Beelaha Muuse Cabdalle ayaa shir saddex cisho qaadan doonaa uga furmay Magaalada Isku-dar ee ka tirsan Degmada Sheekh maanta oo bishu ahayd 03.11. 2022. Shirkaas ayaan la cadayn ujeedadiisa , hase yeeshee ila wareedyo ku dhaw-dhaw oo aanu ka helnay shirkan ayaa noo sheegay inuu ku saabsan yahay xaalada siyaasadeed ee haatan dalku galay . Dhawaan ayaa go,aamo lagaga dhawaaqi doona Shirkan Qaran News

Beledweyne (Caasimada Online) – Gudoomiyaha Gobolka Hiiraan Cali Jeyte Cismaan ayaaka hadlay arrin hadalhayn ka dhex dhalisay bulshada, ka dib markii uu dhowaan shaaciyay inay lacago ku bixinayaan dilka xubin kasta oo ka tirsan maleeshiyada Al-Shabaab. Gudoomiyaha ayaa 23-kii bishii October abaalmarin lacageed guddoonsiiyay askar ka tirsan Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka iyo kuwa Macawiisleyda, kadib markii ay dileen xubno ka tirsanaa maleeshiyadaasi. Gudoomiyaha ayaa sheegay inuu amray oo keliya in la dilo Shabaabka dagaalamaya iyo kuwooda sirdoonka ah, ayna tahay in sidaasi loo fahmo. “Waxaan rabaa hal qodob inaan caddeeyo amaba iftiimiyo, oo ah dhacdadii maalin dhaweyd ka dhacday Aboorey. Anigu waxaan iri ragga qoryaha wato ee Al-Shabaabka ah iyo kuwa sirdoonka ah ee faltamaya madaxooda lacag baan saarnay,” ayuu yiri Gudoomiyaha. Gudoomiyaha ayaa yiri “Allaha (SWT) wiilka anigu aan dhalay dembiga anigu aan la imaaddo annaa iska leh, wiilka dembiguu la yimaadana, hadduu qaangaarana asagaa iska leh, taasi soo ma cadda? Dembiga aan anigu galay wiilkayga Ilaahay ma u ciqaabayaa? Waa maya, sabab loogu ciqaabaa ma jirto.” Gudoomiye Jeyte ayaa tilmaamay in kuwa uu amray in la dilo aanay ka mid ahayn xaasaska iyo carruurta Shabaabka, islamarkaana ay kuwaasi yihiin birimageeddo, ayna tahay in la daryeelo. “Waa ku keligood, waxa aniga aan ka hadlayna ka mid ma ahayn, inaan caddeeyaa rabaa. Birimageedada kuma jirto waxa la dilayo, carruurta iyo dumarka kuma jiraan. Dadka birimageedada ah kuwaa waxaa loo baahan yahay in la xannaaneeyo oo laga saaro howsha shidada ah ee Shabaab ku jiraan,” ayuu yiri Gudoomiye Jeyte. Jeyte ayaa hadalkiisa ku xoojiyay “Mowduucaas waxaan rabaa inaan saas u qeexo, ninkii waxaan ka hadlay wax aan ahayn ka shaqeeyay, aniga la iguma dabaqi karo, Soomaali inay fahamtaa rabaa.” The post Gudoomiye Cali Jeyte oo sharraxaad ka bixiyey arrin dood ka dhalisay bulshada appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa markii ugu horreysay shaacisay saadaasha roobka toddobaadka u horeeya ee bishaan November, xili hore looga cabsi qabay roobab dabeylo wata ku dhafta qeybo ka mid ah dalka. Qoraal kasoo baxay hay’adda maareynta musiibooyinka qaranka xarunteeda ka digista halis-wadareedka ayaa waxa lagu sheegay in asbuucani uu ka qalalnaan doono afartii asbuuc ee la soo dhaafay. “Waxaa aad u qalalnaan doona gobollada Waqooyi, gobollada dhexe iyo qeyb ka mid ah gobollada Koonfureed ee dalka, kuwaasi oo intooda badan heli doona roob aad u yar,” ayaa lagu yiri qoraalka kasoo baxay hay’adda maareynta musiibooyinka qaranka. Sidoo kale waxay saadaashu sheegaysa in asbuucan ay roob aad u yar heli doonaan gobollada; Waqooyi-galbeed sida, Awdal, Sool, Togdheer, Nugaal, Bari, Mudug, Hiiraan, kaasi oo xadigiisa lagu qiyaasay 01 – 10 (mm) “Gobollada kale ee dalka sida: Sanaag, Galguduud, Shabeelaha dhexe, Shabeelaha-hoose, Jubada-dhexe, Bay, Bakool iyo Banaadir waxay asbuucan heli doonaan roob xadigiisu u dhexeeyo 01 – 30 (mm) sidaa darteed ma fileeyno ineey saameeyn badan yeeshaan.” Ugu dambeyntiina waxaa lagu sheegay qoraalka kasoo baxay hay’adda maareynta musiibooyinka qaranka in gobollada Gedo iyo Jubada-hoose inay asbuucan heli doonaan roobabka ugu badan dalka, kuwaas oo qiyaastii u dhexeyn doona 01 – 50 (mm). The post DF oo qoraal kasoo saartay arrin aad looga cabsi qabay appeared first on Caasimada Online.

