There are about a handful democratic countries in the African continent. Most African countries are authoritarian regimes as the map indicates. And there is also one totally failed country.

This is part of an older problem: the refusal of a defeated incumbent to accept defeat and bow out. Refreshingly, it does sometimes happen, as in Somaliland earlier this month and in Ghana in the past decade. But President Robert Mugabe refused to go in Zimbabwe after a clear verdict in an election in 2008 and President Mwai Kibaki refused to go after the elections in Kenya in 2007. Both leaders sparked widespread violence in their countries, thanks to their determination to cling to office; both eventually had to accept power-sharing agreements with the opposition

Africa's year of elections The democracy bug is fitfully catching on Africa is in the throes of election fever. But more voting does not necessarily mean more democracy Jul 22nd 2010 EnlargeBURUNDI has just had one, as has Guinea. That came hot on the heels of the semi-autonomous region of Somaliland’s, which followed Ethiopia’s. Rwanda is bracing itself for one at the beginning of next month, and after that Tanzania, Chad and several others are due to follow. By the end of December a score of sub-Saharan Africa’s 48 countries should have gone to the polls for an assortment of local, regional and national elections. Kenya is also holding a vital constitutional referendum on August 4th. This is a big year for African voters. The electoral calendar has never been so crowded. Indeed, elections have become a normal occurrence on a continent once better known for the frequency and violence of its coups and civil wars. Since the late 1990s the number of coups has fallen sharply (see chart), whereas the number of elections has increased, sometimes in the unlikeliest of places. The west African country of Guinea is an encouraging example of a possible new trend. After two decades of dictatorial rule by Lansana Conté, the army seized power after his death two years ago. So far, so predictable. But the story took a new twist. The coup leader was attacked and injured by one of his aides, enabling other members of the junta to promise a return to civilian rule after elections they vowed not to contest. The first round of a presidential poll was held peacefully on June 27th; a run-off is expected soon. .Related items Burundi's election: Pretty squalid Jul 22nd 2010Several factors explain this surge in enthusiasm for the ballot box. Would-be voters, anxious to make their often corrupt and arrogant politicians more accountable, are exerting fiercer pressure. For example, Nigerians expressed fury at the way the ruling People’s Democratic Party conducted the charade of an election in 2007. As a result, the government has had to make concessions over the running of the election due next year. The recent appointment of Professor Attahiru Jega as head of the Independent National Electoral Commission has raised hopes that his organisation will be truly independent of political control, rather than just a cog in the ruling party’s re-election machine. Nigeria’s coming election will be scrutinised across the continent. Pressure for improvement comes from beyond the continent, too. Gone are the days of the cold war when West and East propped up their favoured dictators for geostrategic reasons. Nowadays a lot of aid money and diplomatic support are tied to progress in governance and democracy. Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir, for example, held the country’s recent election as part of a peace deal with the country’s southern rebels, brokered largely by the United States in 2005. Countries such as Ghana and Mali have every incentive to stay democratic to get billions of dollars of aid from America’s Millennium Challenge Account, started in 2002. This requires countries to prove a commitment to good governance and elections if they are to get the money. Africa’s own regional groupings, notably the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), have also started punishing member states that fall prey to coups. But the news is by no means all good. A cursory look at several recent polls shows that too often they are travesties. In Burundi the incumbent, Pierre Nkurunziza, won unopposed with 92% of the vote (see article). In Ethiopia those opposed to Meles Zenawi’s ruling party won just two of parliament’s 547 seats. And in Sudan’s election Mr Bashir won against an opposition that had largely boycotted the event. In the language of international election observers, many of these elections fall “below international standards”; in plain English, they are rigged to ensure that the incumbent or his ruling party cannot be ejected by the voters. Moreover, though even the nastiest leaders now feel obliged to hold elections, they are also getting more adept at fixing them. In Sudan, for instance, the regime manipulated every stage of the electoral process long before the actual voting, from the census in 2008 to keeping the opposition off the television screens just before the vote. Mr Zenawi has become similarly expert, passing laws before the poll to muzzle dissenting voices and hamper opposition. This is part of an older problem: the refusal of a defeated incumbent to accept defeat and bow out. Refreshingly, it does sometimes happen, as in Somaliland earlier this month and in Ghana in the past decade. But President Robert Mugabe refused to go in Zimbabwe after a clear verdict in an election in 2008 and President Mwai Kibaki refused to go after the elections in Kenya in 2007. Both leaders sparked widespread violence in their countries, thanks to their determination to cling to office; both eventually had to accept power-sharing agreements with the opposition. Moreover, elections are often a poor guide to a country’s overall state of democracy and civil liberties. The mere number of elections can be deceptive. Our accompanying map of Africa shows how countries rank in terms of democracy, initially measured in 2008 on a broad range of criteria by the Economist Intelligence Unit, a sister organisation of The Economist, but updated to include more recent data from a variety of sources. The number of coming elections is cause for hope. But the advance of African democracy remains patchy. Too often the big men still find a way to stay put, whatever the voters may want. Middle East & Africa

