This fake title with nothing to show for means little to Nuune I'm sure The nomads keep on referring back to thsi "Jinni stories. Wanna skim through that tale if someone can post the link. That being said, Libaax should send Nuune an e-card, stamp (bearing Sayid M. C. Hassan monumnet), old 1,000.00 Somali Shilling (highly sought collectible), and public appreciation letter (in Somali) since all these folks went the trouble of nominating and voting. Libaax, nicely crafted e-award with SomaliaOnline logo is also in order. P.S. the nomad who rocks SOL forum is Abtigiis -- entertaining and provacative. We'll let Libaax and moderators decide what fitting tribute Abtigiis should receive for his contributions.

Ceeb Caleyk. Duufaan's cannon misfires, insults Somali women

Gabbal;764525 wrote: Xiin- You have no legitimacy in this discussion and I will not entertain your charades. There is no one amongst the Somali race who is more of an enemy of these people than the likes of you. Wow! Easy Gabbal. Relax bud. Xiin, Awoowe waa nala sitaa oo belo iyo baas baa nalaga adeejiyay. The funny thing is Kelligii Muslim crew have already melted away. Now what? Hit places they are known to have stayed few moons ago? Do they have leadership with enough credibility that can negotiate on movement behalf? This madness got to stop awoowe. Allow sahal

Represent and keep ya head up people Kismayo...Alla saan ugu jeelanahay

Journalist maybe? You have a potential in becoming an author methinks. If you're fluent in Somali and have time to kill start writing children's book. I gotta tell you that will become a profitable corner in the market. Keep that fire in the belly flaming for you will figure something out pretty soon.

Rajo right on. Go girls go! Idil, Fadumo, Safa, and Habibo are doing great job in caring about their folks back home.

Good going for Mohamud. He sure got the fire in the belly not only for this state senate seat but also possible congressional seat. He put his competitors on notice. Two Somalis run for city council seats in Seatac and Tukwila (in greater Seattle metro area). Both lost but I am sure they've learned great deal from that experience.

They say genuine aid comes with no conditions. Somalis will remember who helped them (out of heartfelt compassion not out of national security) when they needed the most. Unlike hired guns of AMISOM, Turkey's interest in Somalia is humanitarian in nature. Turkey has replaced Egypt (and Arab League) in defending Somalia's territorial integrity on the international stage. Taxanaha iyo sooyaalka taariikhda baa qori far waaweyn, awoowe. Abaal badha ah, abaal badan, iyo abaal badh iyo dheeraad ah, Ninba kiisa kaan ugu beddeli lahaa, beerka ka ogsoonei..

Looks like we're back to square one. All the variables in this equation resemble the same old unresolved equation: Islamists, foreign backed Federal Transition Institutions (FTI), and competing clannish interest groups. This time variables have been rearranged lil bit. Sherrif is not in the Islamist column (his old comrades morphed into irrational Kelligii Mulsims ready to taking on the whole world), Islamist are fragmented with new branches popping up in different colors, TFI are led by placeholders and are now managed publicly by African head of states, and clan interests are dissected into the jiffo level and shifting alliance by the news cycle. This is a difficult multivariable equation with three dimensional boundary conditions for sure. For those old school wargal odayaal who excel in reading tea leaves of nomad politics will tell you that Somalia has finally truly fallen and foreign border states smell blood. IGAD has now accumulated enough intelligence on active players, clan matrix, and fiefdom dynamics so much so that they are confident they can manage Somalia however they desire. In fact there is new rivalry between IGAD states for influence and control of Somalia. If TFI can only insist on defining the exit strategy and timetable of the FCC presence that would be one thing that can give them recourse if and when the relationships between current placeholders and IGAD bosses go sour.

