N.O.R.F

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  1. Press Releases Somalia: Radio closure is a sign of Authoritarianism 13 Nov 13, 2007 - 10:08:50 AM Somali Human Rights Defenders Network (SOHRIDEN) is seriously concerned about the escalating crisis and violations towards freedom of expression, press freedom in Somalia. Subsequently to the closure of Radio Shabelle Yesterday Radio Simba and Banadir is also silenced today when heavily armed forces from the government entered to the radio stations. It was only Yesterday when Radio Shabelle was closed, and today, Tuesday 13th 2007; another surprise incident became the talk of the town when Radio Simba and Banadir, two independent Radio Stations in Mogadishu were ordered to shut down. Mr. Mahamed shill Hassan, the deputy Manager of Simba told SOHRIDEN office, that some government troops forcefully entered the radio station and was told to shut down."They also took away the Manager of the station to their National Security officer and later released soon"Mr. Shill added. The government troops ordered Simba staff to leave and never come back. We don't know the reason why the government is silencing the radio." Shill Concluded. Radio Bandir was also given orders to shut down As Ali Madobe, the deputy manager said" we don't know what is going on and we have not been told for what reason the closure of the radio is justified. We were told to not operate till unspecified time". "No reason has been said to the closure of Radio Simba and Bandir today, but they claimed that it was only an order from senior government officials," as the two deputies reported "SOHRIDEN denounces this illegal action which the security officers accustomed these days and silencing the Radio Stations in the capital "said Ahmed Kiimiko, the Focal point of East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Network "We also appeal to the Transitional Federal Government to Unconditionally allow to the radios Shabelle, Simba and Bandir to carry on their important services they were doing for their people. "The gross violations upon their rights of journalism and freedom of media which Somali journalists faced and the continues harassment, death threats are now reaching to its critical point. Besides their local insecurity and death threats those who are now living in Nairobi http://somalinet.com/news/world/Soomaali became subject to the same of what they had escaped from and facing serious intimidations". Ahmed Kiimko the Focal point of East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Network and the Chairman of Somali Human Rights Defenders Network added. SOHRIDEN believes that this is a violation towards all the public on their rights of having access to information which is one of the basic rights in the Universal declaration of Human Rights and not only the radio stations and journalists are those who have been transgressed. "We call again the government to respect the international, regional and local laws including the Transitional Federal Charter which all gives the journalist to enjoy all their rights and freedom. The government obligations to protect the journalists' safety and how hey are abusing their power would be not neglected and they will be accountable." Concluded Ahmed kiimko, Focal point of Somalia for East and Horn of Africa human Rights Defenders Network. garowe online
  2. Somalia demo: ‘We want our country back’ Over 500 people joined an angry demonstration in London against foreign intervention in Somalia on Saturday of last week. Delegations from the Somali community in Britain travelled from many parts of the country to join the protest. Demonstrators shouted against the Ethiopian invasion of the country that has seen many civilians killed. “The US is behind the killing in Somalia,” said Mustafa Daacad, who is a student at Birkbeck College. “Ethiopia is a Third World country – they couldn’t do this without US backing.” http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/art.php?id=13564
  3. Ethio/TFG indescriminate shelling of civilian areas quote: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Indiscriminate attacks by Ethiopian forces When the insurgency launched rocket or mortar attacks, the Ethiopians responded with barrages of rockets, artillery, and mortar shelling of areas of Mogadishu perceived to be the areas of origin of the attack or strongholds of the insurgency. Eyewitnesses to the fighting in March repeatedly told Human Rights Watch that the Ethiopian barrages came from Ethiopian bases located in the former Ministry of Defense building, Villa Somalia, the Custodial Corps headquarters, Kabka (a former repairs factory for the Somali military), and, in April, from the Mohamoud Ahmed Ali Secondary School and the former headquarters of the Somali Police Transport (see Map 2). Many of these locations are two or more kilometers