundenlang vor den über 1.000 Wahlbüros Schlange stehen, um ihre Stimme für einen der drei Kandidaten abzugeben. Amtsinhaber Kahin: "Die Wahl ist entscheidend für die Zukunft von Somaliland" Neben Amtsinhaber Dahir Riyale Kahin, der 2003 mit knapper Mehrheit die erste Präsidentenwahl für sich entschieden hatte, traten Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo und Feysal Ali Warabe an. Alle drei versprachen, sich für eine internationale Anerkennung des Autonomiegebiets, Stabilität und Wirtschaftsentwicklung einzusetzen. "Die Wahl ist entscheidend für die Zukunft von Somaliland", sagte Kahin bei seiner Stimmabgabe am Samstag in der Früh in der Hauptstadt Hargeisa. Sein Herausforderer Warabe erklärte, auch ein denkbar knappes Ergebnis von nur einer Stimme Vorsprung anerkennen zu wollen. Kahins Vereinigte Demokratische Volkspartei (UDUB) lag vor sieben Jahren mit einem Ergebnis von 42,8 Prozent nur mit 80 Stimmen vorne. Zahlreiche internationale Wahlbeobachter waren in die Region gereist, berichteten aber über keine Zwischenfälle. Der Wahlkampf sei friedlich verlaufen, hieß es. Die konservative Regierungspartei, die liberale Kulmiye-Partei von Silanyo und die sozialdemokratische UCID-Partei des in Finnland lebenden Warabe hatten ihre Kampagnen auf unterschiedliche Tage gelegt, um etwaige Auseinandersetzungen zu vermeiden. Somaliland hat sich 1991 einseitig für unabhängig erklärt, das Gebiet wird von der internationalen Gemeinschaft nicht als eigener Staat anerkannt. Die Region hebt sich durch seine relativ stabilen und friedlichen Verhältnisse vom bürgerkriegsgeplagten Rest Somalias ab. Die bereits zweimal verschobene Wahl am Samstag fiel mit dem 50. Jahrestag einer vorübergehenden Unabhängigkeit Somalilands zusammen, das nach Ende des britischen Protektorats und vor dem Zusammenschluss mit dem Osten und Süden zur Republik Somalia am 1. Juli 1960 fünf Tage unabhängig war. Italienisch-Somaliland war 1941 von den Briten eingenommen und nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg UNO-Treuhandgebiet geworden. Staatliche Ordnung nach Sturz von Diktator Barre 1991 zusammengebrochen In Somalia ist die staatliche Ordnung seit dem Sturz des Diktators General Mohammed Siad Barre 1991 zusammengebrochen. 2006 war die Armee des Nachbarlandes Äthiopien mit Zustimmung der USA in Somalia einmarschiert, die Intervention erwies sich als Fiasko. Das rücksichtslose Vorgehen der Besatzungstruppen, wie auch der Einsatz schwerer Waffen in Wohngebieten hatten wesentlich zur Radikalisierung der Bevölkerung beigetragen. Die jetzige Übergangsregierung hat nach dem Abzug der Äthiopier die Scharia eingeführt, wird aber von islamistischen Milizen hart bekämpft. Nach Angaben des Flüchtlings-Hochkommissariats der Vereinten Nationen (UNHCR) gibt es in Somalia eineinhalb bis zwei Millionen Binnenflüchtlinge. Bis zu 600.000 Menschen sind in Nachbarländer geflohen, allein 170.000 über das Meer in den Jemen. Wie in Somaliland gibt es auch in Puntland eine separatistische Administrationen. Die ursprünglich für August 2008 angesetzten Präsidentschaftswahlen am Samstag und Sonntag fanden unter strengen Sicherheitsvorkehrungen statt. Die Grenzen waren geschlossen und der Autoverkehr zeitweise verboten worden, wie Polizeichef Mohammed Sayadi Dubad erklärte. In der Hauptstadt Hargeisa standen die Wähler schon in der Nacht auf Samstag vor den Wahllokalen Schlange. Das offizielle Ergebniswird erst in einer Woche erwartet. Der Führer der radikalislamischen Shabab-Milizen, Ahmed Abdi Godane, der ursprünglich aus Somaliland kommt, hatte die Einwohner zuvor davor gewarnt, an die Urnen zu gehen. Dies werde "Konsequenzen" haben, sagte er in einer Radioansprache. (APA/apn) http://derstandard.at/1277336827524/Oppositioneller-gewinnt-Wahl-in-Somaliland Warya, JB, waxan inoo fasir, saaxib. ,,,, Here it is: President Dahir Riyale Kahin deselected Hargeisa, Somalia - The opposition candidate has won in the breakaway region of Somaliland, the presidential election last weekend. The national election commission said on Thursday Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo the winner. He received 