Mintid Farayar

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About Mintid Farayar

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    Waxgarad
  1. @galbeedi said: Well , as usual you are complimenting one another by accusing this fine lady as tribal because she visited Hargeisa and dinned with wife of former president Rayaale. Mr.Oodweyne , you mentioned that you saw her once along the wife of Rayaale dinning in Hargeisa. People visit their families as they wish, but busy and professional people usually go home once in a decade, especially those who live in North America. You both agree that by taking a job at the Somali Central Bank in 2012, she is tribal and against Somaliland. That is the most ridiculous and clannish statement to justify your attack on this fine lady. In 2011, Fowsiya Haji Aadan had a political party in Somaliland , which failed to pass for the second round, yet after one year she left for Mogadishu and she became the foreign minister of Somalia. I bet non of you said she was tribal by leaving Somaliland. What a logic. In fact , there was some officials who left Hargeisa while they were directors, and then joined directly the Somali government. Further more , nowadays, I do not think any self respecting professional person would join the incompetent, corrupt, disorganized and family run government of Siilaanyo. Who would join Cakuuse, Cadaani, Biixi and others ? I don't think so. @galbeedi said: I do not want to over kill, but I know their family. Their father was a diplomat and died with plain crush in Somalia in 1981. The whole family is educated. last year when I visited iMinneaplois, I met her older sister who is a medical doctor, and she was managing a healthcare company in the suburb of Minneaplis. They never involved any thing tribal or sectarian, Successful people do not have time for tribal issues. I Could say by far the "Abraar" family is one of the most educated and successful Somali families in north America. Imagine three women all having not only advanced degrees, but also successful profession. We all want to fight corruption, but the best people who could help succeed are hard to find. As they say, the gold is hidden. Also, the best people are busy with their lives. If Farmaajo targets those kind of people , there will hope. Galbeedi, You need to relax, my friend. What part of my praises of Ms. Abrar did you not understand? Or is it the simple admission of the perennial Somali characteristic of clannism that has got you in a huff & puff? If we would just honestly accept this characteristic, endemic in the Somali people, we might be able to move forward. But yet, you wish to regale us with 'Somalinimo' and 'Somaliweyn' monologues when at the mere mention of a clansman or clanswoman, you head for the 'spear'. You're too far gone to see that you're simply proving my point that for Somalis 'Clan is Everything!'. Then you go on with exaggerated stories of how that particular family is so exceptional for achieving 'Graduate Degrees' and 'Successful Professions'. That only shows how tiny your socialiazation circle is(clannism, anyone)???. I can show you in one N. American city 4 families from Galkacayo that have achieved just as much, if not more. It's 2017, and Somalis in the diaspora have achieved accreditations only dreamed of by their parents. The Abrars are an accompished family but they are not unique in that characteristic. It's not 1954! So to calm your tribal passions, here I go again: Once again, Ms. Abrar on the personal and financial level is of the highest integrity and honesty. But as a person who chose to be in the public/political realm she's open to criticism for the political choices and swaps she makes in her public profile. In the same way that Fowzia Y. Adan is open to criticism for similar flip-flopping. This is a political forum where those in the political sphere are criticized daily. Get used to it, even if it's your clansmen or clanswomen.
  2. Oodweyne, It's a fair criticism of the lady that you have put forth. What can I say but.... 'Clan is everything in the Somali peninsula!' I'm not sure Farmaajo and Hassan Kheyre will pick her in a financial capacity if they hope to continue looting. She would be a dangerous wildcard in their midst who has enough financial independence personally to act as a whistleblower. However, she would be an effective advocate for the new administration in communicating with international donors.
  3. If that's true(a big if), why are you not a supporter of Silaanyo and Kulmiye? Since you have finally come out of the closet and declared yourself a 'Somaliweyn' advocate. Think through your logic, saxiib.
  4. Johnny B, I'll entertain your question for a minute: So let's begin by asking this question of Somaliweyn advocates such as yourself - Why is it OK to have foreign troops controlling all of Southern Somalia, setting up bases, putting up their own local administrations in each 'gobal', yet it's unacceptable to have a UAE base in Berbera? Put another way, what's the danger that the UAE poses in having a military footprint in Berbera that 'complete foreign military control' in the South does not pose? Do you now see why it's important to differentiate between those arguing from a Somaliland perspective and those from a Somaliweyn point of view? It's simply to point out the hypocrisy in the argument from one side.
  5. The question is: If she's picked in either role, will the Farmaajo administration be able to guarantee her physical security given the enemies she's made during her short stint as Central Banker. After all, she delivered the biggest blow to the financial coffers of the previous administration with her exposure of corrupt practices at a time when the financial spigots where about to open (a time of great hope for a civil-society president, Hassan Sheikh, if you remember).