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These troops are not occupiers they are temporarily peacekeeping forces protecting the hotel government in vila somalia

The tfg needs peacekeeping troops from Africa there won’t be any Ethiopian troops in Somalia

Jabuuti iyo Guinea oo ciidamo u diraya Muqdisho Warkii 23-Jul-2010 iyo Qormadii: Maxamed Cismaan Dalalka Jabuuti iyo Guinea ayaa balan qaaday in si deg degleh cutubyo ciidamo ah ugu diri doonaan magaalada Muqdisho ee dalka Soomaaliya, si ay u xoojiyaan ciidamada Midowga Afrika ee AMISOM. Balanqaadkan wuxuu kasoo baxay shirka magaalada Kambala ee dalka Ugandha uga socda wadamada Midowga Afrika. Madaxa Guddiga Midowga Afrika Mr.Jean Ping ayaa saxaafada maanta u sheegay in dalka Guinea uu shaaca ka qaaday in hal Batalyan uu diyaariyey in loo soo diro dalka Soomaaliya si ay ugu biiraan ciidamada AMISOM. Sidoo kale dalka Jabuuti oo lix bilood kahor diyaariyey hal batalyan oo ciidan ah ayaa sheegay in ciidamadaasi sida ugu dhakhsaha badan loogu diri doono magaalada Muqdisho. Qorshihii AMISOM ee nabad illaalinta ayaa ahaa in askar gaareysa 8000 la geeyo dalka Soomaaliya, xiligan ayey magaalada Muqdisho ku sugan yihiin ciidamo ka badan 6000 oo kasoo kala jeeda dalalka Burundi iyo Ugandha. Hadii ay ciidamadan ka socda Jabuuti iyo Guinea la keeno Muqdisho, tirada askarta AMISOM ayaa ka badaneysa 8000, arrintan ayaa kamid ah qodobada ay dalalka Midowga Afrika ka shirayaan, waxaana lagu wadaa in qorshihii hore ee 8000 askari la bedalo, isla markaana ciidamada la geenayo Soomaaliya laga dhigo 10.000 (toban kun oo askari). Jean Ping Madaxa Guddiga Midowga Afrika ayaa sheegay in sidoo kale la doonayo in wax laga bedalo awooda ciidamada AMISOM, ayadoo horey hawsha AMISOM ay ahayd nabad illaalin iyo difaacida dowlada Federaalka, balse Midowga Afrika ayaa hada doonaya in awood dheeraad ah ciidamada AMISOM loosiiyo inay duulaan ku qaadi karaan kooxaha mucaaridka ah. Kulanka Midowga Afrika ee ka socda magaalada Kambala ee xarunta dalka Ugandha ayaa kusoo beegmaya asbuucyo kadib weeraradii bambaano ee lala beegsaday makhaayado ku yaal magaalada Kambala 11kii bishan xili ay dadku daawanayeen ciyaartii Finalka ee Koobka Adduunka, weeraradaasi bambaano oo ay sheegteen kooxda AL Shabaab ayaa waxaa ku dhintay 76 qof. Maxamed Cismaan info@afnugaal.com