Two different songs for sure and they are both good. Nice melody too. And technically melody is what counts. Lyrics is lil bit out there for the later one. Great Kuluc has taken the lead in the song. Kuluc featured in many nationalist songs with Somaliweyn bend and today he is featuring songs that are opposite to his signature songs. Tells you how far and wide the views on Somalinimo have diverged. Sad indignment of the state of Somali identity. There is another calan song by Ilmo Ciyar Jecel et al. Top of the pyramid in both lyrics and melody not to mention its message in reconcilliation. Look it in a different way: Somali art is thriving in Qurbo.

Nomads especially newly arrived nomads need to brush up their manners. There is a room for improvement in that department. No doubt about that. In Seattle the last Eid I took my kids to the family fun center in Renton right after morning prayer and the reason I did that is because once my lovely nomads come to the center (around 12pm) it gets out of hand. Lovely, generous, friendly, and good all around but lil bit noisy and disrespectful. Get this! the management and the staff of the center count on this day and cater their services to Somalis (of all Muslims in the area) because Somalis will spend money. They had free pass for all services if you buy bundle ticket -- about eighty bucks. Hopefully one day they will capitalize their purchasing power and insist on discounts. Just read the last two post and I trust I am not out of topic.

There was a reason why Mogadishu (later renamed metropolitan Benadir) was chosen to be the national seat of the new Somali Republic. Fascist Italy invested heavily in Mogadishu – in both the infrastructure as well as the institutions of the city – thinking that this neck of the wood would remain under Italian “pioneers” grip and in time become Italy’s new world and go the way Americas and Australia went for other European colonies. The great folk-composer and singer Abdullahi Qarshe captured Italy’s loss in a popular song circa 1961. Maankiisu sidaas ma moodeyn ee, Markii la maquunshey Talyaaniga ee, Mayalka loo qabtaan la moogeyn ee. Fadlan iTunes ka iibsada. Qadaadiicda quura folks http://www.folkways.si.edu/TrackDetails.aspx?itemid=17867 http://media.smithsonianfolkways.org/liner_notes/folkways/FW05443.pdf

Inna Yussuf account of "no holds barred" contest btw politicians, warlords, clan chieftains, etc should make an interesting read. It will beneficial to Somalis if all the big wigs who participated in the Somali conflict write their take on the Somali politiking, the unfortunate collapse of state institutions, and subsequent anarchy that ensued.

GoldCoast It is too early to weigh in on the success or lack thereof of this operation. Remember it is rainy season and as all rainy seasons in that neck of the wood movement is extremely limited. Kenyans have the support of the big boys and as the spokesman rightly stated they do have the capacity to exact revenge against Kelligii Muslims. Aerial supremacy (drones, satellite technology, jets) and ground forces coupled with local boys are the bets tools of any war -- these assets awoowe make a huge difference in a war theater. The thing is though poor civilians (urbanite Kismayo folk) will get caught in the middle -- and take a double whammy -- indiscriminate aerial bombardment by Kenyans on one end and an intolerable self-defense campaign (a la ka kacaay, ha la dagaalamo) where any passive man of fighting age unwilling to fight along AS line could be accused of sympathizing with the “enemy”, on the other end. Adduunyo! Uninitiated Kenyan boys will soon learn that the art of pinning jelly to the wall is indeed a difficult art to master. AS is akin of jelly.

