Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Sheekh Maxamed Idiris oo ka mid ah culumada waaweyn ee Soomaalida ayaa markii u horeysay ka hadlay kiiska Ikraan Tahliil Faarax, oo ay hay’adda NISA sheegtay inay geeriyootay, kadib muddo la weysanaa. Sheekh Maxamed Idiris ayaa sheegay in kiiska Ikraan ay ku jirto xikmad cajiib ah oo banaanka soo dhigeysa dulmiga dowladda iyo mas’uuliyiinta u sareysa, islamarkaana ay kashifeyso dulmi ayada ka horeeyay. “Ilaahay SWT xikmad ayuu ka leeyahay gabadhaas Soomaalida ah ee Muslimada ah in dhiigeeda uu maanta noqdo waxa arrintaan qarxiya, oo siyaasiyiintii kashifa, mas’uuliyiintii kashifa, dulmiga kashifa, dhiig badan oo muslima oo daatay kashifa,” ayuu yiri Sheekh Maxamed Idiris. “Ikraan ma aha kaligeed waxa dhintay laakiin xikmad ayuu Ilaahay SWT ka leeayhay, waxaan leenahay arrintaan waa arrin weyn oo Ilaahay daba-joogo, wallaahi noqon meyso arrin ciyaar ah oo lagu kaftamo.” Sidoo kale waxa uu ka dhawaajiyey inay jiraan Wasiiro, Xildhibaano, Culimo iyo Siyaasiyiin la dilay oo illaa hadda aan la aqoonsan, islamarkaana ay Ikraan tahay xikmad banaanka u soo saareysa dhagar qabayaasha qarsoon, sida uu hadalka u dhigay. “Dhiiga Muslimka ciyaar ciyaar ma aha, meel cidla ah ma dhaceyso, waxa uu Ilaahay SWT daba-socdo cid bad-baadin karta majirto. Gabadhaas yar waxay tusaale u tahay malaayiin Soomaali ah oo dhulka ku jira, cadaalada ha lagu xaqo.” Ugu dambeyntiina waxa uu ka digay in la hor-istaago kiiska Ikraan, si ay cadaalad u hesho, asagoona dalbaday in sida ugu dhaqsaha badan maxkamad loo saaro cida uu ku cadado kiiska Ikraan, oo NISA sheegtay inay geeriyootay. Hoos ka daawo Sheekh Maxamed, ka billow daqiiqadda 2-aad The post Daawo: Sheekh Maxamed Idiris: “Allah xikmad ayuu ka lahaa dilka IKRAAN TAHLIIL” appeared first on Caasimada Online.