from the neighborhoods they were targeting, distances that would require a spotter in the air or on the ground for mortar shelling to be used with any degree of precision. The Ethiopian rockets were inherently unable to target specific military objectives. Residents of Mogadishu described patterns of rocket barrages that match the use of BM-21 multiple barrel rocket launchers. The use of BM-21s by the Ethiopian forces was confirmed not only by eyewitness descriptions of the weapons by name but also by description of the sounds they made when fired. There is strong evidence that the indiscriminate bombardment of populated neighborhoods by Ethiopian forces was intentional. Commanders who knowingly or recklessly order indiscriminate attacks are responsible for war crimes. In Towfiq, Hamar Jadid, and Bar Ubah neighborhoods, eyewitnesses reported that the Ethiopian BM-21 rockets and heavy artillery often landed in systematic patterns, equidistantly, and at regularly spaced time intervals. In Towfiq, for instance, Ethiopian rockets landed 10-20 meters apart, while in Hamar Jadid they were sometimes 40 meters apart.151 One man with a military background told Human Rights Watch, “The Ethiopians would shell on a line—start with one area and move to the next, and the next day they started all over again, the same way.”152 Another man observed, “The shells were coming in a sustained format: each shell fell 40 meters from the other. In some areas, you would find 10 houses next to each other destroyed.”153 According to military experts this type of shelling is typical of area shelling where troops move the coordinates from one target to the next, going down a grid pattern. Area bombardment is fundamentally inappropriate as a strategy to target a mobile insurgency in a densely populated civilian setting. It constitutes an indiscriminate attack, which is a serious violation of international humanitarian law. This type of attack on populated neighborhoods is indicative of criminal intent to blanket an entire area rather than hit specific military objects—evidence of a war crime. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- You want to talk about hospitals and civilian deaths do you? quote: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Attacks on Medical Facilities The Ethiopian military bombardment in March and April hit several hospitals during the course of the fighting in Mogadishu, causing some hospitals to suspend their provision of medical care at a time when this care was desperately needed by hundreds of people. The protection of hospitals and other medical facilities is a bedrock principle of international humanitarian law. The Second Additional Protocol of 1977 to the Geneva Conventions (Protocol II), on the protection of medical units and transports, which is reflective of customary international law, states, 1. Medical units and transports shall be respected and protected at all times and shall not be the object of attack. 2. The protection to which medical units and transports are entitled shall not cease unless they are used to commit hostile acts, outside their humanitarian function. Protection may, however, cease only after a warning has been given setting, whenever appropriate, a reasonable time-limit, and after such warning has remained unheeded.168 The SOS, Al-Arafat, and Al-Hayat hospitals were located in critical frontline areas caught up in the conflict. Human Rights Watch research found that Mogadishu’s hospitals were bombarded repeatedly and without warning, with loss of civilian life and significant destruction. While it is not clear to what extent the insurgents fired from the near vicinity of the hospitals, the Ethiopian forces should have had no trouble spotting the often tall (by Mogadishu standards) and highly visible hospital buildings. This failure to spare them from bombardment indicates, at minimum, indiscriminate attacks and, at most, deliberate attacks on the hospitals. 169 Shelling and occupation of Al-Arafat Hospital Ethiopian troops first searched Al-Arafat hospital on January 14, 2007, soon after they arrived in Mogadishu, so its status as a medical facility was known to them. According to eyewitnesses, Ethiopian forces entered the hospital that day at around 5:30 a.m. and conducted a thorough search. Ethiopian soldiers confiscated weapons that were being used by the hospital to protect equipment and patients.170 While international humanitarian law prohibits the use of medical facilities for military purposes, medical personnel may be equipped with light individual weapons.171 A person present said that Ethiopian personnel told hospital staff that day that the hospital was suspected of being a base for the “Courts” and “*** clan” insurgent groups.172 Soon thereafter, senior members of the hospital staff visited Ethiopian bases in El-Irfid and Maslah, seeking the