Old-School Scramble for Resources, New World Order. Cantrabaqash Media Matters Group Bu Ina-Kaadi Najaasle In a age of dwindling resources, rising population (7 billion and counting), energy-starved emerging powers (China, India) and declining powers suffering unfavorable trade imbalances of global scale, weak states can (and often do) became an easy prey to world powers of the day. Nations that are not in control of their destiny such as poor, backward, quarreling Somalis in anarchic Somalia become attractive target ready to be pounced on by world powers. With two decades of crippling civil strife, Somalis have yet to come to terms with the need of negotiated political settlement. With conflict still ongoing, active factions seek for military and political support from states (and non-state actors as well) that are willing to provide assistance in gaining the upper hand in the civil war. Regional and world powers that have interests in Somalia readily arm factions of their choice hence perpetuating a vicious cycle of violence. Today Somalia is awash with weapons! Any disgruntled group can mount a rebellion. A culture where negative tribalism reigns supreme, the basic ethical principle states that clan members owe more duties to a fellow member than to a non-member, or even country. Love of country, belief in ideology, or system of governance is often superseded by allegiance to clan sensibilities. To paraphrase the memorable words of late king Feisal I of Iraq describing his subject, there is no Somalinimo or Somaliweyn but only deluded clans void of national purpose, disunited, anarchy prone and always ready to prey on each other. Mired with intractable conflict, divided into clan fiefdoms masquerading as building blocks of yet to be defined (constitution is being written by UN-supervised panel) future federal arrangement that’s not suitable for the republic, and faced amateur Islamist (used as bogeymen by powers that-be) that provide convenient pretexts that allow draconian foreign interventions, Somalia finds itself in a position from which it is hard to extricate oneself. Superimpose this Somalia that’s rich in energy resources ON the scramble for resources by world powers picking up steam in the wake of reconfigured world order! One cannot help but wonder when one takes stock of investments committed to the region in terms of military bases surrounding Somalia. Expensive and state of the art drone base in Ethiopia, recently reinforced two major military bases in Djibouti (France and US), special forces, navy fleet stationed off Somalia waters, private mercenaries – all these assets are employed in the name of piracy and radical Al Shabab. Peaceful but ruthless geopolitical wrestling between declining Western powers and rising and overly aggressive Chinese are scrambling for resources and markets. The great game for Africa resources is on. Neighboring and regional countries that are in control of their destiny are cooperating with western powers and willing to become a host for the proxy war in exchange of military and financial assistance. Regrettably Somalis are busy in fussing and fighting along clan lines, fiefdom spheres and lately along religious sects (Al Jama’ah wa Sunnah vs. Al Shabab). Western powers in cahoots with frontline states are busy plotting ways and means of weakening future Somali state. With Kampala accord in place, Somalia is effectively under an African Trusteeship – first in history. If supposed grand bargain between clans materialize in Benadir then by default the transition to post-conflict Somalia commences immediately. Powers that-be will be in a position to “legally” extract concessions from the supposedly "legit" government that can sign bilateral agreements that will give western companies rights to exploit energy resources Somalia is said to have in abundance.

^True. On the topic, I must say it's refreshing to see a Somali starting and heading research and information center dedicated to monitoring, analyzing, and correcting lopsided misinformation about Somalis in the world media. I am sure with time Liban Egal will modify his views on secession.

If it makes you sleep better YES Somalia was always a poor nation in need of assistance.

Tragedy of monumental proportions! Disaster that's two decades in the making. For the long term, the so called coordinated triangle offensive -- Kenya forces from the south, Ethiopia forces from the west, and African Union forces from the North aided by sophisticated drones-- has a good chance to work. For the short term, famine-stricken region is in for a painful and deadly season. With rainy season (I know the area for I grew up there) all movement will come to a standstill. Torrential rain after drought in Juba valley is something I can't convey through posts. My heart goes out to unfortunate souls that are caught up between clueless Kelligii Muslims and ruthless regional and world powers that could care less human toll in this war-raveged poor nation. Why can't they wait three more months and spare lives? Why restrict funding to aid organizations that are allowed to operate in Kelligii Muslims controlled district? Awoowe halkee bay iska qaban la'dahay. Maaney dadkani insaan ahayn Sad situation all around.