49.6 percent of the votes cast. The second-best result achieved by the current President Dahir Riyale Kahin. He would keep to his pre-election promise to accept the election results even with a defeat, "said the head of state deselected. A flap with four deaths have overshadowed the presidential elections in Somaliland. The electoral commission said on Sunday, a militia from neighboring Puntland tried to storm a polling station in the disputed border area. After the incident, 34 polling stations in the region had been closed prematurely, which is of Somaliland and Puntland equally claimed. Prior to the election commission had spoken of a peaceful conduct of the election. However, some polling stations had been opened because of the great rush longer than planned, said the Electoral Commission. The more than 1.6 million eligible voters had some hours before the 1,000 polling stations to stand in line to cast their vote for one of the three candidates. Incumbent Kahin, "The election is crucial for the future of Somaliland" Besides incumbent Dahir Riyale Kahin, who in 2003 decided by a narrow margin the first presidential election for himself, appeared Ahmed Mohamud Silanyo and Feysal Ali Warab. All three promised to work for an international recognition of the autonomy area, stability and economic development. "The elections are crucial to the future of Somaliland," Kahin said on his ballot on Saturday morning in the capital Hargeisa. His challenger Warab said he wanted to acknowledge a possible close finish of only a single vote. Kahin United Democratic Party (UDUB) was seven years ago in front with a score of 42.8 percent with only 80 votes. Many international observers who traveled to the region, reported but no incidents. The election was peaceful, it was said. The conservative ruling party, the Liberal Party of Silanyo Kulmiye and UCID, the Socialist Party of living in Finland Warab had put their campaigns on different days to avoid any conflicts. Somaliland has declared independence unilaterally in 1991, the territory is not recognized by the international community as a separate state. The region stands out for its relatively stable and peaceful conditions of civil war the rest of Somalia. The already twice postponed elections on Saturday coincided with the 50th Anniversary of a temporary independence of Somaliland together, that after the end of the British Protectorate, and before the merger with the east and south to the Somali Republic on 1 Five days in July 1960 was independent. Italian Somaliland was conquered in 1941 by the British after World War II and became UN trust territory. State order after a fall of dictator Barre collapsed in 1991 In Somalia, the political order has collapsed since the fall of dictator Mohammed Siad Barre General 1991st In 2006, the army of neighboring Ethiopia, with the approval of the U.S. in Somalia was invaded, the intervention proved to be a fiasco. The reckless actions of the occupying forces, as well as the use of heavy weapons in residential areas had contributed significantly to the radicalization of the population. The current transitional government established after the withdrawal of the Ethiopians, the Sharia, but is opposed by Islamist militias hard. According to the UN High Commissioner Refugees (UNHCR) in Somalia, there are a half to two million IDPs. Up to 600,000 people fled to neighboring countries, only 170 000 over the sea to Yemen. As in Somaliland, there is also a separatist administrations in Puntland. The originally scheduled for August 2008 presidential elections on Saturday and Sunday were held under strict security precautions. The borders were closed and traffic was temporarily banned, such as the police chief Mohammed Dubad Sayadi said. In the capital, Hargeisa, voters were already in the night on Saturday before the polling queue. The official Ergebniswird expected until next week. The leader of the radical Islamist Shabab militia, Ahmed Abdi Godan, who is originally from Somalia, had previously warned the residents to go to the polls. This would "have consequences," he said in a radio address.