return of the confiscated weapons. However, the Ethiopian officials at these bases denied that any confiscation operation had been organized from their base.173 Al-Arafat hospital is located along Industrial Road, northeast of the Stadium in Towfiq neighborhood. On March 29, when the first round of heavy fighting started around the stadium (see Chapter VII, “A Case Study in Laws of War Violations”), the hospital was hit at least four times, including by tank shells and BM-21 rockets. The tank shells hit the water tank, the store, and the office of the hospital director.174 When the fighting started there were more than 30 patients at the hospital. A relative of one of the patients was injured by shrapnel. During the following days, as the fighting continued in the area, the patients were released or referred to other hospitals. The hospital staff took the precautionary step of removing some of the key medical equipment, such as the laboratory equipment and medicines, out of the hospital.175 During the second round of fighting in late April the hospital was hit again. A total of seven rockets struck the hospital: three rockets hit the outpatient department; another three rockets hit the generators store, putting all three generators beyond use;176 and a seventh rocket struck the hospital kitchen. Staff quarters in the hospital were also damaged by these rockets.177 One of the staff who witnessed the events told Human Rights Watch, These were heavy shells. The shells damaged the outpatient department, making a big hole. The three shells that destroyed the electric generators were the first to hit the hospital around April 20-21. The BMs and rockets landed on top of the buildings. The three shells which hit the generators landed simultaneously. They came from the direction of the Custodial Corps [under control of Ethiopian forces]. The shells which landed in the office of the director and the water tank were tank shells. I know this because it was a direct hit. Our staff saw the tank at the Charcoal Market.178 Available evidence indicates the attacks on Al-Arafat may have been deliberate. Unlike rockets or artillery, tank guns are primarily direct-fire weapons—the tank crew is expected to aim at the target at which it is firing. One of the tank shells struck squarely on the front face of the building, just below a large sign with the name of the hospital. There is little other shell or rocket damage evident on the front of the building. The actions by Ethiopian officials at the hospital in January raise concerns that the military might have believed the hospital was being used to treat wounded insurgents. This was denied by an eyewitness, who told Human Rights Watch, “[W]e never received any wounded militias.”179 However, even if wounded insurgents had been there, under the laws of war wounded combatants no longer taking part in the hostilities may not be attacked. Others at the hospital—patients, medical personnel, and visitors—are also protected from attack. To deliberately target a hospital is a war crime.180 On April 26, at the end of the fighting, the Ethiopians came into the hospital and occupied the facility for three days. They ordered hospital security guards to leave the hospital after disarming the only security guard, who was armed with an AK-47 to protect the facility. When staff from Al-Arafat returned to the facility after the Ethiopians moved out on April 29, the hospital had been completely ransacked. One staffer described the scene to Human Rights Watch: “They have broken all doors, the safe, and put everything out of its place. There were files, letters, and books littered inside the rooms. They have taken some of the text and reference books as well as some medical files…The Ethiopian military left graffiti on the walls. One read, ‘al Qaeda Hospital.’”181 The reference of course suggested that the hospital was being used by terrorists. Shelling and occupation of Al-Hayat Hospital Al-Hayat hospital is located on the main road from Villa Somalia to the Stadium, close to Ali Kamin junction. Ethiopian bombardments frequently hit this site, particularly in the late March fighting. On March 29, as the Ethiopian military fought their way to the Stadium from Villa Somalia (see Chapter VII, “A Case Study in Laws of War Violations”), an Ethiopian unit entered Al-Hayat hospital, inspected the facility, and left. There were more than 70 patients in the hospital at the time. The Ethiopian commander did not ask or suggest that staff at the hospital evacuate the patients.182 The following day, March 30, a rocket apparently launched from a BM-21 landed inside the hospital compound, wounding three people including a doctor and damaging cars and rooms in the hospital. Most of the patients were evacuated or left the facility that day, as did many of the staff. A few staff remained to try to protect the facility.183 