Somalia’s Agony Tests Limits of Aid By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN Published: November 1, 2011 NYT BENADIR HOSPITAL is a chunky block of a building in downtown Mogadishu, built in the 1970s by the Chinese. It has cracked windows, ceiling fans that don’t turn and long, ghostly hallways that stink of human excrement and diesel fuel — all that the nurses have to wash the floors. Each morning, legions of starving people trudge in, the victims of Somalia’s spreading famine. Many have journeyed from hundreds of miles away. They spent every last dollar and every last calorie to make it here, and when they arrive, they simply collapse on the floor. Benadir’s few doctors and nurses are all volunteers and all exhausted, and many wear tattered, bloodied smocks. The minute I walked in, I had a bad feeling I would find what I was looking for. As the East Africa correspondent for The New York Times, my assignment has been to chronicle the current famine in Somalia, one of the worst humanitarian disasters of the last two decades, hitting one of the most forlorn and troubled countries in modern times. My job is to seek out the suffering and write about it and to analyze the causes and especially the response, which has been woefully inadequate by all accounts, though not totally hopeless. In Benadir, there is a room full of old blue cots, one after another, where the sickest children lie. On each bed, a little life is passing away. Some children cry, but most are quiet. The skin on their feet and hands is peeling off. All their bones show, like skeletons covered in parchment. I was standing just a few feet away from Kufow Ali Abdi, a destitute nomad, as he looked down on his dying daughter, and when the time came, there was no mystery, no fuss. I watched Mr. Kufow carefully unhook the I.V. that was attached to her shriveled body and then wrap her up in blue cloth. Her name was Kadija and she was 3 years old and probably not more than 20 pounds. Mr. Kufow walked out of the room, lightly carrying Kadija’s body in his arms. At least five children died that day in Benadir. At a camp not far away, where people are housed in twig huts and stare listlessly at the road, hoping for an aid truck to arrive, I was told that 10 had died. Across Somalia, it’s hundreds a day. Much of Africa, Somalia in particular, has had a tough time since independence in the 1960s, becoming synonymous with staggering levels of misery and leading many people to simply shrug and mutter “here we go again” when they hear of a new drought or a new war. But this current crisis in Somalia is on a different order of magnitude than the typical calamity, if there is such a thing. Tens of thousands of people have already died, and as many as 750,000 could soon starve to death, the United Nations says, the equivalent of the entire populations of Miami and Pittsburgh. One reason the situation has gotten this grim is that most of the big Western aid agencies and charities, the ones with the technical expertise and so-called surge capacity to rapidly distribute aid, have been blocked from working in the famine zones. At a time when Somalia is suffering from the worst drought in 60 years, a ruthless militant group called the Shabab, which is essentially a Qaeda franchise, is on such an anti-Western tirade that it has banned Western music, Western dress, soccer, bras and even Western food aid. The Shabab are a heavily armed complication that differentiates this crisis from previous famines in Somalia, Ethiopia or Sudan and from other recent natural disasters like the tsunami in Indonesia or Haiti’s earthquake, where aid groups were able to rush in and start saving lives within a matter of hours. That said, it is not as if American or European aid agencies are simply giving up on Somalia. It’s the opposite. They’re stepping up operations and scrambling to find ways to get around the Shabab restrictions, turning to new technologies like sending electronic money by cellphone so people in famine zones can buy food themselves from local markets. Western charities are also teaming up with the new players on the aid scene, like Turkish groups and other Muslim organizations that are allowed into Shabab areas. It all calls for more hustle and definitely more imagination: in Somalia there are a million impediments to the aid business — the Shabab, the broken-down state, dilapidated ports and airports, American government sanctions, a legacy of corruption and the sheer dangers of working in full-fledged anarchy haunted by militias, warlords, glassy-eyed gunmen and even 21st-century pirates. But charity groups say they are beginning to turn this famine around. They just need more resources and more time. “One thing is clear,” said Elhadj AsSy, a Unicef official. “With