In the heart of Somalia’s capital Mogadishu, a secret initiative is being carried out by the UAE and Egypt to recruit and train nearly 3,000 young Somali men, multiple sources have told Middle East Eye. In an exercise that began months ago, the recruits, aged between 18 and 28, have been promised well-paid jobs, with many of them already sent to Egypt for military training, paid for by the UAE. The initiative is likely to be perceived with suspicion in neighbouring Ethiopia, locked in an ongoing spat with Cairo over its Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Project, as well as in Turkey and Qatar, who have both enjoyed influence in Somalia in recent years. ‘Nearly 120 of us were recruited from Baidoa around mid-September, and we were informed that we would be taken to Egypt for training’ – Mohamed, Somali recruit Among those housed at Mogadishu’s Damanyo barracks is the younger brother of Mustafa Abdullahi. Abdullahi is anxious for his younger brother, who he asked not to name, a former rickshaw driver aged 28. Addullahi told MEE he was angry at authorities for convincing his younger brother to join up, which he believes he did in order to provide for his young daughter. “As his elder brother who raised him, he had not notified me when he was leaving, and we are worried about him,” said Abdullahi. “We have now been told that he is suffering in a camp in Mogadishu and is expected to be taken to Egypt for military training. “I also learnt that he was promised a salary of about $500 a month,” Abdullahi, who lives in Baidoa, a city in southern Somalia, told MEE. Unlike Mustafa’s brother, another recruit named Mohamed, who asked for his real name to be withheld, was able to escape from the camp in the early hours of Saturday. Mohamed, who was held with Mustafa’s brother and who had his smartphone seized on arrival, said he could not bear the gruelling conditions at the camp, including a lack of adequate food and medical facilities. Deaths inside camps He said conditions were so bad that five of the recruits died in mid-October. “Nearly 120 of us were recruited from Baidoa around mid-September, and we were informed that we would be taken to Egypt for training,” Mohamed told MEE. “I opted to join since I was told it’s money-making. We were around 2,000 recruits at the camp,” He added that a senior Somali security official had notified them that UAE was reviving its security presence in Somalia and they would soon be travelling to Egypt for training. The recruits, most of whom are from destitute families, underwent thorough medical and security background checks before they were enlisted, signing up to provide for their loved ones in a country where nearly seven out of 10 people live in poverty. UAE funding Speaking on condition of anonymity, senior Somali government officials who are privy to the matter, told MEE that individuals secretly carry out recruitment at the office of the president, in collaboration with security personnel from the UAE and Egypt. “I have recruited more than 50 of them from my clan, and they have been flown to the capital to go through the process,” a senior Somali political leader said. “Many of the clans are not involved, and I understand that this is a joint project where the United Arab Emirates will fully fund the process while Egypt will carry out the training exercise.” A combination of top security officials, current and former regional leaders, along with other experts, all confirmed the recruitment exercise involving the UAE and Egypt to MEE. “It’s true that the UAE and Egypt are recruiting security forces, and they are being driven from the clans in the rural areas, the police and military units,” a senior Somali security officer involved in the recruitment process told MEE. The officer, who wished to remain anonymous, said the training exercises were carried out both in Egypt and within Somalia, especially the port city of Bosaso where the UAE has a training facility and where it has previously trained Puntland state marines force. The sources said a large number of the recruits had already travelled to Egypt. Images obtained by MEE show young recruits wearing blue tracksuits and with their heads shaven at a former sweet factory, now a military camp, before they were transferred to Mogadishu’s Damanyo barracks. Around 10 of the new recruits were killed early last month when members of the armed group Al Shabaab targeted them in a suicide bombing. Compared to the government military payroll, where recruits are paid about $200 a month, the UAE-trained forces are believed to earn at least $400 a month, a strong incentive for those deciding to sign up. MEE reached out to the authorities in Abu Dhabi and Cairo for comment on the initiative but did not receive a response. Double standards Unlike forces in Somalia who have been openly trained by Turkey, the recruitment by the UAE and Egypt has been kept confidential. Those involved have been warned not to share information about the recruitment drive with anyone else, despite the fact that such clandestine recruitment is not new to Somalia. Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, also known as Farmaajo, who was president from 2017 until May of this year, was criticised for covertly sending youths to Eritrea for military training last year. Those who criticised him included his successor, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, a close ally of UAE and Egypt under whom the current recruitment is taking place. “Youths whose parents have heavily invested in them have been informed that they will be enlisted in the army so they can get a job, and they have been sent to Eritrea,” said Mohamud at the time. “No one has information about their whereabouts. It was hidden from the public, they have been literally sold.” By allowing the recruitment process, critics of Mohamud have accused him of involving Somalia in the ongoing regional crisis over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which has strained relations between Ethiopia, Egypt and Sudan. “Nile water is a potential crisis in the Horn of Africa region, and any training of Somali forces involving Egypt will place Somalia in the middle of the crisis, since Ethiopian forces control a large part of our country,” said Abdullahi Kulane, a Somali MP and the country’s former intelligence chief of staff. “Having close ties with Cairo and losing Ethiopia is of no value to us. We also understand that the Muslim world is somewhat divided, and if Somalia is perceived as taking a side, then it would have an unnecessary impact on our country.” Until Mohamud came to power earlier this year, relations between Somalia and the UAE had been frosty after Mogadishu refused to cut ties with Qatar following the long dispute between Doha and its Gulf neighbours which ended in January of last year. “Unfortunately, the UAE and Egypt’s involvement in our security system is not in the best interest of our country since their aim is to have a significant influence within Somalia’s security architecture in the event of regime change,” a senior Somali security officer told Middle East Eye. “More so, Cairo’s hand in the process would infuriate Addis Ababa for sure since there is a diplomatic rift between the two rival Nile powers. The security officer added: “We share a lot with Ethiopia, including the presence of its forces in our country, the longest border of about 1,600km, and also within regional and continental forums like the African Union and IGAD,” the official said, referring to the eight-country African trade bloc. Cairo connections Having previously enjoyed good ties, relations between the UAE and Somalia nosedived after Mogadishu refused to support the Saudi-led coalition against Qatar, and instead opted for neutrality. In April 2018, Somalia’s government seized several bags of money carrying almost $10m from a plane that arrived at Mogadishu airport from Abu Dhabi. The government described it as “dirty money” aimed at creating political instability in the country. In the same month, Somalia’s Ministry of Defence announced it would cut all military ties with the UAE, with the Somali government taking over the duties of training, funding, and redistributing the forces that were under the UAE’s payroll. The move prompted the UAE to withdraw its military trainers and equipment from Mogadishu. The UAE then sought stronger ties with Somaliland and Puntland, Somalia’s autonomous regions. Since October 2018, DP World, the Emirati global port operator, has invested at least $442m in developing a port in Somaliland’s Berbera. Abu Dhabi sees such a presence in the Horn of Africa as a way for it to help control trade flows through the strategic Bab el-Mandeb Strait, a key global channel for maritime shipping. Instead, contact for setting up the new training of Somali recruits is likely to have come through Egypt which has strong relations with powerful members of Mohamud’s inner circle, including the new intelligence chief, Mahad Salaat, who studied in Cairo. ‘Any security arrangement in Somalia involving Cairo would create tension and proxies, which can undermine Somalia’s stability’ – Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad, researcher It is likely that Ethiopia, which has reservations about the government in Cairo, could see the training of Somali forces as a threat to its national security. “Ethiopia will consider Egypt’s