The problems with most Bunbunilanders is that they put all their focus on the individual that brings forward a new mind-set and suddenly they concentrate all their energy at the person that brings forward the question about a particular sensitive issue concerning how the pirates treat the onlf folks in their clan state . My simple question was why does our mr Somalia deport his own people to Ethiopia and even does it with a big smile on his face are those Ethiopians blackmailing you Mr Somalia. You can tell us there is no need for you to respond in a way that is almost paranoid . You act like Its Xaji xunjufs fault that these problems keep on happening in your home. Now let’s go back to the topic the Buntland Administration tortured and locked up a clan elder probably being accused of having links with Alqeada or sympathising with the onlf struggle . The pirate boys were well aware of the situation in the onlf region its quite sad and also remarkably that you indeed puntlanders treat your own Blood Brothers in such way just to please your Supreme master in Adis ababa

Its seems mr faroole the upper chief of the pirates can’t do anything right deportation of Ethnic Somalis from their own Country. Puntland claims to be part of Somalia but considers Somali citizens as refugees with in their own country and deports these innocent civilians because the security situation of bossaso has been deteriorated. Also he has taken no measures against irhaabi related terrorist unities in the galgala region looks like faroole is becoming an incompetent leader and slowly by slowly he is tearing puntland apart.

Mr somalia horta maxaad tolkin u ibisan maydan dhiig lahayn, maydan ilahay ka baqaneyn. Marduufka aad sheegeysid baad dadkaagi siisatay smh