continued support from our donors and partners, our combined efforts to save lives, livelihoods and ways of life will make a difference.” But support — meaning dollars — has been frustratingly scant. While many more lives are at stake in Somalia’s crisis, other recent disasters pulled in far more money. For instance, Save the Children U.S. has raised a little more than $5 million in private donations for the Horn of Africa crisis, which includes Somalia and the drought-inflicted areas of Kenya and Ethiopia. That contrasts with what Save the Children raised in 2004 for the Indonesian tsunami ($55.4 million) or the earthquake in Haiti in 2010 ($28.2 million) or even the earthquake in Japan earlier this year ($22.8 million) — and Japan is a rich country. “Americans are incredibly generous when they understand that children are in desperate need,” said Carolyn Miles, president of Save the Children. “If they knew millions of children were facing death in East Africa, I believe they would give. But I don’t think Americans understand the scale of this disaster.” Rachel Wolff, a spokeswoman for World Vision, explained that “rapid-onset disasters,” like a sudden earthquake, tend to get more attention and more donations. And Somalia’s crisis was hardly rapid. This was a catastrophe 20 years in the making. The central government collapsed in 1991, pulled down by clan warlords who then turned on one another and plunged Somalia into anarchy. The hospitals are now shot-up wrecks, the roads are abysmal and the airports and ports barely function, complicating the efforts to bring in life-saving supplies. Somalia’s economy has been so shattered by war that there are few paying jobs, which leads to the pilfering of humanitarian aid, another serious problem here, because the black market of stolen food aid has blossomed into one of the country’s few moneymaking industries, along with, of course, piracy. Farms are ruined and much of the food Somalis survive on is imported, leaving them highly vulnerable to swings in global food prices, which are near record highs. Somalia is also probably one of the most violent countries on the planet. Whenever I come, I have to hire my own private mini-army to guard me, usually 10 to 15 gunmen, who start shadowing me the minute I step off the plane. Many aid workers have been killed or kidnapped in Somalia, which has scared aid organizations away. “We are beyond frustrated to not be able to reach children who are dying, not be able to fulfill our humanitarian mandate within the worst-hit areas of the Horn drought crisis,” said Mrs. Wolff of World Vision, which the Shabab has banned. “Since February, when we warned of the drought crisis, we have been exploring various options but do not have a breakthrough solution at this point.” In the other crises I’ve covered, there’s a certain routine: check in with the United Nations upon arrival, get a security briefing, take an aid worker out for a drink and then, come next morning, hitch a ride to the field in an aid agency Land Cruiser with the name stenciled on the side. In refugee camps in Darfur, Sudan or the many besieged Congolese towns I’ve worked in, it’s hard not to stumble across other Westerners, many wearing mesh vests emblazoned with the name of their organization or the acronyms — Save the Children, Doctors Without Borders, Unicef, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the International Rescue Committee, War Child — overseeing food deliveries, taking surveys or slipping a feeding tube up the nose of a starving child. But in Somalia, these big agencies are virtually absent. The day a photographer and I visited the Badbaado camp in Mogadishu, many people thought we were the aid workers. We passed rows of tiny huts built literally out of sticks and rags, stepping over piles of human waste because these camps of starving people have sprouted up so fast there are few latrines, water taps or any real planning, and we met one emaciated person after another. They stumbled forward, sometimes hugging me for support or pulling the tight skin at their throats to show they were starving. One man reached out and jerked my arm. “Look!” he said, pointing to a small bundle in the corner of his tent. I peered in. It was the corpse of his 2-year-old son, Suleiman, who had just died. I heard many bad stories about the Shabab in these camps. Most people here fled Shabab zones, often starting out their journey with five or six children and arriving in Mogadishu with just one or two left. There is nothing else they can do. They either buried their children along the way or left them dying under a tree. Read on @ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/02/giving/some-aid-trickles-into-somalia-surrounded-by-death-and-disease.html?_r=1&hp