involvement in this process as an immediate national security threat given their diplomatic rift and how Somalia was Addis Ababa’s backyard, but it’s upon Somalia to accommodate both and maintain the conflicting interest of both parties,” Abdisalam Guled, a security consultant at risk management firm Eagle Ranges Services, and former Somalia deputy intelligence chief, told Middle East Eye. “In a way, the involvement [of the UAE and Egypt ] is good for the country in maintaining the discipline, welfare and overseeing the quality and the administration of the forces, unlike forces led by Somali commanders which end up going rogue or even disperse. “But also the question remains on how these forces will be used since Egypt and the UAE don’t presently carry out any counterterrorism operation in Somalia.” Anti-Turkey initiative Somalia, which maintains a diverse range of forces trained by various countries, in particular Turkey, has for years struggled to bring the various components together to strengthen its fight against Al-Shabaab militants. Ankara, which has trained thousands of forces over the last decade, and has the biggest overseas military base in Mogadishu, is widely seen as having won the hearts and minds of Somalis. As a result, Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad, a researcher at the Institute for Horn of Africa Strategic Studies, sees the recruitment drive by the UAE and Egypt as aimed at countering Turkey and Qatar’s growing influence in Somalia. Abdisamad also believes the UAE could use the newly trained recruits to advance their interest in Somalia, especially in helping to manage the DP World-operated ports in Berbera and Bosaso. Ultimately, Abdisamad said he did not see the initiative as a positive for Somalia. “Any security arrangement in Somalia involving Cairo would create tension and proxies, which can undermine Somalia’s stability,” Abdisamad told MEE. “I don’t see any noble idea of Egypt’s involvement in Mogadishu’s security structure, since the duo [Egypt and Ethiopia] disagree on the Nile water and it could create tension in the region.” Source: Middle East Eye The post UAE and Egypt recruiting and training secret Somali forces appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Garoowe (Caasimada Online) – Wasaaradda Maaliyadda ee Mareykanka ayaa Taladaadii soo saartay liiska dad Soomaali ah oo lagu eedeeyay in ay hubka soo geliyaan Soomaaliya, kuwaasoo lagu soo rogay cunaqabateyn. Ragga magacyadooda ay ka muuqdaan liiska uu soo bandhigay Mareykanka waxaa ugu horreeya Liibaan Maxamed Yuusuf oo lagu sheegay in uu horay u ahaan jiray sarkaal sare oo Amniyaadka Al-Shabaab kala shaqeyn jiray fududeynta afduubyada. Maraykanka ayaa sheegay in Liibaan uu ka tirsanaan jiray Amniyaadka Al-Shabaab, hadda se uu yahay ganacsade si rasmi ah ugu shaqeeya ururka Daacish ee Soomaaliya. Waxaa lagu tilmaamay in shirkaddiisa Liibaan General Trading Co uu lacago u marsiiyay ururkaas. Warka kasoo baxay Mareykanka ayaa sidoo kale lagu sheegay in Liibaan uu ka mid yahay kooxaha sida sharci darrada ah hubka ku soo geliya dalka. Sidoo kale Maraykanka ayaa u haysta inuu taageero muuqata u fidiyay ururka Daacish ee Soomaaliya. Hase yeeshee Liibaan Maxamed oo wareysi uu siiyay BBC-da ayaa ka jawaabay eedeymaha loo jeediyay isaga iyo shirkaddiisa. “Wax aan aad ula yaabay weeye, aniga waxaan ahay nin reer Puntlander ah, 91-kii ayaan halkan imid, waxaana tan iyo markaas ahaa ganacsade. Ma ahi nin la isweydiinayo oo la leeyahay Liibaan waa kuma?. Arrintan aad ayaan ula yaabay,” ayuu yiri Liibaan. Mar Liibaan la weydiiyey inuu 2013 ka tirsanaa amniyaadka Al-Shabaab, sida Mareykanku sheegay, wuxuu ku jawaabay “arrintaas wax ka jiraa ma jiraan. 2013-kii waa xiligii dowladda Faroole, dhammaan dowladihii ka jiray Puntland-na waa I garanayaan.” Liibaan ayaa sidoo kale beeniyey inuu xiriir la leeyahay kooxda Daacish ee Soomaaliya. “Arrintaas waxaan ka leeyahay wax ka jiraa ma jiraan. Waxaan diyaar u ahay in Mareykanka ugu tago meel kasta oo uu doono, waxaana qabsanayaa abuukaate, arrintaas ma ahan mid aan ka harayo,” ayuu yiri. Liibaan ayaa sidoo kale sheegay inaysan waxba ka jirin eedeynta Mareykanka ee ah shirkaddiisa ay lacag siiso kooxda Daacish ee Soomaaliya. Mar la weydiiyey inuu hub sharci-darroo ah keeno Soomaaliya, wuxuu Liibaan ku jawaabay “Aniga weligey hub kama ganacsan, maraakiib kalluumeysina kama ganacsan. Shirkaddeyda waxa ay ka ganacsato waa la yaqaan, waxaana leeyahay shati.” Liibaan ayaa sheegay in sababta liiska Mareykanka loogu daray ay tahay arrin ay ka dambeeyaan dad ay siyaasad iyo ganacsi isku hayaan, kuwaas oo uusan magacaabin. Liiskan cusub ee uu Mareykanka soo saaray ee ay Soomaalida ku jiraan ayaa noqonaya midkii labaad ee uu dalkaas soo saaro muddo ka yar saddex todobaad. Mareykanka ayaa 17-kii bishii October shaaciyay magacyada rag Soomaali ah oo uu ku daray liiska argagixisada, kuwaasoo uu ku eedeeyay in ay Al-Shabaab ka caawiyaan dhinaca dhaqaalaha. Hoos ka dhageyso wareysiga Liibaan The post Dhageyso: Mid ka mid ah ganacsatada Soomaalida ee Mareykanku xayiraadda saaray oo jawaabay appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Go’aankii dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya ee ku aadana in Ganacsatada aysan lacag siin karin Al-Shabaab ayaa waxaa soo baxeysa in weli si rasmi ah uusan u noqon karin dhaqan-gal. Mid kamid ah Ganacsatada magaalada Muqdisho oo la hadlay VOA ayaa sheegay in uusan isbedel badan ku iman lacagihii ay Al-Shabaab siinayeen Ganacsatada. Waxa uu sheegay in kooxda ay ku billowday Ganacsatada cago-jugleyn hore leh, xilli ay wajahayaan cadaadis uga imanaya dowladda oo ayadu rabta inay meesha ka saarto dhaqaalaha ay Al-Shabaab ka hesho Ganacsatada dalka. “Waxaa la iisheegay Nin diiday in uu telefoon ka qabto (Al-Shabaab) waxaa loo soo direy Nin oo inta uu utagay ku yiri telefoonka hada qaban weydo waa ka shalaaye, markaas uu ka qabtay telefoonka oo waxa lagu yiri lacagta soo tuur,” ayuu yiri Ganacsadahaan la hadlay VOA oo magaciisa loo qariyay sababo amni. Sidoo kale waxa uu tilmaamay in sababta u weyn ee Ganacsatada weli kusii qasbaysa inay Al-Shabaab lacag siiyaan ay tahay inaysan haysan damaanad qaad buuxa oo amnigooda ah. “Waa baqayaan oo damaanad ma haystaan inay badbaadayaan. Waxaa diidaya inay Nimankaan lacagta joojiyaan naftooda ayey u baqayaan.” Arrintaan ayaa banaanka usoo saareysa inay xiligaan adag tahay in Ganacsatada ay joojiyaan lacagaha ay siinayaan Al-Shabaab, illaa inta ay dowladda kala imaaneyso qorshe dhab ah oo lagu dhaqan-galin karo go’aankaan. The post Maxaa iska beddelay lacagtii Shabaab ay ganacsatada ka qaadi jirtay kadib amarkii DF? appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Over 10,000 Muslims met for a one-day conference in Minneapolis marking one of the largest Muslim gatherings in the state since the onset of the pandemic. Several mosques throughout Minnesota worked together to organize the event, led by Dar al-Faruq Center and the Muslim American Society (MAS). Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Ciidamo ka tirsan kuwa dowladda federaalka Soomaaliya oo loo abaabulay hab Beeleed ayaa waxay maanta diyaarad ka qaaday garoonka diyaaradaha Aadan Cadde ee magaalada Muqdisho. Xildhibaano ka tirsan golaha Shacabka ayaa maanta ciidamadaan kasii sagootiyay garoonka diyaaradaha Aadan Cadde, kuwaasi oo sheegay in ciidamadaan ay door muhiim ah ka qaadan doonaan dagaalka ka dhanka argagixisada. Ciidamadaan oo kasoo jeeda beesha Duduble ayaa waxay kusii wajahan yihiin magaalada Dhuusamareeb, halkaasi oo ay kaga biiri doonaan kacdoonka dagaal ee ka dhanka ah Al-Shabaab, kaasi oo ay iska kaashanayaan ciidamada dowladda iyo kuwa deegaanka. Wararka ayaa intaas kusii daraya in ciidamadaan ay si gaar ah qeyb uga noqon doonaan ciidamo loo diyaariyay howl-gal Al-Shabaab looga saarayo degmada Ceelbuur ee gobolka Galgaduud. Waxaa muddooyinkii dambe socday abaabul ballaaran oo beelaha ay uga qeyb noqonayaan dagaalka ka dhanka ah Al-Shabaab, kaasi oo durtaba laga gaaray guulo waaweyn. Al-Shabaab ayaa waxaa kacdoonkaan dagaal looga xoreeyay deegaano badan oo ay gacanta ku hayeen sanadihii dambe, waxaana weli gobolada dalka ka sii socda howl-galada lagu baacsanayo dagaal-yahanaada kooxda. The post Sawirro: Ciidan loo abaabulay hab beeleed oo Muqdisho ka baxay si ay u xorreeyaan… appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Hey’adda Maareynta Musiibooyinka Qaranka ayaa soo saartay saadaasha Todobaadka ugu horeeya Bisha November ee ku aadan isbedelka Cimilada, taas oo laga muujinayo walaac in Roobabka aysan u di’i doonin sidii loo baahnaa oo Roobabku ay yaraan doonaan, sida laga dheehan karo saadaasha Hey’adda ee Todobaadka Koowaad ee Bisha November 2022. Gobollada Waqooyi Galbeed Awodal, Sool, Togtheer, Nugaal, Bari, Mudug iyo Hiiraan aysan heli doonin Roobab badansida la saadaaliyay Todobaadkaan, halka gobollada Sanaag, Galgaduud, Shabeellaha Dhexe, Shabeellaha Hoose, Jubbada Hoose, Banaadir, Baay iyo Bokool ay heli doonaan Roobab lagu qiyaasayo 01-30(mm) sida laga soo xigtay Hey’adda Maareynta. Saadaasha xilligaan laga bixnayo ayaa waxaa sabab u ah in Soomaaliya ay wajahayso dhibaato ka dhalatay isbedelka ku dhacay Cimilada, taas oo keentay dunida uu aad u kordhay heer kulka, waxaana ka dhashay abaaro kusoo laablaaba iyo roobabka oo aan xilliga la filaayay aan u di’in sidii loo baahnaa, taas oo saameynteeda ay keento in aad loo dareemo. Source: goobjoog.com