Two days later, on April 1, Ethiopian troops returned to the hospital and detained the remaining staff. One of the hospital staff who was held at gunpoint and questioned described the events to Human Rights Watch: The soldiers were different from those who had come the other day. The Ethiopians tried to get into the hospital at around 6 a.m. First they tried to break the gate with a bullet. But the door wouldn’t open. Then they kept knocking until I opened for them. A soldier asked me if there were “al Qaeda” [insurgents] in the hospital. I replied “no.” I showed him around the hospital, the medical equipment, beds, etc. He asked about the patients, I told him they fled because of the fighting.184 According to eyewitness accounts, approximately 150 Ethiopian soldiers entered the hospital and took up defense positions, putting their guns out of the windows. Al-Hayat staff were detained in the building for the next seven days. They saw Ethiopian troops bringing sandbags and rockets into the hospital to consolidate their defense positions in the three-story building, which they used as a base in the following days. Staff were questioned—“Where is ‘al Qaeda’? Are you with the government or with al Qaeda?”—and were denied permission to leave when they requested it. On April 9, a week after the occupation of the hospital began, the staff were permitted to leave when the ceasefire commission visited Al-Hayat. One of the released staff told Human Rights Watch, “Until the day we left, the hospital and its materials were safe. The money for the hospital staff was secure in the safe; the medical equipment was in order. We were expecting they would leave the hospital intact. We contacted the interior minister and health minister in order to help us get the Ethiopians out.” 185 A week later, Al-Hayat staff returned to the hospital with a team of police officers and were shocked by the destruction they found. Heavy looting had taken place. “The computers, the laptops, the money, and the shelves—all destroyed,” said an eyewitness. The Ethiopian army vacated Al-Hayat hospital on May 5, more than a month after first occupying it. According to a statement seen by Human Rights Watch, the hospital staff estimated that the Ethiopian military caused more than US$800,000 worth of damage.186 International humanitarian law not only prohibits attacks on hospitals, but also stipulates that they not be harmed in any way or that their functioning be impeded, even if they do not have any patients at the time.187 Shelling of SOS Hospital SOS Hospital, a pediatric and obstetric facility located in Huriwa district, was heavily bombarded by Ethiopian forces in the last days of the conflict in late April. On April 23, 2007, at least five rockets landed in the grounds of the hospital and one rocket hit a ward housing 20 to 30 wounded adults.188 Prior to the bombardment on April 23, the hospital building had been hit by stray bullets but they had caused no casualties or damage. According to eyewitnesses, on April 19 several doctors and elders affiliated with the insurgent groups approached the hospital administration and said they wanted to use the SOS facility to treat their wounded. Apparently the insurgency’s existing medical facility near the Pasta Factory was coming under intense shelling.189 The doctors and elders representing the insurgents and the hospital management agreed to meet the following day, April 20, but the meeting never took place. On April 21 the doctors and elders returned with more than 20 wounded people, the majority of them young men who were apparently fighters, but also some civilians. They came with their own medications to treat the wounded. Two days later, on the morning of April 23, the hospital was hit four or five times, apparently by BM rockets, with a fixed interval between each rocket strike.190 One round hit the children’s department in the hospital, destroying one room and damaging another. Another round struck the wall of the hospital. Two other rounds landed in a sports field just opposite the hospital. There were no casualties.191 The hospital continued to serve wounded civilians and insurgents for two more days, as fighting grew closer. On the night of April 25 all the wounded people in the hospital were moved out of the facility. The following morning at 8 a.m. the Ethiopian military entered the hospital, asked the staff the whereabouts of the wounded people, searched the wards and stores, and left the hospital within half an hour.192 Over the next 10 days, Ethiopian military roadblocks and security checks in the area near the hospital restricted medical activity. Ethiopian troops returned and searched the facility again in early May, and then again in early July following clashes in the area, but otherwise left the facility untouched.193 Intentional Shootings and Summary Executions of Civilians Human