FAO’s work through the Food and Nutrition Security Resilience Programme Building food system resilience in protracted crises (FNS-REPRO), is a project funded by the Government of the Netherlands that spans across Somaliland to Sudan and South Sudan over a period of two years. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Sida ay Caasimada Online u sheegeen ilo-wareedyo lagu kalsoon yahay, ciidamo gaar ah oo ka tirsan ciidanka Waran ee hay’adda nabad sugidda Soomaaliya ayaa lagu wareejiyay sugida amniga qeybo muhiim ah oo ka tirsan xarunta NISA. Xogta aan helnay ayaa tilmaameysa in xafiiskii agaasimaha NISA, xafiiska maaliyada, xafiiska diiwaanka iyo xogaha, qeybta hubka iyo VIP-da ee hay’adda NISA la dejiyey ciidankaas, kadib amar kasoo baxay ra’iisul wasaare Rooble. Sidoo kale xogta ayaa intaas ku dareysa in gaari kasta oo xarunta galaya ama ka soo baxaya la baarayo, sidoo kale waxaa la baarayaa dadka galaya iyo kuwa kasoo baxa, iyadoo dadka iyo gaadiidka geli karana ay aad u xaddidan yihiin. Sarkaal lagu magacaabo Maxamed Xasan oo ah taliyaha ciidanka Waran ee hay’adda NISA, islamarkaana taabacsan Rooble, ayaa la sheegay in uu aad adkeynayo ammaanka xarunta gaar ahaan qeybaha ugu muhiimsan ee xogta iyo xafiisyada hay’adda ah. Goobaha ay ciidanka sida gaarka u ilaalinayaan waxaa kamid ah dhowr qeybood oo xafiisyo u badan, kuwaasi oo marba qeyb uu fariisan jiray taliyihii hore ee hay’adda NISA Fahad Yaasiin. Sidoo kale waxaa goobaha aadka loo ilaaliyo kamid ah qeyb degaan aheyd oo uu daganaa Fahad Yaasiin iyo shaqsiyaadka martida u ah. Arrintaan ayaa daba joogto baaritaanka kiiska Ikraan Tahliil Faarax oo la tuhmayo in afduubkeeda iyo dilkeedaba ay sabab u haayeen masuuliyiin katirsan sirdoonka Soomaaliya, lagana cabsi qabo in la burburiyo caddeymaha la xiriira kiiskan. The post Xog: Rooble oo ciidamo gaar ah dul-dhigay xafiisyo ka mid ah xarunta NISA appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Golaha Midowga Murashaxiinta Soomaaliya ayaa sideed qodob kasoo saaray xaaladda xasaasiga ah ee dalka ka taagan ee ka dhalatay isku dayga madaxweyne Farmaajo uu ku hor-istaagay inay caddaalad helaan Ikraan Tahliil Faarax iyo qoyskeeda. Hoos ka aqriso qoraalka Golaha Golaha Midowga Musharaxiinta (Council of Presidential Candidates) Tix: GMMM/32/21 Tr: 10/09/21 Kulan deg-deg ah oo ay isugu yimaadeen Golaha Midowga Murashixiinta iyo wadatashiyo badan oo ay sameeyeen ayaa maanta oo ay taariikhdu tahay 10/09/21 ku soo gebagaboobay magaalaa Muqdisho. Kulanka iyo wadatashiyadaba waxaa looga dooday layskuna weydaarsaday afkaar ku wajahan xaaladda dalka, gaar ahaan dhacdooyinkii ugu dambeeyey ee khalkhalka siyaasadeed geliyey dalka. Waxaa laysla gartay qodobada soo socda: 1. Goluhu wuxuu si buuxda u garab taagan yahay Raysal-wasaare Maxamed Xuseen Rooble oo mas’uuliyada amniga iyo doorashooyinka meel fagaare ah kula wareegay, kadib markii Madaxweynaha muddo xileedkiisu dhamaaday uu ku fashilmay qabashada doorashooyin daahfuran, xor iyo xalaal ah, oo waqtigeeda ku dhacda. 2. Goluhu wuxuu ku garab taagan yahay Raysal-wasaaraha in kiiska Ikraan Tahliil Faarax lagu sameeyo baaritaan hufan, eedaysanayaashana si deg-deg ah loo hor geeyo maxkamad awood u leh ka gungaaridda iyo qaaditaanka kiiskaas. 3. Goluhu wuxuu cambaaraynayaa tallaabooyinka uu Madaxweynaha muddo-xileedkiisu dhamaaday ku carqaladeynaayo caddaalad u helidda kiiska Ikraan, iyo gabaadka sharci-darrada ah uu siinayo eedaysanayaasha kiiska loo haysto. 4. Goluhu wuxuu la socdaa dhaqdhaqaaqa uu gudoomiyihi hore ee Golaha Shacabka, Maxamad Mursal Abdirahman uu ku doonayo dib-u-soo noolaynta Golihi Shacabka ee muddo-xileedkiisu dhamaaday, iyadoo la doonayo in lagu carqaladeeyo daddaalka Raysal-wasaaraha, laguna hor istaagayo caddaalad u raadinta Ikraan Tahliil iyo Qoyskeeda. 5. Goluhu wuxuu xusuusinayaa Maxamad Mursal in uu hore ugu fashilmay mu’aamaraadkaas, dalkana halis u geliyey colaad-sokeeye kadib markii uu meelmariyey mudda-kororsigii labada sano ahaa ee uu dalbaday Madaxweynaha mudda-xileedkiisu dhamaaday. 6. Goluhu wuxuu uga dhigayaa guddoomiye-hore Mursal in uu mar kale dalka geliyo colaad-sokeeye, wuxuuna Goluhu ka waaninayaa in uu dib uga istaago shirqoolada lagu cargaladaynayo hawlaha Dastuuriga ah ee horyaalla Raysal-wasaaraha . 7. Golaha Midowga Murashaxiinta wuxuu ka codsanaayaa Golaha Wadatashiga Qaran in ay tixgeliyaan codsigoodii wax ka beddelka qodobo ka mid ahaa habraaca doorashooyinka oo u baahan in dib loo saxo, iyo in ay dedejiyaan dhamaystirka doorashooyinka Aqalka Sare iyo Golaha Shacabka. 8. Goluhu wuxuu bogaadinayaa Madaxweynaha Dowlad-gobaleedka Hirshabelle, Mudane Cali Guudlaawe Xuseen on fursad siman siiyey liiska tartamayaasha doonaya kuraasta Aqalka Sare oo ah sida saxa ah oo doorashooyinka loo agaasimo, waxaana u rajaynaynaa in ay doorashooyinkaas si daahfuraan ah ku soo dhamaystirmaan. Ugu dambayn, Goluhu wuxuu ugu baaqayaa saraakiisha Ciidamada Qalabka-sida in ay ka fogaadaan ku milanka siyaasadda iyo arrimaha doorashooyinka, garab-na ku siiyaan Raysal-wasaaraha in uu waajibaadkiisa u guto sidii loogu igmaday. Wuxuu kaloo Goluhu ugu baaqayaa Shacabka Soomaaliyeed, madaxda Dawlad-goboleedyada iyo Beesha Caalamka-ba in la iska kaashado sidii ay dalka ugu dhici lahaayeen doorasho daahfurnaan leh, laysla oggol yahay, dhaqsana ku qabsooma. -DHAMAAD- The post DEG DEG: Midowga Murashaxiinta oo 8 qodob kasoo saaray xiisadda dalka ka taagan appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Tan iyo markii xilka laga qaaday Wasiirkii amniga Soomaaliya, Xasan Xundubey Jimcaale ayaa waxa uu bilaabay in uu bartiisa twitter-ka soo dhigao qoraal is-daba joog ah oo ka dhan ah Ra’iisul Wasaare Rooble. Xundubey ayaa u muuqda inuu weli aqbali la’ inuu xilka waayey, kadib markii uu horey sharci-darro ugu tilmaamay, isaga oo qiil ka dhiganaya “in lagu jiro xili kala guur ah oo waddanku galayo doorasho, uuna Rooble cidna xil ka qaadi karin. Wasiirka la ceyriyay ayaa maalmihii u dambeeyay, gaar ahaan saacadihii u dambeeyay bartiisa twitter-ka ku baahinayey qoraalo ka dhan ah Rooble, taasi oo lagu macneeyay “in Xundubey uu ku ciil baxayo tweet-yadaaas”. “Rooble, HORU-SOCOD ayaa laga rabay, ee GADAAL u socod lagama sugayn! In uu WEBIGA doorashada na goysiiyo, oo uu na dhaafiyo ayaa looga fadhiyay, ee in uu BUUNDADA/BRIDGE-ka dushiisa DAGAAL nagu geliyo lagama filayn!,” ayuu ku yiri tweet uu soo dhigay bartiisa. “Rooble, Golihiisa Wasiirada HAL Wasiir hadii laga reebo, inta kale mar hore ayuu go’doomiyay. Dood dheer ka dib Wasiiradu waxa ay go’aansadeen in DANAHA bulshada dartood loo TANAASULO oo AAMUSNAAN lagula shaqeyo. Hadana AAMUSNAANTII ayuu u dulqaadan waayay oo uu SHIRQOOL u arkay!,” ayuu ku yiri mid kale. “Rooble, DOONTA ay dadka Soomaaliyeed saaranyihiin, waxa uu meel nabad ah gaarsii kari lahaay, hadii uu u dhexeyn lahaa MUXAAFAD & MUCAARAD! Haddasa, waxaa muuqata in uu MUCAARADKA ku MILMAY! Hadii uu DAN ka leeyahay dadka & dalka, ha ku soo naqdo waddada DHEX-DHEXAADNIMADA!,” ayuu sidoo kale tweet kale ku yiri saacad kadib. Wuxuu tweet kale haddana ku yiri “Qurbac yar oo qaan gaar ahayn, qalab culus kuu qaadi maa! minaad ku qaadi maagtana, hadow qalibo yaad qabsee?.” Ra’iisul Wasaare Rooble ayaa dikreeto kasoo baxday xafiiskiisa xilkii uga xayuubiyey wasiirkiisii amniga Xasan Xundubey Jimcaale, isagoo xilkaas u magacaabay Xildhibaan Cabdullahi Maxamed Nuur oo aad u dhaliili jiray siyaasadda Farmaajo. The post Xasan Xundubey oo si yaab leh ugu ciil baxaya twitter-ka appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Mohammed Bin Salman oo billaabay qorshe ku wajahan Taalibaan – Muxuu sameeyey? Sacuudi Carabiya ayaa raadineysa door cusub oo ay ku yeelato Afghanistan kadib qabsashadii Taalibaan, waxayna caawimaad ka raadin kartaa Pakistan, xilli Qatar oo ay xifaaltamaan ay kusoo baxday dalka ugu saameynta badan Afghanistan. Dhaxal-sugaha Sacuudiga Mohammed bin Salman ayaa madaxii hore ee sirdoonka boqortooyada Turki al-Faisal u xil saaray inuu dib usoo cusbooneysiiyo xiriiradii uu la lahaa hoggaamiyayaasha Taalibaan, oo uu la macaamilay 20 sano kahor. Turki al-Faisal, oo 76 jir ah, ayaa ahaa madaxa sirdoonka Sacuudiga, intii u dhaxeysay 1979-kii ilaa 2001, wuxuuna kaalin ku lahaa isku xirka mujaahidiintii Afghanistan ee la dagaalamay Midowga Soviet ee kusoo duulay. Sida ay ku warantay shabakadda Intelligence Online, Faisal ayaa dhowaan la kulmay Mullah Yaqoob, oo ah wiilka aas-aasihii Taalibaan Mullah Omar, wuxuuna sidoo kale Qatar kula kulmay Mullah Baradar. Baradar ayaa ah madaxa siyaasadda Taalibaan, wuxuuna hoggaaminayey wada-xaajoodyadii ay kooxda la gashay dowladda Mareykanka ee dhaliyey inay ciidamada shisheeye ka baxaan dalkaas. Kadib qabsashadii Taalibaan ee Afghanistan, Qatar oo ah dal yar oo ay xifaaltamaan Sacuudiga, ayaa waxa uu Mareykanka ammaan kaga muteystay sida ay gacan uga geysteen in kumanaan qof laga daad-gureeyo garoonka diyaaradaha Kabul. Qatar ayaa sidoo kale horey Taalibaan ugu ogolaatay inay xafiis siyaasadeed ka furato Doha 2013-kii, ayada oo taageero ka heleysa madaxweynihii hore ee Mareykanka Barack Obama. Khubarada ayaa u sheegay Middle East Eye, in ayada oo la rumeysan yahay in xiriirka tooska ah ee Taalibaan iyo Sacuudiga uu xadidan yahay, ay Riyadh ay ka faa’iideysan kartoo saameynta Pakistan ay ku leedahay Taalibaan. Hase yeeshee, khubarada qaar ayaa ka digaya in saameynta Pakistan ee Taalibaan aysan u xoog badneyn sidii hore, ayada oo Qatar iyo Turkey ay hadda kusoo baxeen labada dal ee miisaanka ku leh Kabul. “Waxa ay Sacuudiga ku heli karaan maritaanka Pakistan, waa ay xadidan yihiin. Labaduba hadda sidii hore saameyn uguma lahan Taalibaan,” waxaa sidaas yiri Arif Rafiq, oo ah madaxa shirkadda la-talinta amniga ee Vizier Consulting, oo la hadlay Middle East Eye. “Taaliban waxay xiriir la horumarisay dalalka kale ee gobolka. Hadda sidii hore waa ay kaga xiran yihiin caalamka,” ayuu ku daray. “Sacuudiga hadda muhiim uma ahan sidii hore.” Sacuudi Carabiya ayaa xirtay safaaraddeedii Kabul kadib markii Taalibaan ay qabsatay magaalada, waxaana wixii markaas ka dambeeyey ay ka aamusneyd dhacdooyinka dalkaas ku yaalla bartamaha Asia. Sacuudi Carabiya, Imaaraadka iyo Pakistan ayaa ahaa saddexda dal ee kaliya ee aqoonsanaa Taalibaan markii ay Afghanistan maamuleysay intii u dhaxeysay 1996-ii illaa 2021. Xiriirkooda ayaa xumaaday markii Taalibaan ay diiday inay hoggaamiyihii Al-Qacida Sheekh Osmaba Bin Laden usoo masaafuriso dalkaas. Riyadh ayaa si rasmi ah xiriirka ugu jartay Taalibaan kadib markii ay dhaceen weeraradii September 11, 2001 ee lagu qaaday Mareykanka. Qaran News