Hey’adda Maareynta musiibooyinka dowladda federalka Soomaaliya ayaa waxaa ay soo saartay warxasaafadeed ku aadan halka uu marayo gargaarka laga sameeyay qaraxyadii ka dhacay 29-kii bishii October Isgoyska Soobe, waxaana qoraalka ka soo baxay hey’adda lagu sheegay in qaraxaad ay ku geeriyoodeen inta la xaqiijiyay 119 ruux, halka ay dhaawacyo kale duwan ay qabaan 334 ruux, iyadoo nolol iyo geeri lagu la’yahay 13 ruux, kuwaas oo wali la baadi goobkooda lagu jiro. Waxaa sidoo kale bayaanka kasoo baxay he’adda lagu xusay in Maalaayiin Dollar lagu waayay qaraxyadii dhacay, waxaana uu burbur baahsan soo gaaray goobo ganacsi oo badan oo ku dhowaa wasaaradda waxbarashada, dadka ku dhintay ayaa waxaa ku jiray Suxufiyiin Soomaaliyeed, hey’adda ayaa soo saartay xog uruurin kooban oo ku aadan khasaarihaha jira iyo sida loogu guulaystay in la uruuriyo xog saxan, kadib markii dad badan ay ka qeyb galeen Gurmada laga sameeyay. Shirkadaha Ganacsiga ayaa waxaa markaas kadib dhankooda ay bilaabeen in ay deeqo lacageed ugu deeqaan dadkii wax ku noqday qaraxyadii dhacay, Shirkadda Dahabshiil Group ayaa $500,000 ugu deeqday gurmadka, halka Hormuud Foundation ay Bixisay $200,000, Premier Bank ayaa ku Yaboohay $100,000, Beco Yabooh $50,000 iyo ganacsatada oo isku daray lacag tiro ahaan dhan Ganacsato/ganacsi yar Bixiyay $80,000, halka Xukuumaddu bixisay $1,000,000 oo Gargaar ah. Qaraxyadii ka dhacay Isgoyska Soobe ayaa waxaa laga dareemayaa burbur xoogan oo ka dhashay oo soo gaaray goobo ay la haayeen ganacsato Soomaaliyeed, waxaana uu noqday xusuus kale oo dhacday Bisha October, waxaana dadka ku naf waayay ay gaarayaan 119 ruux, halka ay dhaawacyo qabaan, 334 ruux, iyadoo nolosha lagu la’ayahay 13 qof oo geeri iyo nolol aan lagu heyn, dowladda Jabuuti ayaa noqday dowladdii ugu horeysay oo Dhaqaatiir soo dirtay kadob baaqii madaxweynaha. EZKgbGDdMU4eInbm97 (1) Goobjoog News Source: goobjoog.com