Rights Watch learned of various incidents in which Ethiopian troops are believed to have intentionally fired upon and killed or wounded plainly identifiable civilians. On March 29, a 45-year-old charcoal porter and another male civilian were shot and wounded, and a woman civilian killed, by an Ethiopian soldier in Towfiq. The charcoal porter had been collecting charcoal in the Charcoal Market in Towfiq when fighting erupted. He told us, I didn’t get a chance to escape, [there was] no place to hide so I stayed near a lorry [truck]. There was also another man and a woman hiding by the lorry. There was an Ethiopian soldier close by, in a defensive position [he motions crouching down with a rifle]. Some shells landed near the soldier and he got angry and fired five bullets at us. The woman died and the two men were hit but survived. The soldier was maybe five meters away, he had been there more than five minutes before he fired on us. I know he was an Ethiopian because of his military uniform and they came in two convoys. He was holding a heavy machine gun. The woman’s name was Noura; she was maybe 50, an older woman. She died on the spot.194 Other civilians were shot while trying to flee the area, or when they returned to see if their homes had survived the bombardment and fighting. On April 26, a 35-year-old businessman came back to his home near the Pasta Factory having fled to Afgoi with his family during the fighting. He came back with two other neighbors to check on their property. He recalled what happened on their return: We arrived in Huriwa at around 9:30 a.m. As we were walking towards our house near the Pasta Factory, the Ethiopian soldiers called us. They told us to “come.” They spoke to us in Somali…They began to call us repeatedly. We decided to run away from them. They fired at us as we tried to escape from them. The other two survived but I was hit in the upper arm by a small bullet. It is broken around the elbow. All three of us continued running despite the wound and the bleeding. The Ethiopians chased us momentarily but gave up.195 Since the April fighting ended, Human Rights Watch has documented further incidents of killings and summary executions of civilians by members of the Ethiopian military. On June 19, an Ethiopian military convoy was hit by a roadside bomb near Jaalle Siyad College. After the bomb exploded, at approximately 3 p.m., the Ethiopian soldiers dismounted their vehicles and fired upon a civilian minibus at the Industrial Road, killing a passenger.196 Afterwards, the Ethiopian soldiers raided houses nearby in Damanyo neighborhood where they arrested five men and a boy, including three brothers named Abdulkadir Ibrahim Diriye, Sharmarke Ibrahim Diriye, and 17-year-old Jama Ibrahim Diriye; two construction workers named Abdi Haji Aden Mursal and Abdi Abdullahi Abdulle; and a sixth man only identified as “Deqow.” A relative of the three brothers saw most of the events. He told Human Rights Watch, The Ethiopian soldiers were looking for men; lots of people were running away from the area. They entered a house that was being rebuilt, arresting six men including three brothers, a visiting relative, and two builders. The Ethiopians took them away towards the scene of the incident. We thought they were going to detain them. Soon after, we heard gunshots from the direction of the scene. I was the first to go there; I saw four bodies including [the three brothers]…Their bodies were shredded with bullets…They were killed about 4:30 p.m.197 A female family member of one of the men told Human Rights Watch that she counted six bullets in the body of her relative—in the mouth, neck, and chest. Nineteen-year-old Abdi Abdullahi Abdulle’s body was riddled with bullets; his hands were tied behind his back and there was blood all over his body.198 Although this report focuses on abuses in the context of the conflict in Mogadishu, Human Rights Watch has documented further incidents of summary executions by Ethiopian forces. During their campaign to oust the ICU in December 2006 and January 2007, Ethiopian forces operating in southern Somalia, near the border with Kenya, were responsible for at least two summary executions of Somali men. Several eyewitnesses who saw the bodies and were interviewed independently said that after their capture by Ethiopian troops the two men’s hands were bound behind their backs and they were shot several times in the chest.199 -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Source: Human Right Watch
  4. ^^What is fake about the violence in Xamar over the past weeks? Its astonishing to see people have sold themselves out for this so called govnt. Even to the extent that they say this is all fake. The burden of evidence against your TFG and Ethios is overwhelming I know but lets not go even lower to suggest this is all fake and nothing is going on in Xamar.