Gudoomiye Cirro oo Shaaciyey inuu yahay Murashax u taagana Jagada Gudoomiyaha Xisbiga Waddani Waxa aan maanta oo Jimce ah si rasmi ah u iclaaminayaa in aan ahay Murashax u taagan Jagada Guddoomiyaha Xisbiga WADDANI oo aan ka dhex tartami doono Shirweynaha Xisbiga oo qabsoomi doona 30-31 Oktoobar 2021. GUUL. pic.twitter.com/u0iXAcNbI0 — Cabdiraxmaan Cirro (@Abdirahmanirro) September 10, 2021 Qaran News

Boolis Gacanta ku dhigay Nin doonayey inuu iibiyo Ilmo yar oo uu dhalay+Sawirro Nin u dhashay dalka Nigeria ayaa lagu qabtay degaan lagu magacaabo Akwa Ibom isagoo Jawaan ku sidda ilmo yar oo uu dhalay xili uu doonayey inuu iibiyo ilmahaas oo 3 jir ahaa. Booliska ayaa gacanta ku dhigay ninkan kadib markii la waydiiyay sababta ku kaliftay arintan ayuu sheegay iney tahay duruufo dhinaca nolosha ah oo soo wajahay. “Waxaan dhalay Siddeed caruur ah, aniguna wax shaqo ah gacanta kuma hayo, markaa intii Todobadda kale gaajo u dhiman lahaayeen waxaan go’aan ku gaaray inaan iibiyo mid kamid ah Sideeda Caruurta si aan u helo waxay ku noolaan lahaayeen Inta kale” ayuu yiri ninkan oo wejigiisa ay ka muuqdeen duruufo dhinaca nolosha ah. Ilmahan yar hoouadiis ayaa soo wargalisay Booliska ka hor intaa aanu iibin wiilkan yar sidaas ayaana gacanta loogu dhigay Aabahan rabay in uu wiilkiisa iibiyo. Nigeria oo ah shidaalka ugu badan soo saara qaarafa Afrika ayaa waxaa la degay musuq maasuq ba’an oo lagu sameeyo balaayiinta dollar ee dalkaas ka soo gasha shidaal uu dibeda u dhoofiyo taasoo sababtay in dalkaas ay ku bataan faqriga iyo gaajada. Qaran News