Muxuu Ku Tilmaamey Somaliland Safiirka Fransiiska Ee Dalka Djabuti Written by Haatuf Jul 23, 2010 at 10:10 AM “Idinkoo Ku Jira Xaalad Adag, Kuna Nool Deegaan Faqri Ah Iyo Gobol Aan Xasiloonayn Haddana Waxaad Dimuqraadiyada Ka Gaadheen Heer Ka Sareeya Wadamada Afrika Intooda Badan” Dominique Decherf, Safiirka Dalka Faransiiska U Fadhiya Djibouti Hargeysa(Qarannews) -Safiirka dalka Faransiiska u fadhiya Djibouti, Dominique Decherf oo isaga iyo wefdi uu hogaaminayo ay socdaal 2 maalmood qaatay ku yimaadeen Somaliland ayaa Somaliland ku amaanay heerka dimuqraadiyadeed ee ay gaadhay, taasoo uu ku sheegay mid tusaale u ah wadamo badan oo qaarada Africa ka mid ah. Ambassador Dominique Decherf waxa uu intaa raaciyay in Somaliland iyadoo ay ku xeersan yihiin duruufo qalafsan isla markaana ku taala gobol aan xasiloonayn ay haddana qabsatay doorasho xor iyo xalaal u dhacday oo dhinacyadii ku tartamay wax khilaaf ah aanay ka keenin. Dominique Decherf oo shalay qaar ka mid ah saxaafada ugu waramayay hotel Maansoor ee magaalada Hargeysa, ayaa sidoo kale sheegay in xidhiidhka ka dhexeeya dawlada France iyo Somaliland uu haatan marayo meel aad u wanaagsan, waxaanu ku amaanay wakiilka Somaliland u jooga France,Cali Ismaaciil Xasan inuu ka shaqeeyey sii horumarinta xidhiidhka labada dal,France iyo Somaliland. Dominique Decherf isagoo arrimahaasi ka hadlaya wuxu yidhi,“ intii aan ahaa safiirka dawlada France u jooga dalka Djibouti,waxaan isku dayay in aan kor u qaado xidhiidhka ka dhexeeya Djibouti iyo France, taas oo ahayd shaqadeyda, waxa kale oo aan aad ugu faraxsanahay xidhiidhka wanaagsan ee naga dhexeeya Somaliland, waxa halkan “Somaliland” hore u yimid qaar ka mid ah madaxda safaarada France ku leedahay Djibouti. France waxay hore u timid Somaliland sanadkii 1991-kii markii dalka dib loogu soo noqday,hase ahaatee xiligaas xidhiidhku halkii aynu doonaynay ma gaadhin. Muddo haatan laga joogo 3 sanadood ayaa xidhiidhkii France iyo Somaliland mar kale halkii uga bilaabmay si rasmi ah. Waxaanu Paris ku soo dhoweynay wakiil ka socda Somaliland, hadana markii Madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale uu yimid Paris waxa mar kale sii xoogeystay xidhiidhkii u dhexeeyey Somaliland iyo France, waxa la isla gartay wakhtigaa in la sameeyo guddi joogto ah oo labada dal xidhiidhiya si loo sameeyo hanaan lagu wada shaqeeyo, wuxu ahaa go’aan waxtar leh. Waxaan aad ugu faraxsanahay xidhiidhka wanaagsan ee ka dhexeeya Somaliland iyo France. Iyadoo aad ku jirtaan xaalad adag oo aad ku nooshihiin degaan faqri ah iyo gobol aan xasiloonayn waxad dimuqraadiyada ka gaadheen heer ka sareeya wadamada qaarada Afrika intooda badan. Waxaad dalkiina dib ugu soo celiseen dadkii wax soo bartay ee dibadaha idinka joogay, taasina waa arrin lagu daydo. Doorasho xor iyo xalaal ah ayaad ku qabateen duruuftihiina dhaqaale oo qalafsan inkastoo aad caawimo dhaqaale ka hesheen bulshada caalamka xiligii doorashada. Waxay ahayd guul weyn, dadka intoodii badneyd baa ka qayb qaatay doorashada, muran kama iman qaybihii tartamayay, runtii waa tusaale wanaagsan oo mudan in lagu daydo. Imika waan ka tagayaa Djibouti waayo waxa dhamaaday wakhtigii aan safiirka ahaa”. Dhanka kale waxa uu ambassador Dominique ka hadlay xidhiidhka ka dhexeeya xafiiska Somaliland ee Paris iyo dawlada France “ laga soo bilaabo bishii October 2008 waxa la sameeyey xafiiska Somaliland ee Paris, waxaana la keenay wakiil, xafiiskaasi si wanaagsan buu u shaqeeyaa, markii hore waxa xafiiska qabtay Maxamuud Siciid Nuur (Fagadhe) oo imika dhintay,haddana waxa qabtay xilka Cali Ismaaciil Xasan oo runtii khibrad wanaagsan u leh shaqada, Cali waa nin si weyn ugu firfircoon horumarinta xidhiidhka ka dhexeeya Somaliland iyo France, wuxu sameeyaa safaro uu madaxda dawlada France ku keeno Somaliland, dawlada cusub ayay u taalaa inay raacdo wadadii aanu u furay France iyo Somaliland, madaxweynaha cusub ayay sidoo kale u taalaa inuu xidhiidhka sii horumariyo” ayuu yidhi Ambassador Dominiqur Decherf. Intaa kaddib waxa isaguna saxaafada la hadlay wakiilka Somaliland u jooga dalka France, Cali Ismaaciil Xasan, isagoo sheegay in xidhiidhka ka dhexeeya Somaliland iyo France uu haatan marayo heer wanaagsan isla markaana dawlada France danaynayso wax la qabsiga xukuumadda cusub, waxaanu intaa ku daray in doorashadii ka dhacday Somaliland ay sare u qaaday sumacadii dalka, taasoo uu sheegay inay albaabka u furayso xidhiidho dhaqaale oo caalamku la yeesho Somalialnd. Wakiilka Somaliland u jooga dalka France, Cali Ismaaciil Xasan waxa hadaladiisa ka mid ahaa “ anigoo aan dhameystiri kareyn waxqabadkii xafiiska Somaliland ee France uu qabtay wakhtiga oo kooban dartii, haddana in yar haddii aan idiin sheego, Somaliland iyo safiirka (Dominique) waxa isugu horeysay bishii 6-aad 2008, markaas oo madaxweyne Rayaale uu marayay Djibouti iyo anigoo imid Djibouti waxan kulansiiyay Madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale iyo safiirka, waxa iigu xigay sanadkii 2008 bishii 9-aad waxan ku guuleystay in madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale Kaahin aan geeyo magaalada Paris ee xarunta dawlada France, markaas oo xidhiidhkii France iyo Somaliland uu heer sare sii gaadhay oo sii adkaaday, waxa haddana noogu xigtay in aanu keeno wefti balaadhan oo isugu jira xubno ka kala socda qaybaha dawlada France u qaabilsan dhaqaalaha,siyaasada, anagoo markaas bank Djibouti ku yaalay laantiisa aanu ka furay Somaliland,waxay ahayd bishii January 2009. waxa kale oo noogu xigtay bishii March sanadkii 2009 oo ay isoo raaceen safiirkan imika ila socda iyo baarlamanka Faransiiska ninka u qaabilsan Geeska Afrika, haddana waxa iigu xigay in aanu aniga iyo safiirku nimaadno bishii April ee sanadkan isagoo safiirka ay la socdaan wefti balaadhan, marka kale ee noogu xigtaana waa imika. Shacbiga reer Somaliland way mutaysteen dimuqraadiyada ee Ilaahay ha ka jasaa’i siiyo, madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale waxaan leeyahay hambalyo siddii dimuqraadiyada ahayd ee aad u aqbashay natiijadii doorashada, waxan leeyahay madaxweynaha la doortay,waxa ina sugaysa hawl adag ee aan u diyaar garowno siddii aan uga soo bixi lahayn, waxaan odhan karaa heerka dimuqraadiyada Somaliland gaadhay waxay horseedi kartaa xidhiidh dhaqaale oo wanaagsan inuu ina dhex maro dawlada France waayo waxa la sugayay waxay ahayd doorashada ”. Wakiilka Somaliland ee France,Cali Ismaaciil waxa kale oo uu sheegay in Faransiisku danaynayo maalgashiga dekedda Berbera oo uu sheegay inuu isagu ahaa shakhsigii xidhiidhkaasi ka shaqeeyey, waxaanu intaa ku daray inuu ka sii shaqeyn doono siddii heshiiskaasi u dhameystirmi lahaa. Xubnaha kale ee weftigan la socday waxa ka mid ahaa Thierry Choiner oo ahaa xoghayaha guud ee safaaradda Faransiisku ku leeyahay dalka Djibouti iyo xoghayaha cusub ee safaarada France ku leeyahay Djibouti, xubno kale oo ka socday baarlamaanka dalka France. Ugu dambeyntii weftigaasi waxay shalay gelinkii dambe ka dhoofeen madaarka Egal International ee magaalada Hargeysa, halkaas oo ay ku sii macasalaameeyeen wasiirka arrimaha dibedda Somalialnd, C/laahi Maxamed Ducaale, marwo Edna Aadan Ismaaciil, taliyaha sirdoonka Somaliland, Maxamed Nuur iyo dadweyne kale. Source Haatuf