  5. I was absolutely astounded on Mon when all news channels failed to report what was happening in Muqdisho. Even the reliable AJE failed with their obsession with Pakistan and Bhutto. Not sure of Al Jazeera Arabic showed anything. Read this. Somalia: What the News Has Failed to Report Ramzy Baroud, Aljazeera.net English. The people of Somalia are enduring yet another round of suffering as Ethiopian forces wreck havoc in the capital, Mogadishu. Apparently in response to an attack on one of its units, and the dragging of a soldier’s mutilated body through the city’s streets, an Ethiopian mortar reportedly exploded in Mogadishu’s Bakara market on Nov. 9, killing eight civilians. A number of Somalis were also found dead the following day, some believed to have been rounded up by Ethiopian forces the night before. Nearly 50 civilians have reportedly been killed and 100 wounded in the two-day fighting spree between fighters loyal to the Union of Islamic Courts and government forces and their Ethiopian allies. A report, issued by Human Rights Watch, chastised both Ethiopian troops and “insurgents” for the bloodletting. Peter Takirambudde, the watchdog’s Africa director, was quoted as saying, “The international community should condemn these attacks and hold combatants accountable for violations of humanitarian law — including mutilating captured combatants and executing detainees.” Of course, one cannot realistically expect the international community to take on a constructive involvement in the conflict. Various members of this community have already played a most destructive role in Somalia’s 16-year-old civil war, which fragmented a nation that had long struggled to achieve a sense of sovereignty and national cohesion. To dismiss the war in Somalia as yet another protracted conflict between warlords and insurgents would indeed be unjust because the country’s history has consistently been marred by colonial greed and unwarranted foreign interventions. These gave rise to various proxy governments, militias and local middlemen, working in the interests of those obsessed with the geopolitical importance of the Horn of Africa. Colonial powers came to appreciate the strategic location of Somalia after the Berlin Conference, which initiated the “Scramble for Africa”. The arrival of Britain, France and Italy into Somali lands began in the late 19th century and quickly the area disintegrated into British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland. Both countries sought expand their control, enlisting locals to fight the very wars aimed at their own subjugation. World War II brought immense devastation to the Somali people, who, out of desperation, coercion or promises of post-war independence, fought on behalf of the warring European powers. Somalia was mandated by the UN as an Italian protectorate in 1949 and achieved independence a decade later in 1960. However, the colonial powers never fully conceded their interests in the country and the Cold War actually invited new players to the scene, including the United States, the Soviet Union and Cuba. One residue of the colonial legacy involved the ****** province of Somalia, which the British empire had granted to the Ethiopian government. The region became the stage of two major wars between Ethiopia and Somalia between 1964 and 1977. Many Somalis still regard Ethiopia as an occupying power and view the policies of Addis Ababa as a continuation of the country’s history of foreign intervention. The civil war of 1991, largely a result of foreign intervention, clan and tribal loyalties, and lack of internal cohesion, further disfigured Somalia. As stranded civilians became deprived of aid, Somalia was hit by a devastating famine that yielded a humanitarian disaster. The famine served as a pretext for foreign intervention, this time as part of international “humanitarian” missions, starting in December 1992, which also included US troops. The endeavor came to a tragic end in October 1993, when more than 1,000 Somalis and 18 US troops were killed in Mogadishu. Following a hurried US withdrawal, the mainstream media rationalized that the West could not help those who refuse to help themselves; another disfiguration of the fact that the interest of the Somali people was hardly ever a concern for these colonial philanthropists. Since then, the importance of Somalia