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Waxaa weli socda dhex-dhexaadinta laga dhex wado Madaxweynaha muddo xileedkiisa uu dhamaaday ee Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo iyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, xili uu sii xoogeystay khilaafka u dhaxeeya. Madaxweynayaasha Galmudug iyo Koonfur Galbeed ayaa labada dhinac ku qanciyey inaysan qaadin tallaabo kale oo xiisadda uga sii dari karta, islamarkaana waxay labada dhinac soo gudbiyeen tabashada ay qabaan. Siyaasi Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur Warsame ahna musharax u taagan xilka madaxweynimo ee Soomaaliya ayaa shaki geliyay waan-waanta laga dhex wado labada mas’uul, isagoona xusay saddex su’aalood oo xasaasi ah oo dul hoganaya arrintaas, kuwaasi oo kala ah; Cayrinta Fahad?, Caddaalad u raadinta Ikraan? iyo Gabbaad-siinta eedaysanayaasha?. Waxa uu sheegay in marnaba aan laga yaabin in uu tanaasulo madaxweynaha muddo xileedkiisa uu dhamaaday ee Farmaajo, islamarkaana uu rabo in uu helo nin uu ka adkaado, sida uu hadalka u dhigay. “Waan-waanta agtiisa waa waqti iibsi, laakiin wuxuu mar walbana helaa qolo, iyaga qudhooda waanwaanta gabbaad ka dhiganaya oo kaga dhuumanaya in ay mowqifkii dadku ka sugayey caddeeyaan,” ayuu ku yiri Cabdiraxmaan Cabdishakuur qoraal uu soo dhigay bartiisa Facebook. Sidoo kale waxa uu ku booriyay Ra’iisul Wasaaraha in uu ku adkeysato go’aanadiisa, islamarkaana uu hore uga sii socdo isaga oo ka feejigan hosaasinta Farmaajo, maadama ay garab taagan yihiin Shacabka Soomaaliyeed. “Maxkamadda dacwadda loo gudbiyeyna waa in ay horay u socodsiiso kiiska. Kiiska Ikraan maxkamad shacab ayuu saaran yahay, ma ah mid la dabooli karo. Dadka iyo dalkaba caddaalad ayaa deeqda.” The post R/W Rooble oo looga digay ‘arrimo ku hoos duugan’ dhex-dhexaadinta Farmaajo appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Aqoonyahan Si weyn u taageera Farmaajo oo lagu afduubay Kenya Prof Cabdiwahaab Sheekh Cabdisamad oo qoray warbixintan Qoyska Cabdiwahaab Sheekh Cabdisamed oo la hadlay qaar ka mid warbaahinta Kenya ayaa sheegay in ay la’yihiin oo ay raadinayaan halka uu ku sugan yahay, ka diib markii laga qafaashay bartamaha Nairobi. Dr. Cabdiwahaab wuxuu ahaa falanqeeye ka faallooda arrimaha Soomaaliya iyo Geeska Afrika. Wuxuuna ahaa bare jaamacadeed. Cabdiwahaab ayaa lagu soo warramayaa in dad aan la garanayn ay ku riteen gaadhi, xillki uu marayay waddada Turbman ee ku xigta City Market, ee Bartamaha Caasimadda Kenya. Gaarigaas ayaa si xawaare ah u dhaqaaqay markii ay raggii watay ay gudaha ku riteen Dr. Cabdiwahaab. Qoyskiisa ayaa sheegay in ay aad ugu walaacsan yihiin, Mudane Cabdiwahaab oo ah aqoonyahan cilmi durugsan u leh arrimaha gobolka Geeska Afrika. Wararka waxay sheegayaan in ay “afduubteen” rag dhar-cad ah oo afar qof ahaa iyo dareewalkii gaariga u waday raggaas. “Waxaan tagnay Saldhigga Dhexe ee Booliiska, annaga iyo askarta waxaan tagnay goobta laga qaaday, illaa iyo hadda wax war ah kama hayno halka la geeyay,” ayay walaashiis u sheegtay TV-ga Citizen.Xaaskiisa, Xaliimo Maxamed ayaa Cabdiwahaab ku tilmaantay nin aan lahayn cadow la yaqaan oo raadsanayay, kuwaas oo si uun xidhiidh ula yeelan lahaaa waayitaankiisa. Sida lagu baahiyey qoraalka warqad caddaynaysa waayitaankiisa oo baafin ah, waxaa lagu qoray ‘in afar nin ay si qasaba gaadhi ugu rideen, halka mid shanaadna uu ku sugayay gaadhigaas gudihiisa”. Waxaana warqaddaas lagu sii baahiyey in sida oo kale qoyska ay xogta geeyeen saldhigga boolis Akila ee Nairobi. Dad badan ayaabaraha bulshada isku weydiinaya halka uu ku danbeeyey, iyaga oo dhanka kalena baafinaya Dr. Cabdiwahaab. Cabdiwahaab ayaa qayb ka ahaa qaar ka mid ah macyada cilmibaadhista ee ka dhisan Geeska Afrika, isaga oo sida oo kalena warbaahinta ugu caansan Kenya wax ku qori jirey. As we wake up from our warm beds, a family is unable to sleep because their father, brother, uncle, cousin, son, friend is missing under unclear circumstances. Where is Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad? pic.twitter.com/qjQpiU3X69 — Ahmed Mohamed ((ASMALi)) (@Asmali77) September 10, 2021 Wuxuu sidoo kale ahaa falanqeeye siyaasadeed oo arrimaha Soomaaliya ah. Tan iyo intaas Cabdiwahaab oo si weyn looga dhex arki jirey bogga baraha bulshada sida Twitter-ka, ayaan tan iyo maalintaa la sheegay in la waayey an waxba lagu soo qorin boggiisii. Waxaana u danbaysay qoraal kooban oo uu kaga hadlayey aragtidiisa ku aaddan xaalka siyaasadeed ee ka taagan Soomaaliya iyo khilaafka u dhexeeya Madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Rooble. Wuxuu ahaa nin si wayn u taageera dowladda Madaxweyne Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo, wuxuuna dhaliilaa dadka mucaaradka ku ah. Mid ka mid ah farriimihii ugu dambeeyay ee uu bartiisa Twitter-ka ku baahiyay. PM Roble's pick, Abshir M. Jama "Gobe" as NISA chief was strategic. He's a TPLF hand & UAE-UK ally. When the UK/EU failed 2 return TPLF 2 Addis, they want 2 create a rearguard 4 it in MOG. But chaos in SOM won't stay there. Take it from me: True Somalis will win. Whites will lose pic.twitter.com/2jWXJUGG3i — Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad (@AbdiwahabSheik7) September 8, 2021 Qaran News

Left Alliance city councillor Suldaan Said Ahmed replaces outgoing party colleague Paavo Arhinmäki in Parliament. Source: Hiiraan Online

Madaxweynaha dowladda Puntland Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni iyo Wefdi uu hoggaaminaayo ayaa maanta safar shaqo ku gaaray magaaladda Garacad ee gobolka Mudug. Madaxweynuhu waxa uu kormeeray dhismaha dekedda Garacad oo meel gebogebo ah maraysa, isagoona mid mid u dul istaagay qaybaha kala duwan ee dhismuhu ka socdo. Bogaadin, dardaaran iyo dhiirigelin ayuu u jeediyey Madaxweynuhu. Sidoo kale Madaxweynaha ayaa kulan la qaatay shirkadaha gacanta ku haya Dekedda ee kala ah TTN iyo Wadaagsin, warbixino ayuu ka dhegaystay Ingineerada iyo masuuliyiinta shirkadaha dhisaya Dekada, waxaa qayb ka ahaa kulanka weftiga Madaxweynaha, waxgaradka, ganacsatada iyo qaybaha kala duwan ee Bulshada magaalada Garacad. PUNTLAND POST The post Madaxweyne Deni oo booqday dekedda Garacad appeared first on Puntland Post.

Nairobi (Caasimada Online) – Magaalada Nairobi ee caasimadda dalka Kenya ayaa waxaa lagu afduubtay fallanqeeye iyo aqoonyahay kasoo jeeda Soomaalida Kenya, oo lagu magacaabo Cabdiwahaab Sheekh Cabdisamad, kaasi oo si weyn u taageersan madaxweynaha waqtigiisa dhammaaday Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo. Cabdiwahaab ayaa waxaa la waayey Arbacadii 8-da Bishan sida ay xaqiijiyeen qoyskiisa iyagoo ka raadiyey dhammaan saldhigyada iyo xarumah ciidamada, balse ma helin wax akhbaar ah oo xaaladiisa ku saabsan. Rag aan heybtooda la garaneyn ayaa Cabdiwahaab waxay ka afduubteen waddada Turbman ee magaalada Nairobi, ragga afduubka geystay ayaa la sheegay inay wateen hub iyo gaari. Cabdiwahaab oo da’diisa lagu sheegay 55-sano jir ayaa ka faalloon jiray arrimaha Geeska Afrika, wuxuuna kasoo muuqan jiray Warbaahinta Kenya iyo Laanta Afsoomaaliga ee BBC-da isagoo faaqidaya arrimaha Soomaaliya iyo Itoobiya. Sida ay ogaatay Caasimada Online, Cabdiwahaab ayaa dhawaan tagay magaalada Muqdisho ee caasimadda Soomaaliya, wuxuuna markaas kadib noqday taageero daacad u ah madaxweynaha waqtigiisa dhammaaday Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo. Waxaa sidoo kale loo qoray lacag si uu warbaahinta uga taageero Farmaajo. Barta uu leeyahay Twitter-ka ayaa maalmihii ugu dambeeyey isku badashay meel lagu aflagaadeeyo siyaasiyiinta kasoo horjeedo madaxweyne Farmaajo, wuxuuna la rumeysan yahay inuu sidoo kale taageero weyn u ahaa Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Itoobiya Itoobiya Abiy Ahmed. Gabar la dhalatay Cabdiwahaab oo la hadashay warbaahinta dalka Kenya ayaa sheegtay in lagu guul-dareystay baadi goobka walaalkeed, islamarkaana ay booliska xaqiijiyeen inuusan ku jirin gacantooda. Xaliimo Maxamed oo ah xaaska Cabdiwahaab ayaa iyadana sheegtay in ninkeeda uusan laheyn cadow gaar ah oo ay uga shakisan yihiin inay afduubteen, waxayna sidoo kale sheegtay inuusan jirin khalad uu ninkeeda sameeyey. Walaacda laga qabo xaaladiisa ayaa si xoogeysanaya, iyadoo aan la ogeyn inay afduubteen dambiilayaasha iyo inay heystaan ciidamada sirdoonka Kenya, sidoo kale waxaa shaki ka jiraa in la khaarijiyey. The post Fallanqeeye iyo aqoonyahan si weyn u taageera Farmaajo oo lagu afduubtay Nairobi appeared first on Caasimada Online.