Ankara (Caasimada Online) – Madaxweynaha Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdogan ayaa sheegay inuu wada-xaajood la geli doono milkiilaha cusub ee shirkadda Elon Musk, si uusan u bixin lacagta $8 ah ee lagu soo rogayo calaamadda bulugga ee xaqiijinta qofka. Kadib markii uu twitter ku iibsada $44 bilyan oo dollar toddobaadkii tegay, Musk ayaa sheegay in shirkadda ay adeeggeeda Bulugga ku kireyn doonto $8 bil kasta, taasi oo ay qeyb ka tahay calaamadda bulugga ee raacsan magaca qofka. Wareysi uu Arbacadii siiyey warbaahinta ee ATV ee Turkey ayuu Erdogan ku yiri inuu la hadli doono Musk, kalana xaajoon doono lacagtan. “Waxaa macquul ah inay noo duwan tahay annaga,” ayuu yiri Erdogan mar wax laga weydiiyey lacagta lagu soo rogay calaamadda bulugga. “Waxaan la sameyn karnaa xoogaa diblomaasiyad ah,” ayuu Erdogan ku kaftamay. Calaamadda bulugga ee ku xigta magaca qofka ayey twitter ku xaqiijisaa inuu yahay qofka saxda ah ama shirkadda leh. Twitter ayaan hadda wax lacag ah ku qaadin bixinta calaamaddaas. In ka badan 80% dadka adeegsada twitter ayaa ra’yi ururin dhowaan la sameeyey ku sheegay inaysan lacag ku bixin doonin calamaddaas, halka 10% ay sheegeen inay diyaar u yihiin inay bishii ku bixiyaan $5. Musk ayaa Talaadadii sheegay in dadka oggolaada inay lacag ku bixiyaan calamadda bulugta ah ay heli doonaan muhiimadda jawaabaha, ayna awoodi doonaan inay muuqaallo iyo codad dhaadheer soo dhigaan bartooda. Sidoo kalena ay arki doonaan kala bar xayeysiimaha ay hadda arkaan. Wuxuu sidoo kale yiri “kuwa bixiya lacagta waxay si bilaash ah ku aqrisan doonaan website-yada lacagta lagu aqristo ee nala shaqeynaya.” The post Erdogan oo sheegay inuu wadahadal la geli doono Musk kadib go’aankii kasoo baxay appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Mogadishu (HOL) - Local clan militia forces reportedly captured El-Hareri village district in the Hiiraan region following heavy fighting against al Shabab in the village on Thursday. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Ciidanka xooga dalka iyo kuwa deegaanka oo iskaashanaay ayaa maanta kooxda Al-Shabaab kala wareegay deegaano muhiim ah oo ka tirsan degmada Aadan Yabaal ee gobolka Shabeellaha Dhexe. Afhayeenka wasaarada gaadhaandhiga Janaral Caanood oo howl-galadaas uga waramay Radio Muqdisho ayaa waxa uu sheegay in ciidamadu ay burburiyeen labo dhufeys oo waaweyn oo argagixisada ku laheyd deegaanada laga wareegay. “Howl-galkaas oo ka dhacay Xabaal-Xuseen iyo Gurac-dheere oo aheyd labo dhufeys oo waaweyn oo cadowgu ugu tala-galay in Aadan Yabaal looga imaan dhanka, waa labo deegaan oo muhim ah oo ayagu haysteen, waxay u jireen magaalada Aadan Yabaal 18-20KM,” ayuu yiri. Sidoo kale waxa uu sheegay in howl-galka argagixisada looga saaray deegaanadaas muhiimka ah ay ku dhaawacmeen labo askari oo kaliya, islamarkaana ay ciidamadu si buuxda gacanta ugu hayaan deeganadaas. Afhayeenka marnaba ma sheegin khasaaraha Al-Shabaab kasoo gaaray howl-galkaas lagala wareegay deegaanada hoos yimaada Aadan Yabaal. “Laba Askari ayaa xagayaga ku dhaawacantay, laakiin iyaga wixii khasaare ah weli nalooma soo sheegin oo dib ayaa kasoo sheegi doona.” Ugu dambeyntiina waxa uu sheegay in howl-galada ay sii socon doonaan, islamarkaana ay ciidamada uga daba-tagi doonaan deegaanada kale ee ay u firxadeen dagaal-yahanada Al-Shabaab. The post Dowladda oo shaacisay deegaano muhiim ah oo lagala wareegay Al-Shabaab appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Qaran News