waa in xididada loo siibaa ururkaasi dadka shacbiga ahna lagala soo hadhaa ayaan soo jeedinayaa oo dagaal adag lala galo sidii loo cidhib jari lahaa.Puntland, aragtida aan ururkaasi ka qabno ayaan filayaa iyaguna inay ka qabaan.

Xaabsade Oo Sheegay In Jabhada SSC- Xididada Loo Siibo, Axmed Siillaanyana Ugu Baaqay Inuu Dhiso Dawladda La Fahmi Karo Hargeysa, July 7, 2010 (Haatuf) - Siyaasiga weyn ee Axmed Cabdi Xaabsade, ayaa ku baaqay in Xididada loo siibo Jabhad uu ku eedeeyay inay qalalaase ka wado Gobolka Sool SSC, kuwaas oo ka soo jeeda deegaanada Sool, Sanaag iyo Buuhoodle. Md. Axmed Cabdi Xaabsade, waxa kale oo uu ka hadlay isbedelka siyaasadeed ee Somaliland ka dhacay iyo Madaxweynaha cusub ee Ku guulaystay doorashadii Madaxtooyada ee dalka ka qabsoontay 26-kii bishii June ee la soo dhaafay, taas oo uu ku guulaystay Madaxweyne Axmed Siillaanyo. Siyaasigaasi wuxuu sidaasi ku sheegay mar uu shalay u waramayay qaar ka mid ah waraabihinta Somaliland, waxa uu waraysigaas kaga hadlay carqaladayntii goobo ka mid ah meelihii Sanaaduuqdii doorashada la geeyay ee degmooyin ku yaala gobolka Sool. Su’aalihii iyo jawaabihii uu ka bixiyayna waxay u dhaceen sidan:- S: Axmed, waxaad ka warantaa aragtidaada la xidhiidha hanjabaado joogto ah oo ka soo yeedha Xildhibaano ka tirsan Maamulka Puntland kuwaasi oo sheegaya inay xoog kaga saari doonaan Somaliland gobolka Sool iyo degmooyinka Sanaag Barri? J: Waxaan idiin sheegayaa maamulkan Puntland diyaar uma aha inay soo weeraraan Gobolka Sool iyo deegaamada kale ee Sanaag barri iyo Buuhoodle-ba. C/Raxmaan Farroole dagaal inaguma soo qaadayo. Balse waxay inagu shuq-shuqaynayaan in *********** Somaliland la dagaalamo. Taas ayaa la inooga baahan yahay inaynu ka gaashaamano oo aanay dhicin. S: Axmed, waxaad la socotay in deegaamo ka tirsan gobolka Sool la carqaladeeyay sanaaduuqdii doorashadii Madaxtooyada ee dalka ka qabsoontay dhawaan, Arrintaasi yaad is-leedahay way ka dambaysay? J: Carqaladeyntii Sanaaduuqda waxa ka dambeeyay nin la yidhaahdo Baashe Cali Jaamac, oo ka tirsan Ururkan SSC, kaasi ayaa qaskaasi ku lug lahaa, waa in xididada loo siibaa ururkaasi dadka shacbiga ahna lagala soo hadhaa ayaan soo jeedinayaa oo dagaal adag lala galo sidii loo cidhib jari lahaa.Puntland, aragtida aan ururkaasi ka qabno ayaan filayaa iyaguna inay ka qabaan. Dadweyaha gobolka Sool waxaad u soo jeedinayaa inay ka fogaadaan oo diidaan ciddii nabadgelyada ay haystaan carqaladaynaysa ee qas kula dhex jirta. S: Sidaad, la socoto Isbedel siyaasadeed ayaa Somaliland ka dhacay oo waxa Doorashadii ku guulaystay Xisbiga KULMIYE waxaana Madaxweyne Loo doortay Axmed Siilaanyo, isbedelkaasi siddee ayuu kuugu muuqdaa shakhsiyan? J: Isbedelkani waa mid khayr qaba oo aan Ilaahay ka baryayo inuu inooga dhigo mid Somaliland u khayr ah ugu horayn waxaan hambalyaynayaa Madaxweynaha cusub ee la doortay Md. Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) oo aan leeyahay Ilaahay ha kugu asturo xilka culus ee aad qaaday. Madaxweynaha cusub waxaan leeyahay dalku wuu ka burburay dhinaca sharciga oo laguma socdo waxaan u soo jeedinayaa inuu soo celiyo ku dhaqanka sharciga, oo la ilaaliyo xuquuqda qofka, taasna waxa lagu gaadhayaa shareecada diinta Islaamka. Siilaanyo waan Hambalyaynayaa waxaan leeyahay waxaad tahay nin soo halgamay oo dalkan iyo dadkan u soo halgamay oo duurka ayaad u seexatay halgankiina waad ku guulaysatay oo Somaliland waa xor, intaas oo dhan waxaad u ordaysay waxay ahayd wax hagaaji, waxaan leeyahay ku dhaqanka sharciga soo celiyo si muwaadinku u helo xuquuqdiisa.Dawladaaduna ha noqoto mid la fahmi karo. S: Md. Xaabsade sidee ayaad u aragtaa Guddida uu Madaxweynaha cusubi u xil saaray inay kala soo taliso qaab dhismeedka iyo tirada Xukuumada cusub, maxaadse’e adigu u soo jeedin lahayd inay xukuuda Siilaanyo noqoto? J: Anigu waxaan odhan lahaa Jees baynu nahay oo dal yar oo curdin ah ayaynu nahay sidaasi darteed, dawlad yar baynu u baahan nahay reero Wasiiro la siiyaa waxba anfici mayso ee waxa loo baahan yahay dawlad xul ah oo kooban oo ay ku jiraan dad mudakar ah oo wax qaban kara.

HERE

In response to a question about Somaliland, Mr Cameron says the new government there is the result of an election carried out under a system of "genuine democracy".

Ameen ,,,, Insha Allah khayr ,,

Healthy LIKE THIS ?? ...... I know

We can deal with them at the same time. As long as we're not leaving the government to do everything alone, then we have enough resources to work on each issue. Those things you mentioned can be done now as we start the process for the recognition.

True ,, the whole city is full of watermelon ,,,, actually i'm eating one right now ,,

We have roles ,,,, the government will do a cleaning house while we work on the recognition issue as a whole. I know dowlada cusub shaqo badan baa u taal laakiin yaan la iloobin halka loo socdo.

Originally posted by *Ibtisam: Daadkan kuu Qoslaye on SOL, innad waalan tahey bey arkaan. meel qof waalan laga waayay meelba maaha ,,,