At an Afghan National Army checkpoint outside of Kabul, Afghanistan, April 2021 Mohammad Ismail / Reuters In 2005, I visited a branch of Afghanistan’s national bank in Kandahar to make a deposit. I was launching a cooperative that would craft skin-care products for export, using oils extracted from local almonds and apricot kernels and fragrant botanicals gathered from the desert or the stony hills north of town. In order to register with the authorities and be able to operate legally, we had to make a deposit in the national bank. The cooperative’s chief financial officer, an Afghan, had been trying to achieve this formality for the past nine months—without paying a bribe. I had agreed to accompany him this time, knowing that together we would fare better. (I’m withholding his name because until a few weeks ago, he was a minister in the Afghan government and his family is now a target for retaliation by the Taliban, as are all Afghans who refuse to transfer their allegiance from the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan to the newly declared Islamic Emirate.) “Come back tomorrow,” barked the clerk, with a toss of his head, just as clerks had been telling my colleague for the past nine months. The subtext was clear: “Come back tomorrow—with the money.” Abruptly, I found myself on top of the clerk’s desk, sitting cross-legged amid all the documents and paperwork. “Fine,” I told him. “Take as long as you want. But I’m staying right here until you complete our forms.” Eyes wide, the clerk got to work. This is how life was for Afghans on the United States’ watch. Almost every interaction with a government official, including teachers and doctors, involved extortion. And most Afghans weren’t able to take the risk I took in making a scene. They would have landed in jail. Instead, they just paid—and their hearts took the blows. “The police are supposed to be upholding the law,” complained another cooperative member a few years later, a former police officer himself. “And they’re the ones breaking the law.” These officials—the police and the clerks—did not extort people politely. Afghans paid not just in cash but also in a far more valuable commodity: their dignity. In the wake of the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan, the Taliban’s swift reconquest of the country, and the chaotic, bloody exodus that has followed, U.S. officials have lamented that the Afghans failed to put up a fight. But how did the Americans ever expect Afghans to keep risking their lives on behalf of a government that had abused them—with Washington’s permission—for decades? There is also another, deeper truth to grasp. The disaster in Afghanistan—and the United States’ complicity in allowing corruption to cripple the Afghan state and make it loathsome to its own people—is not only a failure of U.S. foreign policymaking. It is also a mirror, reflecting back a more florid version of the type of corruption that has long been undermining American democracy, as well. ON THE TAKE Corruption in U.S.-occupied Afghanistan wasn’t just a matter of constant street-level shakedowns. It was a system. No cops or customs agents got to put all their illicit gains in their own pockets. Some of that money flowed upward, in trickles that joined to form a mighty river of cash. Two surveys conducted in 2010 estimated the total amount paid in bribes each year in Afghanistan at between $2 billion and $5 billion—an amount equal to at least 13 percent of the country’s GDP. In return for the kickbacks, officials at the top sent protection back down the line. The networks that ran Afghanistan were flexible and dynamic, beset by internal rivalries as well as alliances. They spanned what Westerners often misperceive as an impermeable wall between the public sector and the supposedly private businesspeople and heads of local “nonprofits” who corralled most of the international assistance that found its way to Afghanistan. These networks often operated like diversified family businesses: the nephew of a provincial governor would get a major reconstruction contract, the son of the governor’s brother-in-law would get a plum job as an interpreter for U.S. officials, and the governor’s cousin would drive opium shipments to the Iranian border. All three were ultimately part of the same enterprise. Westerners often scratched their heads at the persistent lack of capacity in Afghan governing institutions. But the sophisticated networks controlling those institutions never intended to govern. Their objective was self-enrichment. And at that task, they proved spectacularly successful. The disaster in Afghanistan is a mirror, reflecting back the corruption that undermines American democracy. The errors that enabled this kind of government to take hold date back to the very beginning of the U.S.-led intervention, when American forces armed rag-tag proxy militias to serve as ersatz ground troops in the fight against the Taliban. The militias received spiffy new battle fatigues and automatic rifles but no training or oversight. In recent weeks, pictures of Taliban fighters wielding batons against desperate crowds at the airport in Kabul have horrified the world. But in the summer of 2002, similar scenes took place, with little subsequent outrage, when U.S.-backed militias set up checkpoints around Kandahar and smacked around ordinary Afghans who refused to pay bribes. Truck drivers, families on their way to weddings, and even kids on bikes got a taste of those batons. In time, U.S. military intelligence officers figured out how to map the social networks of small-time Taliban commanders. But they never explored the links between local officials and the heads of construction or logistics companies that got to bid on U.S.-funded contracts. No one was comparing the actual quality of raw materials used with what was marked down in the budget. We Americans had no idea who we were dealing with. Ordinary Afghans, on the other hand, could see who was getting rich. They noticed whose villages received the most lavish development projects. And Western civilian and military officials bolstered the standing of corrupt Afghan officials by partnering with them ostentatiously and unconditionally. They stood by their sides at ribbon cuttings and consulted them on military tactics. Those Afghan officials could then credibly threaten to call down a U.S. raid or an airstrike on anyone who got out of line. SOMETHING ROTTEN By 2007, many people, myself included, were urgently warning senior U.S. and European officials that this approach was undermining the effort to rebuild Afghanistan. In 2009, in my capacity as special adviser to the commander of international troops in Afghanistan, General Stanley McChrystal, I helped establish an anticorruption task force at the headquarters of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF). (McChrystal’s successor, David Petraeus, expanded the group and rebranded it as Task Force Shafafiyat.) The original team put together detailed plans for addressing corruption at a regional level throughout the country. Later, I helped develop a more systematic approach, which would have made the fight against corruption a central element of the overall NATO campaign. Intelligence units would have mapped the social networks of ministers and governors and their connections. International military and civilian officials in Kabul would have applied a graduated range of sanctions to Afghan officials whose corruption was most seriously undermining NATO operations and Afghans’ faith in their government. And Afghan military commanders caught stealing materiel or their troops’ monthly pay would have been deprived of U.S. support. Later, while serving as special assistant to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen, I proposed a series of steps that would have taken particular aim at Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who had intervened to protect corrupt officials who had come under scrutiny, and whose brothers were salting away millions of stolen dollars in Dubai—some of it, we suspected, in trust for Karzai himself. We Americans had no idea who we were dealing with. None of those plans was ever implemented. I responded to request after request from Petraeus until I realized that he had no intention of acting on my recommendations; it was just make-work. The principals’ committee of the National Security Council—a group that includes every cabinet-level foreign policy and security official—agreed to consider an alternative approach, but the plan we sent over died in the offices of President Barack Obama’s national security advisers James Jones and Tom Donilon. Task Force Shafafiyat continued operating, but it served essentially as window-dressing to be displayed when members of Congress visited as proof that the United States was really trying to do something about Afghan corruption. ISAF and the U.S. embassy in Kabul had also formed a more specialized task force, the Afghan Threat Finance Cell, to carry out financial investigations. In 2010, it launched its first significant anticorruption probe. The trail led to Karzai’s inner circle, and police detained Muhammad Zia Salehi, a senior aide. With a single phone call to corrections officials, however, Karzai got the suspect released. Karzai then demoted all of the Afghan government’s anticorruption prosecutors, some of whom had assisted in the ATFC’s investigation, cutting their salaries by about 80 percent and barring U.S. Department of Justice officials from mentoring them. No protest came from Washington. “The cockroaches went scuttling for the corners,” as a member of the ATFC’s leadership described it. Civilian officials at the Pentagon and their counterparts at the U.S. Department of State and in the intelligence agencies had long dismissed corruption as a significant factor in the U.S. mission in Afghanistan. Many subscribed to the belief that corruption was just part of Afghan culture—as if anyone willingly accepts being humiliated and robbed by government officials. In more than a decade of working to expose and fight corruption in Afghanistan, I was never told by a single Afghan, “We don’t really mind corruption; it’s part of our culture.” Such comments about Afghanistan invariably came only from Westerners. Other U.S. officials contended that petty corruption was so common that Afghans simply took it for granted and that high-level corruption was too politically charged to confront. To Afghans, the explanation was simpler. “America must want the corruption,” I remember my cooperative’s chief financial officer remarking. None of the four administrations that carried out the war ever came close to confronting corruption. The precedent for Karzai’s impunity had been established in the wake of the Afghan presidential election of 2009. Karzai had brazenly stolen it by declaring some Taliban-infested districts safe for voting and then negotiating with the Taliban to allow for the entry and exit of ballot boxes—but not to allow voters free access to polling stations. The result was empty ballot boxes that could then be stuffed. Afghan friends regaled me with descriptions of poll workers they had observed in rural villages firing their guns in the air while on the phone to officials in Kabul. “We’re having a tough time here,” the election officials would shout into the phone. “Can you give us a few more days to get the boxes to you?” Then they would go back to filling out fraudulent ballots. In some cases, UN investigators who opened sealed boxes found intact pads of ballots inside, all filled out in the same ink. But Washington declined to call for a new election. Instead, the Obama administration dispatched John Kerry, the Democratic senator from Massachusetts who was then chair of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, to try to reason with Karzai. In the end, the official results emerged from a negotiation: Karzai would still win but by fewer votes. That, ultimately, was the type of democracy that Americans cultivated in Afghanistan: one where the rules are rewritten on the fly by those who amass the most money and power and where elections are settled not at the ballot box but by those who already hold office. THERE WAS ANOTHER WAY How did U.S. officials across four administrations get Afghanistan so wrong? As in any complex phenomenon, many factors played a role. First, despite the high costs, the U.S. war was always a halfhearted effort. In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, U.S. President George W. Bush’s top advisers were obsessed with Iraq; they grudgingly set their sights on Afghanistan only when irrefutable intelligence made clear that the attacks had been carried out by al Qaeda. The organization was then based in Afghanistan, where Osama bin Laden had long-standing partnerships with local jihadis. And yet within a few months of the collapse of the Taliban regime, U.S. diplomats and the military brass had orders to swivel to Iraq. The United States put itself in the impossible position of trying to prosecute two complex wars at once. For his part, Obama always exuded ambivalence about the mission in Afghanistan. As vice president, Joe Biden was outspoken about his opposition to the intervention. President Donald Trump oversaw the negotiations that forced the Afghan government to make concession after concession to the Taliban so that U.S. forces could leave—and set up the Taliban for their lightning victory. And Biden, back in the White House as president, was at last able to bring about the withdrawal that he wanted 12 years ago. But today is not 12 years ago. Throughout all four administrations, U.S. officials never met ordinary people in settings that would have made those people feel safe to speak freely. So the Americans never absorbed critical information that was obvious to Afghans, such as the prevalence of corruption and the disgust it was generating. Meanwhile, Karzai knew how to get Afghanistan into the headlines—something that none of the four presidents who oversaw the war wanted. Even out of office, Karzai seems able to outfox the White House: witness his reported role in paving the way for the humiliating denouement of the U.S. war effort by negotiating with regional strongmen and Pakistani officials (or their proxies) to smooth the Taliban takeover. Afghan leaders were hardly blameless. The United States could have and should have taken a different approach. It should have stood firm in the face of Karzai’s temper tantrums, leveraging the fact that Afghan leaders needed Washington far more than Washington needed them. It should have made U.S. assistance, civilian as well as military, conditional on the integrity of the officials receiving the support. The United States should have supplied as many mentors for Afghan mayors and health department heads as it did for colonels and captains in the Afghan National Army. And it should have ensured that entry-level salaries for Afghan civil servants and security forces were sufficient to keep their families clothed and fed, so that clerks and police officers couldn’t use the excuse of low pay to legitimize their pilfering. The ISAF and Western embassies could have set up tip lines and ombudsman committees, such as the one the Taliban set up in Kandahar Province, so that citizens could lodge complaints and those complaints could be investigated. U.S. military and civilian institutions should have trained more of their own emissaries in Pashto and Dari to reduce their dependence on interpreters, who were always woven into Afghan networks and often had their own interests to further. I have no way to certify that such an approach would have succeeded. But the United States didn’t even try. None of the four administrations that carried out this war ever came close to adopting such an agenda. Of course, Afghan leaders were hardly blameless—not only Karzai but also Ashraf Ghani, who served as president after Karzai and fled the country as the Taliban closed in on the presidential palace. When the former chief financial officer of my cooperative took up his post in the Ghani administration earlier this year, we spoke frequently. “You have no idea,” he told me one day, his voice pale. “No one in this ministry is concerned with anything but his own personal gain.” Even after all he had been through, he was shocked. “I came into my office and I found nothing. There is no strategic plan; no one even knows what this agency’s mission is. And there is no one on staff even capable of writing a strategic plan.” Within weeks of taking up his job, he had to cancel a major contract that his ministry had awarded via a rigged bidding process and head off his predecessor’s plan to create a parallel ministry that would have controlled the bulk of his budget. A DISTANT MIRROR It is likely Afghanistan will soon recede from U.S. headlines, even as the situation there goes from bad to worse. Politicians and pundits will point fingers; scholars and analysts will look for lessons. Many will focus on the fact that Americans failed to understand Afghanistan. That is surely true—but perhaps less important than how badly we Americans have failed to understand our own country. On the surface, Afghanistan and the United States are vastly different places, home to different societies and cultures. And yet when it comes to allowing profiteers to influence policy and allowing corrupt and self-serving leaders to cripple the state and anger its citizens, the two countries have much in common. For all the mismanagement and corruption that hollowed out the Afghan state, consider this: How well have American leaders been governing in recent decades? They have started and lost two wars, turned free markets over to an unfettered financial services industry that proceeded to nearly bring down the global economy, colluded in a burgeoning opioid crisis, and bungled their response to a global pandemic. And they have promulgated policies that have hastened environmental catastrophes, raising the question of how much longer the earth will sustain human habitation. And how have the architects of these disasters and their cronies been doing? Never better. Consider the skyrocketing incomes and assets of executives in the fossil fuel and pharmaceutical industries, investment bankers, and defense contractors, as well as the lawyers and other professionals who provide them with high-end services. Their staggering wealth and comfortable protection from the calamities they have unleashed attest to their success. Not success at leadership, of course. But maybe leadership isn’t their objective. Maybe, like their Afghan counterparts, their primary objective is just making money. SARAH CHAYES is the author of On Corruption in America—and What Is at Stake. From 2002 to 2009, she ran development organizations in Kandahar, Afghanistan. Later, she served as a Special Assistant to two commanders of the international military forces in Afghanistan and to the Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff. Source: Foreign Affairs The post Afghanistan’s Corruption Was Made in America appeared first on Puntland Post.