Qaran News

Qaran News

African Rights Commission’s Work More Important Than Ever 35 Years On, Strengthen Its Independence, Civil Society Role (Nairobi, November 2, 2022) – The growing importance of intensified protection of human rights on the African continent comes into sharp focus at a time when several countries across the continent are facing acute human rights crises, Human Rights Watch said today, noting that the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights marks its 35th anniversary during its 73rd ordinary session in November 2022. The African Commission, based in Banjul, Gambia, is a quasi-judicial mechanism tasked with promoting and protecting human rights and collective rights as well as interpreting the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The Commission receives complaints from states parties, individuals, and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) from all 55 African Union member states. “The Commission’s establishment 35 years ago is an important reminder that political independence and the liberation of Africa are best achieved when underpinned by human rights and democratic governance,” said Carine Kaneza Nantulya, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “African leaders should ensure its independence and respect its rulings.” The Commission was founded to defend both individual and collective human rights following a period when the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the AU’s predecessor, did not place emphasis on individual rights and freedoms. In the 1970s, with no regional human rights mechanism, civil society groups and international organizations worked to expose human rights abuses on the continent. In 1979, a group of experts produced a draft charter on human and peoples’ rights, which was unanimously adopted at a 1981 OAU heads of state meeting in Nairobi, Kenya, thus creating the Commission on November 2, 1987. Beginning in 2020, Human Rights Watch spoke to 46 African activists, thought leaders, experts, and former and current members of the Commission and the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights who reflected on the Commission’s impact and its challenges. Apart from the Commission, the AU created the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights by a protocol to the African Charter adopted on June 9, 1998, which entered into force on January 25, 2004. The court has jurisdiction over cases and disputes concerning human rights violations and complements the Commission’s mandate. The Commission has issued critical decisions, including the 2016 ruling on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), that have expanded standards and understanding on human rights in Africa and the rest of the world, including on the right to development, Indigenous peoples’ rights, women’s rights, children’s rights, media freedoms, and rights-focused government responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. The Commission, in its 2016 landmark ruling, stated that the Congolese government violated numerous human rights in its brutal repression of peaceful protests against the harmful operations of a foreign mining company. This ruling had a significant impact on the jurisprudence of development as it included a breach of the rights to housing, while highlighting the need and legal imperative for entities engaged in extractive industries to undertake their operations with due regard to the rights of the host communities. Another landmark ruling of the Commission was its 2010 ruling in the Endorois case where it found multiple violations of the African Charter in the eviction of the Endorois people from their homeland in central Kenya. It was the first ruling of any international tribunal to find a violation of the right to development, and the first ruling to explain who Indigenous peoples in Africa are, and what are their rights to land. The Commission has also adopted resolutions on various human rights issues across the continent. In 2020, it issued a resolution reaffirming that human rights and freedoms should be central in governments’ responses to the Covid-19 pandemic. In 2021, the Commission adopted a resolution to respect, without restriction, the principle of nonrefoulement of asylum seekers and refugees. The resolution condemned all expulsions of asylum seekers and refugees to countries where their lives or freedoms would be threatened. In a March 2022 resolution, the Commission urged AU member states to take steps to protect marginalized groups and ensure their right to food and nutrition, including during protracted crisis, conflicts, and natural disasters. Notably, the Commission has also developed legal guidance on how to implement many key human rights set out in the African Charter and other human rights treaties and documents such as the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (the “Maputo Protocol”). This legal guidance includes general comments and guidelines aimed at building upon existing legal obligations of African States. The guidelines are a key tool for formulating standards, principles, and rules on which African governments can base their legislation. In May 2022, the Commission adopted its Guidelines on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances in Africa. The Commission, in collaboration with African activists, has been a driving force in African norms setting and standards development, including through the creation of important mechanisms such as a Special Rapporteur on Prisons, Conditions of Detention and Policing in Africa in 1996, a Special Rapporteur for Women’s Rights in 1999, a Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders and Focal Point on Reprisals in Africa, and a Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information in 2004, among others. The dynamic relationship between the Commission and regional civil society groups has led to an increase in the number of groups with observer status at the Commission from a few dozen in the 1980s to more than 500 today. While these examples provide ample evidence that the Commission has in many ways delivered on its protection and promotion mandate, it continues to face challenges that impede its effectiveness, especially because AU member states refuse to carry out decisions of the Commission and other AU organs on the deepening human rights violations and democratic crises affecting the continent. The situation is compounded by the decision in June 2018 of the AU Executive Council to restrict the mandate and independence of the Commission, threatening to leave it obsolete and irrelevant and undermine the Commission’s progress in the last three decades. “Despite serious challenges, the Commission has stood its ground and sided with countless victims of rights violations by using resolutions and rulings against abusive governments and introducing complaints before the African Court,” Kaneza Nantulya said. “The Commission is probably the most important institution that Africans created to realize the objectives and foundational values of the AU.” For key human rights crises in Africa and quotes from leaders interviewed, please see below. For more Human Rights Watch reporting on Africa, please visit: https://www.hrw.org/africa For more information, please contact: In Washington, DC, Carine Kaneza Nantulya (English, French): +1-646-689-0003 (mobile); kanezac@hrw.org. Twitter: @CarineNantulya In Abuja, Mausi Segun (English): +16462074264; +234-805-442-5515 or segunm@hrw.org, Twitter: @MausiSegun Key Human Rights Crises in Africa In Ethiopia, the Commission is conducting a Commission of Inquiry into serious crimes in Tigray, but despite leading a negotiation process, the AU Peace Security Council has consistently failed to address allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by the warring parties since the Tigray war broke out in November 2020. In Sudan, the Commission has urged the Sudanese authorities to restore constitutional order and protect the rights of the Sudanese people and urged Sudan’s regional and international partners to up their efforts at addressing security and governance crisis. Despite the Commission’s urging, the AU, acting as a mediator, has not supported calls by Sudanese activists and victims for reforms, justice, and accountability into the June 3 killings and the October 2021 coup. In South Sudan, the AU’s 2014 Commission of Inquiry recommended creating a hybrid court as “an Africa-led, Africa-owned, Africa-resourced legal mechanism under the aegis of the African Union,” which would include South Sudanese judges and lawyers, to bring justice for international crimes committed during South Sudan’s conflict. But eight years later, the AU has not established South Sudan’s hybrid court. In the Sahel, AU leaders have yet to adequately address unlawful killings by soldiers and Islamist armed groups, which fuel recruitment into abusive armed groups and deepen the security crisis in the region. In Mali, while the Commission has called on authorities to respect fundamental freedoms, the AU has failed to press them to investigate serious abuses by the Malian security forces and allied forces including the Russia-linked Wagner Group, a private military security contractor, during military operations. In several African countries, including Burundi, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Mali, Mozambique, Niger, and South Sudan, despite multiple calls by African civil society organizations and the Commission, AU leadership has failed to publicly denounce serious crimes by government forces and to press for justice for the victims. Civil Society Leaders Comment on the African Commission Some of those interviewed asked not to be identified by name so they could comment freely. Importance of Civil Society Involvement The work of civil society activists and organizations has been pivotal to the effectiveness of the African Commission. Fatou Jagne Senghore, Regional Director of ARTICLE 19 West Africa said: One of the biggest prizes was to advocate for the adoption of a Declaration and a special rapporteur for freedom of expression. When I joined ARTICLE 19 in February 2002, my role was to support the ACHPR to finalize the draft and mobilize for the adoption of the Declaration. We organized consultations across the table to get African CSOs [civil society organizations], media, and freedom of expression advocates and media organizations to provide their inputs and support. We had two sessions of negotiations with a core group of Commissioners in February, in May with other stakeholders, and in October 2002, we had the African Declaration, which was one of the best and most progressive at the time in terms of the standards it set. We continued the advocacy and consultations to get support and inputs from various institutions, including African Union member states, the UN human rights bodies, the Inter-American human rights organizations, and CSOs. It was humbling to be part of and to have contributed substantially to the process of setting up the mandate of the special rapporteur. In 2004, a full office of the Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression was established. The appointment of a Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression had an impact on people who were not interested and felt distant from the ACHPR. The Commission was not very visible until then and the fact that the ACHPR created such a mechanism had a tremendous impact especially on media and freedom of expression advocates. Some interviewees stressed that advocating and supporting human rights issues at the Commission, even those deemed controversial by African leaders, were essential in securing civil society participation and input into the work of the Commission. Sibongile Ndashe, executive director of Initiative for Strategic Litigation in Africa (ISLA), said: The advocacy on Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity (SOGI), which started around 2006, was about investigating ways in which the ACHPR could be used to add value on [the] SOGI issue. There were several international NGOs mobilizing and organizing African activists, at that time, like the Coalition of African Lesbians (CAL) and African Men for Sexual Health and Rights (AMSHeR). So, the work was led by internationals, but nevertheless it created a space where people could really have difficult, yet meaningful and timely conversations about what could be done at the African Commission. I joined this group around 2009. We believed that LGBTI [lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex] work had to be anchored in mainstream organizations to ensure that these issues are not marginalized and become insular. Our main goal was to acquire observer status to be able to make statements on SOGI issues at the ACHPR, and this shaped the nature of the partnership. We had to build trust, find the resources, coordinate the movement, and ensure that there was sufficient support for regional organizations like CAL. Our main task was to help push for these organizations to be the voices, the face of this movement. Don Deya, executive director of the Pan African Lawyers Union (PALU): The Commission has provided a pillar, a foundation where African citizens and friends of Africa meet around the NGO forum, this has built a strong platform of African actors who talk to each other. Besides the case law, the soft law, the principles, declarations, and recommendations, the fact that there is place where citizens go twice a year to interact, is important and it is one invaluable benefit that has been under-recorded and understated.” A former chairperson of the ACHPR said: The contribution of African NGOs to the work of the ACHPR has been invaluable over time. They have been at the center of the reflections which have permitted the progressive and qualitative development of the work of the ACHPR, and the creation of some of its important subsidiary mechanisms, such as the Working Groups on Extractive Industries and Human Rights, and on Indigenous Populations, the HIV/AIDS and Human Rights Committee, or the creation of the focal