The building is nice and big it looks good but I think the design could have been better , but Puntlanders will get there keep on building and you will get the right design

The building is nice and big it looks good but I think the design could have been better , but Puntlanders will get there keep on building and you will get the right design

What do you expect from the pirate boys Melez zanawi is their daddy they will do everything he askes

Yes perhaps i am the somali diid what does that make garaad jamac Kenya doon

But the anti-somali and anti-muslim somalidiidland doesn't deserve recognition, (snm is pro-isreal and pro-habashi)

Are you sure you support the tfg I am sure the tfg doesn’t support you it was just a few weeks back when cumar buur accused the khusuusi of being linked to terrorism

wamaxay garaadkan caruurtu ay so dhaweynayaan tallow ma garaad caruureed bey moodeen ?

Originally posted by RedSea: I agree with Qudhac and that is exactly what Silaanyo has done thus far. They will have two ministers equal to that of Awdal. That seems fair wala soo dhaweyn taas

dee kosovo wa dal anu u walaalo nahay oo muslim ah

Originally posted by Duufaan: We have to claim our share of UN programs given to somali people. Anagu sirdoonka ingiriiska or sirdoonka mareyknka lacag kaash kamaqaadano. ^^ So now its the sirdoon oo gaalkii xuma noqday gaalki wanaagsana na cuntadii wuu ku siiyey

I did not say we don’t have non-government organisation offices in Somaliland but your cousin duufaan acts like we can’t survive without them, while his own garaad begs Mark Browden the un Humanitarian coordinator isn’t that Hypocritical?

meeshan kaliya eeh aan wax u waday waxay ahayd maxkamada aduunka oo shariciiyesey Jiritaanka dalka kosovo. Adigu halkeed wax u wada?