Finishing off AS -- aimless Kelligii Muslims -- is sensible thing to do. How you go about in accomplishing that task is a different ball game. Awoowe escalating dormant conflict in area that is suffering the most severe humanitarian crisis in decades and now bracing record flooding after prolonged draught is not only dangerous but it is also heartless and cruel. It will only compound the situation farther. Nothing good will come out of this. Do you really understand the mechanics of aid giving? With all their short comings AS allowed exodus to take place from Bakool, Gedo, and all of Juba. Aid groups can set up shop and go places when one group is in control. You do what they tell you to do as long as they allow you to deliver critical services to the needy. And they did and now on the ground in many districts. Likewise, starving families can move -- with difficulty for sure -- to wherever they can find relief. Attack and drive them out when famine situation subsides and normalcy returns. Awoowe hold your horse. Now is not the time and south Somalia is not the place to do an operation of this scale. It pains me greatly when the primary driver of all of this commotion is to save Kenyan tourism industry. There are other plans that have been in the works for sometimes and there was consensus to wait the famine phase to pass. Because of daring kidnappings and media attention these actions got, Kenyan security interests trumped all humanitarian considerations. The sad thing is you cheer for this sinister action.

Awoowe it’s really sad, really sad situation all around. One has to hope that when all is said and done, the casualties -- collateral or drought/disease related -- are bare minimum. Because this tragedy ahd been in play for so long most of the folks on this board are numb and can brush aside events with such gravity with ease. Same here and I'm not blaming anyone as this is human nature through and through. That said, Somaliaonline forum is full of noise that can sometimes drown out the substance of the issues under discussion. For that reason Inna Kaadi Najaasle feels obligated to camp at Badhaadhe and relay events from that angle. One thing is for sure if one has to put this event under the microscope one will also realize that the Kenyan move is counting on certain clans who populate both sides of the border -- clans who have the potential to deliver Kenya’s strategic calculation. I’m not well informed and I am going out on limb by claiming that AS are extremely weak in every sense of the world as the masses have seen what they are made of. Militarily they are in their last throes. Why would Kenya throw a life line to AS now when inaction and leaving to their own devises seems to be the best option?