  6. 2nd attempt to post. Salaax, Putting aside your narrow-minded agenda, this is a sad state of current affairs for Somaliland. It will further alienate Somaliland's international allies who have held it up as a beacon of representative democracy in the Horn.
  7. Che, Much as I regret the loss of Ms. Abrar from the Somaliland camp in the past 7 years, she's a highly qualified individual of the highest integrity. It would be a high-caliber choice on Farmaajo's part to pick her.
  8. Oodweyne, The word on Hassan Kheyre is of a man who has established excellent contacts in the entire South and is considered by those who know him as a very smooth operator. To put it clearly to you, he's considered a very effective 'dilaal'! Whether he can translate that into effective political management is to be seen. But the fact that Abukar Arman is already writing a denunciation of Hassan Kheyre indicates that things might not be as smooth in Mogadishu re:the PM choice. Having said that, I'll be surprised if he doesn't get endorsed by the Mogadishu parliament. Meanwhile, our 'cagdheer' cousins in the Kismayo-Kenyan border region are holding feverish meetings with the elites of Puntland regarding the new President & how to protect their joint interests if the road gets rocky.
  9. Galbeedi, On a lighter note, in your youthful time in Mogadishu with which you love to wax on about, you must have picked up the 'walaweyn' habit of embellishing your clansman's CV and titles. Abdirahman Beileh was never a Vice-President at ADB, but rather a Director. While a Director is an honorable, senior management position at the bank, it's a far cry from VP of the bank. Intaasi wa iga kaftan, ee ha xanaaqin, sheekh!
  10. And so it begins! Oodweyne - note the confirmation of my previous statement that the new PM was part of Hassan Sheikh's cabal.
  11. Precisely, Galbeedi. I'm making a differentiation between the objectives of those opposing the deal. Is one against the deal based on which government has sovereignty over Berbera or on the merits of the deal to the Somaliland population? The difference between the two is 'huge', if I may borrow the term. I accept your correction on which Jama Qalib you are referring to. Do your homework and ascertain the origins of the other two(Egal and Jamal). It might come as a surprise to you that each of the 'Habros'(as you refer to them) settle in multiple cities throughout Somaliland. But we digress here. As for the UAE situation, we will see how it plays out. On a different note - do you honestly believe this administration in Mogadishu will be anymore successful in bringing Somaliland back to the fold? Or is it simply the Abdirahman Beileh connection to the new President that has you 'irrationally exuberant'? Farmaajo has a trusted circle of diaspora Somaliland unionists(primarily from North America ) around him, along with his PM and wife's subclan. Could this be a head fake to keep these particular Somaliland unionists on board in order to rely on their professional accreditations(since First-World professional achievement is in short supply among Southern politicians)? Farmaajo will need them as front-men to tap into dwindling international aid. People such as Abdisalam Hadliye filled that role for Hassan Sheikh. As for Farmaajo, do you believe he has the 'temperament' and skills to deal with the complex issues besetting him right outside his bedroom door in Mogadishu, before we even get to Berbera 3000 km away? Or was his election simply a protest vote against the incumbent, Hassan Sheikh, in the same way Hassan Sheikh's election was a protest vote against the previous incumbent, Sheikh Sharif? Since you claim to have a monopoly on age, I'm sure you remember the euphoria that greeted Hassan Sheikh's election.
  12. Galbeedi, Besides simply repeating the earlier arguments I posted on why a loyal Somalilander might oppose the base agreement, what else is your post about? Yet, by your own writings you're not a loyal Somalilander, but rather a Somaliweyn proponent claiming to hail from Somaliland territory. It's precisely this cloaking/misrepresentation of real intentions I was referring to in this thread. Your further attempts to muddy the field by confusing the charge of being anti-Somaliland with being against the people is noted. I never made the charge against you of being against the people, but rather of being against Somaliland, politically - proven by your own postings on this Forum. This eliminates you from the internal Somaliland debate on whether the deal, as it stands now, is truly beneficial to Somaliland - a debate open to loyal Somalilanders, but not to those who want to destroy the political Somaliland. So we will toss the crocodile tears about Silaanyo's lack of aptitude to the side. Finally, while you claim to be a knowledgeable Somali about all things Somaliland-related, your understanding of 'Beesha Dhexe' is somewhat limited. Cigaal was from Burco, Jamac Qaalib and Jamaal Cali Xuseen are both from Hargeisa. While the 'HY' current Speaker of the Parliament, Cirro, is from Berbera. Don't let the clan affiliations fool you. Maakhiri1, If there's a ban on Somali-passport holders(Insha'Allah, there won't be one), is it the fault of Somaliland or the current leadership in Mogadishu who picked a fight with a stronger state? A stronger state which they are financially dependent on? Wouldn't it have been far more prudent for Farmaajo to diplomatically bring the issue to the UAE authorities instead of insulting them by attempting to get a neighboring state, Saudi Arabia, to pressure them? This is an indicator of the poor state-craft of the new leadership in Mogadishu. Let's pray for the sake of all Somali 'masakiin' that your prediction of a Somali-passport ban in the UAE does not materialize. For both Galbeedi and Maakhiri1 - Don't take this as a personal attack, but rather an attempt to clarify what the real differences in our respective positions are. Note to Somalilanders: I'm not defending the deal, the complete details of which I'm unfamiliar with - but, rather clarifying it as a debate that should only take place within the Somaliland family. My issue is 'where does sovereignty over Berbera lie - in Hargeisa or Mogadishu'? I think most readers know where I stand on that issue.