Ciidanka Xoogga Puntland ee PSF, ayaa soo bandhigay muuqaal lagu wareystay saddex xubnood oo ka tirsan Al-shabaab. Xubnahan lagu wareystay barnaamijka ayaa ka shifay macluumaad ku saabsan, sida loo qorsheeyay weerarkii Al-shabaab ka fulisay xabsiga weyn ee Boosaaso, 5 March 2021. Ka hor weerar, Al-shabaab ayaa lacag dhan $800 oo Dollar u soo diri jiray maxaabiista kaga xiran xabsiga weyn ee Boosaaso, sida uu sheegay mid kamid ah xubnaha lagu wareystay barnaamijkan. Wuxuu sheegay in lacagtaas la soo marin jiray taliye ku xigeenkii saddexaad ee xabsiga weyn ee Boosaaso oo lagu magacaabo Jaamac dheere. Sidoo kale, wuxu tilmaamay in markii dambe Al-shabaab kordhiyeen Lacagtaas oo gaarsiiyeen $1000 Dollar, islamarkaana qolalkooda loogu qaybin jiray dadka Al-shabaab ka xiran. Mar uu ka hadlayay weerarkii xabsiga, ayuu sheegay in qorshayntiisa la bilaabay 2019, markaas oo maxaabiista qaarkood lagu sii war-geliyay diyaarinta weerarka. PUNTLAND POST The post Maxbuus ka shifay magaca sarkaal Puntland ah oo Al-shabaab lacagta soo marin jirtay appeared first on Puntland Post.