A Case of Mixed Priorities -- Chasing around ragtag Kelligii Muslims militia takes precedence over millions of starving Somalis By Inna Kaadi Najaasle Belo Sheeg Dispatches Badhaadhe, Jubadda Hoose - The reported border-crossing by Kenyan military units to the famine-stricken Qoqani district in Somalia would undoubtedly exacerbate an already critical humanitarian situation. Aid groups estimated that about four million Somalis in roughly eight districts in the south Somalia are in danger of starvation. The area is suffering a deadly combination of crop failure, prolonged draught, high food prices, diseases, never-ending bitter internecine clan feuds and chronic insecurity. What this Kenyan preemptive strike -- African style -- targeting ground zero of most severe humanitarian emergency center in the world will accomplish is doubling down that deadly cocktail and reigniting the armed conflict in the area. All of this in the height of the famine that so far claimed lives of thousands of nomads and farmers. It should be noted most of the refugees inside Somali-inhabited Kenya reached there through Afmadow-Qoqani-Xagar corridor -- exactly where Kenyan military units has set up command and control center. Come rainy season, much of lower juba valley will be mired in tribal conflict (vying for control of the port city) -- a conflict which will make impossible for farmers and cow herders of the area to get back to the farm and plant their crops or move around in search of grazing land for their livestock. Following the worst draught in decades, the area is bracing a record flooding (mighty Ganane zig zags that area) that will compound an already fragile situation. Kenyan military units, its western supporters, and Somali militia under its thumbs are not expected to provide relief to the millions in need of (and will need of ) help. Its narrow interest is to create a buffer zone for Kenya and install a friendly regime that’s in control of the strategic port city of Kismayo This move may make sense to the regional powers from strategic point of view as stabilizing Kismayo (if the effort succeeds) will, in turn, stabilize much of southern Somalia. The rationale -- apart of assuring tourists that Kenyan army have created a buffer zone for their safety and economic wellbeing of Kenyan nation -- is that by uprooting Kelligii Muslims, the TFG will be in a better position to consolidate security gains and form a defendable government. But at what cost? Aid groups estimated 750 thousand Somalis, mostly women and children, are in danger of starvation. The estimate did not factor in the latest Kenyan intervention and all the complications that accompany with picking winners in clan feuds. Not to mention Kelligii Muslims militia in the area will now have a reason to heed the call to fight on and defeat foreign troops -- infidels -- in Somali soil. The cursed port city of Kismayo will now host a gamut of competing interests. Once proud home of Somali navy fleet will have to accommodate Kenyan navy (if the press reports of going all the way to port city is true) which will be utilized to assist Kenyan friends. There were three navy ships and two destroyers docked at Kismayo in 1990 when the civil war broke out. The wreck of Russian supplied Somali navy fleet (much of it looted and sold as metal scrap) is a fitting reminder of how complete the disintegration of this poor failed state is. Ninka dhababaceeyee, dheydiisa daadshaa, Waa dhabana heysiyo, dhaxalkiisu hibashee, Kolka uu dhameeyuu, dhukusaa hadhawtee! . Inta aan is dhaawacay, waanigan dhutinayee When goings get tough aimless Kelligii Muslim squad will disappear (dhukusid) and resort to their signature Muslim-on-Muslim blood path. Kenya will arm its friend to the teeth and let them fend off for themselves -- leaving the carnage behind. In desperation Kelligii Muslims might resort to suicidal tactics and put East Leigh in the smelter and deny the emerging Somali middle class there a chance to consolidate the business gains they made last two decades. All in all, bad idea. Join me and curse the amateur Kelligii Muslims, clueless afar-jeeble, regional powers using Somalia as a playground to milk western money, and negative tribalists in unison. Inna-Kaadi Najaasle oo loo warramay by Belo-Sheeg Dispatcher **Phase I of Kampala Accord succeeds -- implement actions deemed necessary by IGAD (in the name of regional stability and shoring up the fledgling TFG) and inform Mogadishu after the fact.**

But surely you understand the deliberations SSC clan confederacy is having and how that effects the game plan of all that involved!

Where would maqaaxi business be without waxa-la-yirri and bragging social life in Qurbo-land? huh!

I didn't see this post when I posted a duplicate post covering the same event. Will appreciate if moderator moves that write-up under this banner. Awoowe I think the political play is within SSC. Silaanyo has the problem of having three fifths of political establishment of SCC community preparing to partake the proposed grand bargain to be held in either Garowe or Benadir. Stand-alone SSC, Garowe-allied SSC, and its equivalent of Maakhir Garowe-allied group will take part in the grand bargain (stand-alone SSC group will sit in as a non-aligned clan and Garowe aligned clans will be represented by PL umbrella). That leaves secessionist-aligned SSC in the wilderness. What can Silaanyo offer to them. Bigger share of the regions pie (Berbera port revenue and donor money). Silaanyo’s calculation is to retain his political partners and plant a flagpole (have you seen Far and Away -- the movie) in order to mark the distance his admin’s influence reaches. So far no bloodshed. Super. Playing politics is fine and dandy as long as there are no casualties because of it. If Farole can advice and implore his SSC partners to ignore and move forward with the planned Gol Khatumo conference, he will win this round of the game. He must not jeopardize in anyway or form the far more important watershed conference. Silaanyo has a bigger domestic headache on his hands and the excursion detour he embarked on will work well for him. But only a while... I am glad he is in the helms for he’s better politician than mad dog waraabe. We know where he stands on Somaliweyn issue. This man is not deaf-tone. If the grand bargain expected to be held soon bears fruits then is conceivable that the stage is set to bargain with him. In the meantime he is forgiven to hold the fort and stand toe to toe with the opposition. If that makes him a hawkish (provided it does not lead to bloodshed) for the short run so be it.