  13. Maakhiri1, To answer your last question above, Yes, it's possible to be against the agreements from the perspective of both listed arguments. However, the majority opposing it subscribe to one or the other of the 2 arguments, not both simultaneously. A thorough reading of most opposition opinions on this Forum makes that clear to all. As for your larger point regarding an irrational fear, it's a rather weak analysis to equate Somaliland's existence as a governing construct with a superstitious fear of their fellow Somalis, whether from the South, Ethiopia, or Djibouti. To reverse your logic, this fear you speak of applies accurately to the hold-outs in peripheral communities at the edges of Somaliland, such as the community your 'screen name of Maakhiri' origates from. Yet, how do you explain Somaliland's existence and forward progress(while limited by developed world standards) in almost 3 decades with a divided political elite fighting for governing power(like most other functioning, democratic entities) , meager resources, and neighbors bent on its political destruction? The answer to this question is willfully ignored by those against Somaliland politically such as yourself(by your own admission). Could it be that a majority of the public buys into the Somaliland concept, as well as seeing the alternative with 'federal construct' after 'federal construct' failing politically in 'Somalia' even with sophisticated international backers putting 'government' after 'government' together in Mogadishu? Little by little, even the most die-hard anti-Somaliland elements in the peripheral communities(within Somaliland) are beginning to make their peace with SL and opening negotiations on integrating into the Somaliland project. So, it's been 26 years+ since the fall of Siyaad. Somaliland as a political entity is almost as old as the unified Somali Republic (which lasted on paper politically till early 1991). Look at the pattern of history during that time - Which is more likely 1)That Somaliland as a political entity disappears into the larger 'Somalia' or 2)That Somaliland continues its almost complete expansion into its claimed territory of the former British Somaliland? I leave that to the minds of serious political scholars in the Somali family.
  14. Since this Forum's server eliminated my reply to another thread, I will repost it as a new topic: Two different issues need to be separated regarding the issue of the Berbera leasing contracts. 1- Another government(Somalia) de-legitimizing Somaliland's elected representatives' legal right to enter into bilateral agreements with other sovereign nations. Can Mogadishu deny Hargeisa's right to enter into bilateral relations? 2- Somalilanders contesting/rejecting the merits of the deal (given the secretive nature of the agreement-the details of which haven't been made transparent to the public or opposition parties, the dangers it draws for Somaliland with powerful armed groups in the region such as the Houthis and Iranians, the danger of having a more advanced military force on local soil while Somaliland forces lack the ability to police these forces). These are 2 significant, yet completely different issues. If we oppose the deal, we should be clear which one of the 2 arguments we are in alignment with. I say this only because many who oppose Somaliland's existence often use argument #2 to cloak their real objectives-the elimination of Somaliland.
  15. Two different issues need to be separated regarding the issue of the Berbera leasing contracts. 1- Another government(Somalia) de-legitimizing Somaliland's elected representatives' legal right to enter into bilateral agreements with other sovereign nations. Can Mogadishu deny Hargeisa's right to enter into bilateral relations? 2- Somalilanders contesting/rejecting the merits of the deal (given the secretive nature of the agreement-the details of which haven't been made transparent to the public or opposition parties, the dangers it draws for Somaliland with powerful armed groups in the region such as the Houthis and Iranians, the danger of having a more advanced military force on local soil while Somaliland forces lack the ability to police these forces). These are 2 significant, yet completely different issues. If we oppose the deal, we should be clear which one of the 2 arguments we are in alignment with. I say this only because many who oppose Somaliland's existence often use argument #2 to cloak their real objectives-the elimination of Somaliland.