This topic is about the newly independent recognized country called Kosovo stay with the topic my friend

The end of the battle for Kosovo Written by UTV News Jul 22, 2010 at 03:37 PM Separatists, secessionists and splittists from Taiwan, Xinjiang and Somaliland to Sri Lanka, Georgia and the West Country will welcome today's precedent-setting legal opinion from the UN's international court of justice effectively upholding Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia. With hindsight it seems clear the 1990 reunification of Germany ran contrary to modern history's tide, marking a sort of last stand for the old 19th-century model of the unitary nation state. Since the Berlin wall came down and the Soviet Union disintegrated two years later, things everywhere have been falling apart. Fractious minority movements seeking recognition, autonomous rights, or outright independence since the cold war's end loosened the global geostrategic straitjacket have become commonplace across Europe. Spain frets about its Basques and Catalans, the unifying impact of its World Cup success notwithstanding. Italy's Germans often give cause for concern. The United Kingdom may prospectively be obliged to change its name, should breakaway Scottish and Welsh nationalist parties have their way. Some speak passionately of independence for the ancient kingdom of Kernow, otherwise known as Cornwall. And if it's Kernow redux, then why not Northumbria, Mercia, and Wessex, too? In Wiltshire they await a new Arthur. The accelerating trend towards the assertion of minority national, basically tribal rights, usually defined in terms of sovereign territory, delineated borders, ethnicity, language and history, appears global in nature. Vuk Jeremic, Serbia's foreign minister, who led opposition to Kosovo's UDI, suggested the fracturing of the nation state paradigm, like cracks in glass plate, could spread widely and do great damage. Speaking before Kosovo's formal 2008 break with Serbia, Jeremic looked beyond the Balkans to countries such as Sudan, a country that is likely to break in half this winter. In Africa, he said, "there are about 50 Kosovos waiting to happen". International acceptance of Kosovo's unilateral act "would be a very dangerous signal, a signal that there are no rules. Serbia wants to play by the rules. You just can't come along and say they don't matter any more." Boris Tadic, Serbia's president, revisited this argument this week. A ruling favouring Kosovo "would destabilise many regions of the world", he said. Now that Serbia's worst fears have been realised, it remains to be seen whether such dire predictions prove accurate. More prosaically, the world court's delayed advisory opinion hardly came as a surprise and must now be managed politically if new strife, most possibly in ethnically mixed northern Kosovo, is to be avoided. In the end the ruling was more a matter of hard-headed realpolitik than carefully appraised international law. The US, Kosovo's principal sponsor, was adamant all along the court's opinion would have little practical impact, a view echoed by Tony Blair, Kosovo's self-styled liberator, during a visit this week. Joe Biden, the US vice-president, also emphasised that independence was a done deal while affording Kosovan prime minister Hashim Thaci the Washington red carpet treatment on Wednesday. Independence was not primarily a matter of law, a White House spokesman said. "We do not believe that declarations of independence are legal acts whose legality is affirmed or denied by this international court. They are political facts that have to be established through political realities." The US has its own experience in this department. In 1776, American independence came at the muzzle of a musket, not in the form of a lawsuit against George III. Despite their protestations, and they will be long and angry, Serbia and its main backer, Russia, half expected this outcome. Their best course now may be to turn it to their maximum advantage rather than play a spoiler's game at the UN general assembly (which must endorse the ruling). One obvious approach is to accept the EU's proposed technical talks on creating a pragmatic modus vivendi between Belgrade and Pristina while seeking support, as a tacit quid pro quo, for a renewed effort to advance Serbia's EU membership bid. The US may think it's got ahead. But Russia could win both ways, not least in terms of its Georgia intervention. The court's failure to oppose Kosovo's secession "would automatically weaken the west's case against the recognition of [the independence of] Abkhazia and South Ossetia by Russia," said Petr Iskenderov of the Russian Academy of Science in International Affairs magazine. Moscow could also use the decision to push for an "overhaul" of the international community's approach to frozen disputes in the Balkan and Caspian regions that affect its interests, such as that between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the breakaway enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, he said. Serbia now faces the prospect of increased international recognition of Kosovo, the country's prospective membership of the UN, and the permanent loss of a territory its regards as a defining part of its sovereignty and history. At the same time, the gates to Europe swing open. It is a bitter pill to swallow. It could trigger domestic political upheavals. But when the dust settles, common sense and self-interest may dictate acceptance of the outcome. Like the Battle of Kosovo Field in 1389 that was so critical to Serbia's identity, the modern day battle for Kosovo is lost. guardian.co.uk © Guardian News and Media 2010