point against reprisals attached to the mechanism of the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders. They have forged a lasting and unique interaction and synergy around all themes in the field of human rights, by setting up specific discussion caucuses within the NGO Forum. This makes the NGO forum a dynamic space for evaluation, analysis, information, and proposals for recommendations on the human rights situation on the continent. A former legal officer of the ACHPR said: CSOs have also fueled the work of African jurists and researchers leading to the creation of an African Court of human rights to complete and strengthen the protection mandate of the ACHPR. They have created a dynamic coalition with this jurisdiction since its operationalization and continue to support its activities through strong advocacy with the state parties. Expansion of Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights Interviewees recalled landmark rulings by the Commission and their impact on rights protection at the national level, especially on economic, social, and cultural rights. Kipsang Kipkazi, former executive director of the Endorois Welfare Council said: Getting the African Commission to act was done through serious lobbying and advocacy during its annual sessions to ensure that the Kenyan government answers to specific questions around domestic human rights violations. We had to ensure that we attended all the international forums to challenge their reports e.g. at UN Geneva and New York forums. An important outcome of the involvement of the ACHPR is that the draft Kenya constitution recognized many of the issues we had raised in our case including communal land ownership and added, for example, chapter 4, which highlights human rights issues. In addition, an act of parliament on community land was established. Complementary Jurisdictions of the Commission and the African Court Some experts shared what they see as defining moments in the life of the Commission, including times when states agreed to appear before the African Court to respond to their citizens’ and the Commission’s allegations of serious violations. Don Deya described a momentous experience regarding Libya, in a case filed at the Commission by the Egyptian Initiative on Personal Rights, Human Rights Watch, and Interights: When the crisis in Libya broke out, what others call the Arab Spring, the administration was abusive and violated citizens’ rights on the street. Libyan CSOs had strong relationships with their colleagues around the world, who filed a series of complaints at the ACHPR in March 2011 accusing the Libyan government of committing massive human rights violations in the context of responding to the demonstrations and protests. The Commission received this communication literally on the last day of an extraordinary session, and for the first time, they referred the case to the African Court, citing the principle of complementarity. The court accepted the ACHPR referral, ordered provisional measures instructing the Libyan government to stop killing their civilians and to present within one month to the court what measures they had taken. It was fantastic! Libya, to our surprise, accepted the Court’s jurisdiction, and confirmed that they would defend their case. So here was an opportunity for us, African citizens, in the middle of a conflict, to engage with and confront a government, not in a political way, but on a judicial basis, with facts and evidence on both sides. Unfortunately, there were other dynamics elsewhere. The UNSC [United Nations Security Council] passed Resolution 1972 which authorized NATO military intervention, which took its own momentum. Ultimately neither the people nor the outgoing Libyan administration had a chance to come before an impartial judicial mechanism. But it showed that the system can work. It just requires citizens to be robust and audacious enough, and for institutions to focus on substantive justice. For me that’s one of the most profound stories I would tell because it brings together the citizens, the Commission, and the Court. A former judge of the African Court said: Strong complementarity between the Commission and the Court is essential for holding governments to account. Often, these institutions are the course of last resort for countless victims. From the time the Court became judicially operational – around 2008/2009 – CSOs began to lodge cases before it based on Article 3 (5) and 34 (6) of the 10 June 1998 Protocol establishing the Court. As of September 2019, 12 applications had been brought by various CSOs on various rights issues, including the freedom of association; right to an impartial electoral commission; right to participation; right to inheritance and to nondiscrimination for women and children born out of wedlock; and States’ obligation to eliminate traditional and cultural practices harmful to the rights of women and children. But only some of these were considered by the Court on the merits. A former commissioner said: Another important case was the African court decision in African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights v. Republic of Kenya, of 26 May 2017. The Court found numerous violations of the rights of Indigenous peoples, including the right to land, nondiscrimination, freedom of religion; the right to freely take part in the cultural life of the community and to the promotion and protection of morals and traditional values recognized by the community; as well as the rights of community to freely dispose of its wealth and natural resources and to economic, social, and cultural development. Confronting Justice and Accountability for Serious Crimes Almost all interviewees shared their frustration over the pervasive culture of impunity and injustice, despite the establishment of AU-led human rights investigations processes in various countries. A Kenyan lawyer noted: It has been a journey, still is, for states to accept accountability, especially African states to accept accountability for rights violation in their countries – that’s the one thing the Commission has achieved – it has issued landmarked judgments, that clarified the laws and doctrines that hold states to account on specific human rights violations. An activist, based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia said: For me, Ethiopia and South Sudan are a stark reminder of how the AU has let down millions of Africans. On both countries, we have had AU-led commissions of inquiry and UN mechanisms. On both, AU member states have either reversed commitments they made on justice and accountability or actively undermined the work of the Commission.” A member of an organization that recently acquired observer status at the Commission said: There is a clear need for the ACHPR to have more power to issue binding decisions and launch in-country investigations. Countries should not be exempt from scrutiny. Otherwise, why would we have such a body?” Media’s Role in Advancing Human Rights in Africa Some journalists said that the media needs to do more to publicize and effectively communicate the mission, mandate, and work of the ACHPR. An African journalist from Voice of America said: Unfortunately, the media pays more attention to UN sessions, like the UN General Assembly (UNGA) and rather than sessions that happen in the region. The issue with the Commission is that many people don’t really know its mandate. Journalists feel removed from its work. It would be good to organize a media campaign in two or three countries in each subregion to raise awareness and explain its mission, ensure public participation in the debate, and organize a training of journalists on human rights in Africa and the work of the Commission. A Nairobi-based journalist from Radio France International (RFI), said: The Commission is so key to Africans, albeit being less publicized than Western human rights institutions. The Commission has a better grasp of human rights in Africa. It should target the media more, provide us with timely reports and information. The media should show more interest, especially African journalists at engaging the Commission. Douadé Alexis Gbansé, editor-in-chief of Connectionivoirienne.net, based in Cote d’Ivoire: As surprising as it may seem, with more than 15 years as a journalist, I have no knowledge of the presence of the headquarters of the ACHPR in Banjul, Gambia. The media should do more in terms of covering the activities of this Commission. But more importantly, the press and communication department of this Commission in Banjul should communicate more with the media. Recommendations to AU Policy Organs and African Human Rights Institutions Several people addressed what they see as challenges, including the lack of CSO engagement at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa, the ACHPR’s operational challenges, and the AU’s reluctance to uphold its commitments toward promoting and protecting human rights. They also offered some recommendations. Many raised the disconnect they feel between African civil society organizations and the Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC). ECOSOCC was established in July 2004 as an advisory organ composed of different social and professional groups of AU member states whose task is to provide an opportunity for African CSOs to play an active role in contributing to the AU’s principles, policies, and programs. A human rights defender said: My wish is for the AU policy organs to recommit to its foundational values and be more constructive in their engagement with Africans. ECOSOCC should play its role and not always sound like a government’s spokesperson. Some NGOs are members of ECOSOCC, others not because they don’t feel fully integrated and accepted as activists whose work goes against government’s selfish interests. We as CSOs also must be more creative and boost our mobilization in Addis. For example, the only treaties that have been ratified are the ones backed and pushed by CSOs. We need to come up with a more innovative way to engage locally, regionally, and internationally to think outside the box. Sometimes the best strategy is the one combining local knowledge and international visibility. A prominent activist said: What we really need is a critical mass – we only have 100 organizations that regularly attend the commission’s sessions, whereas Africa has more than 1.4 billion citizens. Only a few organizations that work closely with the AU policy organs, not more than 10, and yet in Brussels, more than 3,000 civil society organizations engage with the European Union. We therefore need a critical mass of youth, women, private sector, etc. to advocate at the AU, ACHPR, NEPAD, Pan African Union. We need to identify the areas of excellence, establish a clear division of labor, and engage consistently and strategically. But we also need AU member states to engage with us all, openly and consistently.” The head of a regional human rights organization said: One of our lowest moments has been on Burundi, in 2015; Africa has successfully built a solid human rights system, with strong doctrine and jurisprudence, but when the Burundi crisis occurred, and followed with killings of protesters in December 2015, the Permanent Representatives Committee invoked Article 4 of the AU Constitutional act. That decision did not happen in a vacuum, it was built on AU’s precedent in South Sudan, including the first Commission of Inquiry instituted by the AU in the middle of a conflict – then the Heads of State decided to shut it down. It was literally like a slap to our face. A former ACHPR commissioner said: There are several areas that still need to be strengthened to create an environment truly conducive to the respect for human rights through effective implementation of ACHPR resolutions, recommendations, and decisions by the States Parties. The capacity of NGOs needs to be strengthened so that they can be focal points and effective messengers of the ACHPR’s work with populations on the ground. Another challenge is the shortage of human and financial resources of the ACHPR, which undermines any effective interaction between NGOs and the ACHPR’s promotion and protection mandate, particularly in emerging fields such as climate change, digital rights, the weaponization of information, and terrorism. The priority today is for AU member states to respect the independence of the Commission and implement its recommendations. We have seen increasing hostility of the deliberative bodies of the AU, whose decisions are likely to deconstruct, question, and weaken relations between the ACHPR and NGOs. We will never forget how in August 2018, following a decision by the AU Executive Council, the ACHPR withdrew the Coalition of African Lesbians’ (CAL) observer status. That’s an act that should never become a pattern. NGOs should develop an offensive and advocacy strategy including by highlighting the role of NGOs in the initiatives and programs of the AU. The AU Ten-Year Human Rights Action Plan should be made more accessible and shared amongst NGOs in a more inclusive manner, to ensure their appropriate responses to the challenges and concerns. An activist said: A major current issue is the backlog of cases that are still pending before the ACHPR. The commissioners work part-time and have a small secretariat –they have little resources to follow through processes. The lack of adequate human resources is a serious problem. Another challenge is that there is still little reporting by states. African governments should value their own institutions. It’s always sad to see the difference between the huge number of submissions before UN mechanisms compared to states’ reports before the African Commission. Finally, the Commission and the African court need to cooperate effectively to maintain their independence and protect their legacy for future generations. A female litigator said: Most importantly, AU leaders should cease trying to weaken the Commission by treating it as an AU organ, when it is a treaty-based body. This is why it must remain independent and respected by African leaders. Qaran News