Mogadishu (HOL) - The presidents of Galmudug, Ahmed Abdi Karie (Qoor Qoor), and Southwest state, Abdiaziz Hassan Mohamed (Laftagareen), have arrived in Mogadishu on Thursday to reportedly mediate talks between President Farmajo and Prime Minister Roble amidst the current constitutional crisis. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Wararki ugu dambeeyey ee khilaafka madaxweynaha waqtigiisa dhammaaday Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo iyo Ra’isulwasaaraha xukuumadda Maxamed Xuseen Rooble ayaa sheegaya in labada dhinac ay hadda xoogaa isku soo dhawaadeen. Madaxweynayaasha Galmudug iyo Koonfur Galbeed ayaa labada dhinac ku qanciyey inaysan qaadin tallaabo kale oo xiisadda uga sii dari karta isla markaasna waxayna labada dhinac soo gudbiyeen tabashada ay qabaan. Ra’isulwasaare Maxamed Xuseen Rooble ayaa Qoor Qoor iyo Laftagareen u sheegay inuu kaliya ku qanci karo in xilka lagu wareejiyo Bashiir Goobe oo uu u magacaabay Agaasimaha Hey’adda NISA iyo in kiiska Ikraan Tahliil cadaaladda la hor geeyo. Sidoo kale, Madaxweynaha waqtiga ka dhammaaday Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo ayaa ku dooday in Rooble uu burburinayo heykalka dowladnimo, wuxuuna sheegay in Rooble ay u suurta gashay wixii uu rabay ee ahaa in Fahad laga qaado xilka hadda wixii ka dambeeyana uusan garaneyn ujeedada Rooble, wuxuuna sheegay in Kiiska Ikraan Tahliil loo daayo hey’adaha cadaaladda. Maanta ayaa la filayaa in dib loo bilaabo wada-hadalada, waxaana muuqato in Lafta Gareen iyo Qoor Qoor ay ka go’an tahay sidii ay usoo afjari lahaayeen xiisadda siyaasadeed ee ka dhex jirta madaxweynaha iyo Ra’isulwasaaraha. Saacadihii la soo dhaafay waxaa deganeyd xaaladda siyaasadeeed ee dalka markii loo eego sida ay xaalada aheyd maalmihii la soo dhaafay, hayeeshee uu weli taagan yahay khilaafka u dhaxeeya Madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Ra’iisul Wasaare Rooble uu weli taagan yahay. The post Wararkii ugu dambeeyey dhex-dhexaadinta laga dhex wado Rooble iyo Farmaajo appeared first on Caasimada Online.

A power struggle between Somalia’s President Mohamed Farmaajo and Prime Minister Mohamed Roble escalated further as the country’s new security minister, Abdullahi Mohamed Nur, took office Thursday. Source: Hiiraan Online

Somalia's two most powerful leaders were locked in a standoff on Wednesday after they named different men to head the intelligence service of the politically unstable nation in the Horn of Africa. Source: Hiiraan Online

About 3.5 million people are expected to face an acute food insecurity crisis in Somalia through the end of 2021 due to lack of humanitarian assistance, says a United Nations-backed food security report released in Mogadishu on Thursday. Source: Hiiraan Online

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni threatened Thursday to withdraw peacekeeping troops in Somalia who are serving under the African Union's umbrella. Source: Hiiraan Online