GOMA, Congo (AP) — Kenya's president said Wednesday that his country is sending more than 900 military personnel to eastern Congo to join a new regional force tasked with trying to calm deadly tensions fueled by armed groups. Source: Hiiraan Online

Somalia’s labelling as the most dangerous place for journalists to work in continues to endure, even as authorities promised to rework their guard on press freedom. Source: Hiiraan Online

The “growing capabilities” of the Somali National Army (SNA) are cited as reasons for the success of an ongoing military offensive in the east African country which has seen cities and towns “recovered” from Al Shabaab. Source: Hiiraan Online

Mogadishu (HOL) - Medical professionals from Ethiopia and Djibouti arrived in Mogadishu on Thursday, answering the Somali President's call requesting doctors and surgeons from friendly countries to aid Saturday's terror attack victims. Source: Hiiraan Online

Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has become a key bridge between Russia and Ukraine. Source: Hiiraan Online

Mogadishu (HOL) - At least two people have been killed and five others wounded by a roadside explosion that hit a vehicle carrying students in the Dayniile district of Mogadishu. Source: Hiiraan Online

Islamar (Caasimada Online) – Ra’iisul Wasaarihii hore ee Pakistan Imran Khan ayaa laga dhaawacay lugta maanta kadib markii kolonyo baabuur oo uu la socday la rasaaseeyey xilli uu ku sugnaa bariga dalkaas, waxaa sidaas sheegay kaaliyihiisa. “Nin watay qori darandoori u dhaca ayaa rasaas furay, dhowr qof ayaa dhaawacmay. Imran Khan sidoo kale wuu dhaawacmay,” ayuu Asad Umar u sheegay Reuters. Khan ayaa la dhigay isbitaalka. Weerarka ayaa ka dhacay magaalada Wazirabad, oo qiyaastii 200 km u jirta magaalada caasimadda ah ee Islamabad. Khan ayaa xabadda waxay kaga dhaacday kal-dheerta lugta, sida uu sheegay Fawad Chaudhry oo ah afhayeenka xisbiga PTI ee uu hoggaamiyo Imran Khan. “Imran Khan iyo saaxiibkiis xisbiga Faisal Javed ayaa ku dhaawacmay rasaas. Khan waxay xabadda kaga dhacday kal-dheerta, waxaana labadooda loo qaaday isbitaalka,” ayuu Chaudry u sheegay Reuters. Javad oo dhiig uu ka buuxay dharkiisa ayaa isaga oo isbitaalka ku jira u sheegay taleefishinka Geo “qaar badan oo ka mid ah saaxiibadeena ayaa dhaawacmay. Waxaan maqlanay in mid ka mid ah uu dhintay.” Nin lagu tuhmayo weerarka ayaa la toogtay sida uu sheegay mid ka mid ah kaaliyeyaasha Khan. “Sidoo kale nin labaad ayaa xabsi boolis la dhigay,” ayuu Raoof Hassan oo kaaliye sare u ah Khan u sheegay AFP, isaga oo intaas ku daray inaysan weli kala caddeyn qofka toogtay ninka weerarka soo qaaday. Ra’iisul Wasaaraha Pakistan Shehbaz Sharif ayaa cambaareeyey toogashada, wuxuuna amray wasiirka arrimaha dibedda inuu ku sameeyo baaritaan deg deg ah. Khan, oo 70 jir ah, ayaa hoggaaminayey dibadbax lagu tagayey magaalada caasimadda ah ee Islamabad oo lagu dalbanayo doorashado waqtigeeda kasoo hormarta. Tan iyo markii xukunka looga tuuray cod baarlamaan bishii April, Khan ayaa dibadbaxyo ku qabanayey Pakistan, isaga oo mucaarado xooggan ku kiciyey dowladda oo la halgameysa inay dalka ka saarto xasaradda dhaqaale ee ay ka tagtay dowladdii Khan. Khan ayaa kolonyada uu la socday waxaa qorshuhu ahaa inay tartiib uga soo baxdo waddada Grand Trunk Road una jiheysato Islamabad, ayada oo taageerayaal badan ay kasii raacayaan waddada. “Waxaan doonayaa inaad dhammaantiin ka qeyb qaadataan. Tani ma ahan arrin siyaasadeed ama mid shaqsi, ama in la rido dowladda. Tani waa in waddankeena lagu soo dabbaalaa xorriyad la taaban karo,” ayuu yiri Khan kahor dibadbaxa. REUTERS, AFP, VOA The post DEG DEG: Imran Khan oo lagu dhaawacay weerar toogasho appeared first on Caasimada Online.

WAA CUSUB IYO WAJI NABADEED OO ETHIOPIA, GEESKA AFRICA IYO GUUD AHAAN QAARADA AFRICA U BARYEY. Waxaa magaalada Pretoria ee dalka koonfur Africa lagu gaadhay heshiis hordhac ah oo u dhexeeya TPLF iyo ETHIOPIA oo markii ugu horeysay si lawada og yahay kulan isugu hor fadhiistay dalkaasi. Hore ayaa kulamo qarsoodi ahi uga dhaceen dalka Djibouti iyo Seychelles kuwaasi oo loogu gogol xaadhayey is-faham ( memorandum of understanding) ay yeeshaan dhinacyadu . Engaygii nabada ee midowga Africa u xilsaaray ayaa ku tilmaamay heshiiskani waa cusub oo nabadeed oo u baryey Ethiopia, Geeska Africa iyo guud ahaan qaarada Africa heshiisyadani oo hordhac ah ayaa la isla qaatay. 1- Joojinta xabadii iyo colaadii labada sanadood xukuumada Ethiopia iyo Tplf ka dhaxaysay. 2- Soo celinta maamulkii iyo kala dambayntii gobolka Tigray. 3- Gaadhsiinta adeegyadii dawladeed iyo gargaarkii binu-adanimada oo dhibaato ka haystay dad 4 milyan milyan ka badan. 4- in la sii wado wadahadalada iyo fulinta waxyaabaha lagu heshiiyey . Heshiis nuxuriisa ugu weyni yahay intani ayaa lagu gaadhay magaalada Pretoria ee dalka koonfur Africa. Dhinacyada waxaa kala metalayey wufuud ay kala hogaaminayeen Getachew Reda ( Tplf ) iyo Ridwan ( Dawlada Ethiopia) waxaana uu u muuqdaa in la gaadhay xiligii la soo afjari lahaa colaada laba jirsatay ee waqooyiga Ethiopia oo ay ku barakeceen malaayiin qof ,boqolaalkuna u tabaaloobeen wax dhintay iyo wax dhaawac iyo dhibaatooyin soo gaadheen. Runtii lagama fileyn maamulka uu hogaamiyo Abiy Ahmed in ay talaabadan qaadan karaan , laakiin waxaa muuqatay in maanta wax badani isbadeleen oo la qaaday jidkii nabada iyo dib u heshiisiinta. Mohamed Abdi Jama (Mohamed Dhimbiil) hormood@hotmail.com Qaran News