Gaalkacyo (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha maamul Goboleedka Puntland Saciid Cabdullaahi Deni oo warbaahinta la hadlay ayaa waxaa uu ciidamada ugu digay in ay ku milmaan siyaasada, si uusan ugu lumin waqtiga, sida uu hadalka u dhigay. Madaxweyne oo ka hadlayau kulan ka dhacay Gaalkacyo ayaa sheegay in markii hore howlgallada Ciidamada ee Gobolka Mudug ay ahaayeen kuwo kala dhan taallan, balse ka maamul ahaan ay iabedel ku saneeyeen. Waxaa uu sheegay in hadda Ciidamada Puntland ee ka howlgalla Gobolka Mudug ay yihiin kuwo wadashaqeeya, sidoo kalena looga baahan yahay inay tallaabo deg deg ah ka qaadaan dadka falalka Amni darro kanl geysta degaannada Gobolka Mudug. Madaxweynaha ayaa faray laamaha amniga Gobolka Mudug in halkaasi laga sii wado howlgalada lagu sugayo amniga Gobolka, wuxuuna muujiyay in isbedelka Gobolka ka dhacay uu yahay mid siweyn u muuqda laakiin loo baahanyahay in dowlad iyo Shacaba halkaasi laga sii wado halganka oo wadajir loola diriro argagixisada. Dhinaca kale, Madaxweynaha ayaa bogaadiyay shaqada wanaagsan ee ka qabsoomtay Gobolka Mudug gaar ahaan dhinaca Amniga, wuxuuna dalacsiiyey Ciidamadii ka shaqeeyay nabadgelyada Gobolka Mudug. Madaxweyne Deni waxa uu sheegay in uusan marnaba filayn in ammaanka ay Gaalkacyo ay wax ka bedelaan 120 askari oo Garowe lagasoo diray labo sano ka hor, halka ay Mudug joogeen 2000 askari. “Ciiddamadan waxay naga ahayd tijaabo, laakiin in ay sidaasi wax isku bedelaan ma ahayn wax aan sidaas filaynay” ayuu yiri madaxweynaha Puntland Siciid Deni. Madaxweyne Deni ayaa sheegay sida ay Puntland usoo afmeertay shabakado Al-Shabaab ah oo muddo dheer ka jiray magaalada Gaalkacyo in aanay jirin meel Soomaaliya kamid ah oo sidaas oo kale usoo afjartay. Bishii June ee sannadkan, maamulka Puntland ayaa toogasho ku fuliyay 18 xubnood oo Alshabaab, kuwaas oo tan iyo sannadkii 2008 masuul ka ahaa qaraxyadii iyo dilalkii Gaalkacyo ka dhici jiray. The post Madaxweynaha Puntland oo Ciidamada uga digay inay ku milmaan Siyaasadda appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Madaxweynaha dowladda Puntland, Siciid Cabdullaahi Deni oo haatan ku sugan Gaalkacyo, ayaa maanta oo Jimce ah ku wajahan degaanka Garacad ee Gobolka Mudug. Madaxweyne Deni, ayaa sida qorshaysan kormeer ku samayn doona dhismaha dekedda Garacad oo meel wanaagsan maraya. Sidoo kale, waxa la filaya in uu kulamo kala duwan la qaadan doono mas’uuliyiinta dowladda iyo bulshada degaanka Garacad. PUNTLAND POST The post Madaxweyne Deni oo maanta booqanaya dekedda Gacarad ee Gobolka Mudug appeared first on Puntland Post.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Magaalada Muqdisho ayaa waxaa ka taagan xiisad dagaal, oo salka ku haysa maamulka xarunta hay’adda NISA, kadib markii madaxweyne Farmaajo iyo Rooble ay kala magacaabeen laba agaasime. Ra’iisul Wasaare Rooble ayaa agaasimaha NISA u magacaabay Bashiir Maxamed Jaamac, hasee yeeshee Farmaajo ayaa ka daba magacaabay Yaasiin Farey, taasi oo abuurtay loolan iyo xiisad siyaasadeed. Xiisaddan ayaa u muuqata inay horseedi karto dagaal dad badan ay sheegeen inuu noqon doono midkii Farmaajo uu dalka uga bixi lahaa, haddiiba uu nasiib u yeesho inaan lagu dilin. Farmaajo, oo bishii April ku fashilmay isku day muddo kororsi, kadib markii awood ciidan lagu hor-istaagay, ayaa xubno ku dhow ay sheegeen inuu weli rumeysan yahay inuu awood ciidan wax ku maquunin karo. Xog aan helnay ayaa sheegeysa in dhammaan ciidamada dowladda federaalka ay kasoo horjeedaan Farmaajo, marka laga reebo laba ciidan oo weli taageero u muujinaya, kuwaas oo kala ah ciidamada Gorgor ee militariga iyo Duufaan oo ka tirsan NISA. Ciidanka Gorgor waa kuwa ay tababareen Turkiga, waxaana u badan dhallinyaro markii horeba uu Farmaajo musuq-maasuq iyo qabyaalad ugu diray tababarka. Si kastaba ciidankan ayaa la sheegay in qeyb ka mid ah aysan raacsaneyn Farmaajo, waana qeybtii diiday xilligii muddo kororsiga inay u dagaalamaan Farmaajo. Ciidanka labaad ee uu Farmaajo isku haleynayo waa ciidanka Duufaan, oo ah kuwa tiro ahaan aad u yar. Ciidanka waxay badankood yihiin kuwo uu qoray agaasimihii hore ee NISA Fahad Yaasiin, waxayna isugu jiraan dhallinyaro laga keenayo gobolka Gedo, iyo xubno horey uga tirsanaa Al-Shabaab, oo markii dambe usoo goostay dowladda. Marka la isku geeyo, labada ciidan ayaa ah kuwa aad u yar, marka loo barbar dhigo ciidamada kale ee dowladda, waxaana aad u yar awoodda ay xitaaa hal maalin oo buuxda ku dagaalami karaan, haddii xiisaddan ay faraha ka baxdo, oo ay dagaal isku rogto. Si kastaba, Ra’iisul Wasaare Maxamed Xuseen Rooble, ayaa rumeysan in laga adkaan karo Farmaajo iyo kooxdiisa ayada oo aanu dagaal ka dhicin Muqdisho, taasi oo la sheegay in Farmaajo uu aad u doonayo, maadaama wax sumcad ah aysan u harin. The post Yey yihiin labada ciidan ee uu Farmaajo isku haleynayo? appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Wasiirkii Tamarta Somaliland oo Xilkii ku wareejiyey Wasiirka cusubaa ee Wasaaraddaas loo soo magacaabay Xafladan oo ahayd mid si heer sare ah loo soo agaasimay ayaa ka qabsoontay Gudaha Wasaaradda Tamarta iyo Macdanta JSL waxaana ka soo qayb galay Wasiirka wasaaradda Arimaha Gudaha, Wasiirka Cadaaladda, Gudoomiyaha Komishanka Korontadda, Gudoomiyaha Barakacayaasha, Gudoomiyaha Maamul wanaagga, Madaxda hay`adaha dawlada, masuuliyiin ka socday shirkado kala duwan oo maxaliya iyo kuwo caalamiyaba, sidoo kale waxaa madasha soo xaadiray xubno metelayey hayadaha Ajaanibkaa ee dalka ka shaqeeya gaar ahaan kuwa sida gaarka ah ula shaqeeya Wasaarada iyo weliba qaar kamida Salaadiinta Somaliland. Agaasimaha Guud Ee Wasaaradda Tamarta iyo macdanta Mukhtaar Maxamed cali oo munaasibadda hadalo kooban kasoo jeediyey ayaa soo dhaweeyey Wasiirka Cusub, Mudane Cabdilaahi faarax cabdi isagoo sii sabootiyey Wasiirki Hore Jaamac Xaaji maxamuud Cigaal, Wuxuuna sharaxay Qorshaha udagsan Wasaaradda, sidoo kale wuxuu ubalanqaaday sidii ay Wasiirki hore ula shaqeynayeen iyo si kasii wanaagsan in loola shaqeyn doono. Wasiirkii hore Jaamac Xaaji Maxamuud Cigaal oo Munaasibadda hadalo kooban ka jeediyey ayaa ugu horayn u mahad celiyey shaqaalihii la soo shaqeeyey, Isagoo dul istaagay mashaariic doora oo uu hirgaleyey intii uu xilka hayey sidoo kale waxa uu soo dhaweeyey wasiirka cusub ee loo magacaabay wasaaradda isagoo balan qaaday inuu la shaqayn doono wax kasta oo uu uga baahdana la garab taagan yahay. Ugu danbayn waxaa halkaa ka hadlay wasiirka cusub ee wasaaradda Tamarta iyo Macdanta mudane Cabdilaahi faarah cabdi oo isna dhinaciisa u mahad naqay Wasiirkii hore ee Wasaaradda kuna hambalyeeyey wax qabadka laxaadka leh ee la taaban karo ee uu wasaaradda ka qabtay mudadii uu xilka hayey waxaanu balan qaaday inuu halkaa ka sii wadi doono shaqadii wasaaradda. intaa ka bacdi waxaa si rasmiya Wasiirkii hore ee wasaaraddu xilkii Wasaaradda ugu wareejiyey Wasiirka cusub ee Wasaaradda loo soo maga caabay. Qaran News