was relegated in international news media into just another mindless conflict, with no rational context and no end in sight. The truth, however, is that colonial interest in the Horn of Africa has never waned. The terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001 provided an impetus for US involvement in the strategic region; only one month after the attacks, Paul Wolfowitz met with various power players in Ethiopia and Somalia, alleging that Al-Qaeda terrorists might be using Ras Kamboni and other Somali territories as escape routes. A year later, the US established the Combined Joint Task Force — Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) to “monitor” developments and to train local militaries in “counterterrorism”. The US contingent was hardly neutral in the ongoing conflict. Reportedly, US troops were involved in aiding Ethiopian forces that entered Somalia in December 2006, citing efforts to track down Al-Qaeda suspects. The Ethiopian occupation was justified as a response to a call by Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG), whose legitimacy is questioned. TGF, seen largely as a pro-Ethiopian entity, had been rapidly losing its control over parts of Somalia to the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) which came to prominence in January 2006, taking over the capital and eventually bringing long-sought stability to much of the country. Their attempts engage the US and other Western powers in dialogue failed, however, as a US-backed Ethiopia moved into Somalia in December 2006. On Jan. 7, 2007, the US directly entered the conflict, launching airstrikes using AC-130 gunship. Civilian causalities were reported, but the US refused to accept responsibility for them. The last intervention devastated the country’s chances of unity. It now stands divided between the transitional government, Ethiopia (both backed by the UN, the US and the African Union) and the Islamic courts (allegedly backed by Eritrea and some Gulf governments). Recently, the UN ruled out any chances for an international peacekeeping force, and the few African countries who promised troops are yet to deliver (with the exception of Uganda). This situation leaves Somalia once more under the mercy of foreign powers and self-serving internal forces, foreshadowing yet more bloodshed. Our informed support is essential now because the Somali people have suffered enough. Their plight is urgent and it deserves a much deeper understanding, alongside immediate attention. arabnews.com
  6. N.O.R.F

    Xamar in picures

    Illahay dadka u sahal. Amiin. Its really sad.
  7. Nice thread and good timing PM: to be campained for Minister for Information: JB Interior: Castro Education: Nur Development/Transport/Sport: Northerner Defence: Kashafa Foriegn: Xubeer Women/Youth: Agriculture/Water: Geel Jire (its the name saxib, its the name ) Oil Minister: Hmmm, Djib Somali Arab League Rep: Ngonge
  8. LoL@ Khalaf I will engage you when I think its worth the hassle otherwise its just silly.
  9. LoL, I just hope he agrees with the project and we can get on with things,,,,dont worry I wont buy an airline,,,
  10. Sunday, 16 December 2007 Barclays Premier League Liverpool v Man Utd, 13:30 Saturday, 22 March 2008 Barclays Premier League Man Utd v Liverpool, 15:00 ^^this will most probably change with Sky making it either a early Sat or Super Sunday kick off. http://news.bbc.co.uk/sport2/hi/football/teams/l/liverpool/fixtures/default.stm
  11. I dont believe you. That fixture will never be played at 3pm on a Sat and never on a Sunday at 4pm in Liverpool. Its usual 12.30pm at Anfield and 4pm on a Sunday at Old Trafford.
  12. ^^That was a easy goal saxib. It was right above him. Belleti should have shoved him a little bit and he would have got it all wrong. But I'm not complaining. When do we play Scum Utd?
  13. ^^I'm just wondering if our discounts will continue Seriously though, a business should not be fully sold unless you wish to retire etc
  14. But why sell 100% of your company??? DP World realise the potential of East Africa becoming THE strategic ports they should be and have moved to pre-empt the effect this may have. As long as flights continue to Burco ey?,,,
  15. ^^I get that everyday. Might meet the ruler of this place tomorrow IA
  16. I have heard of Sufism being more prominent back then. My uncle would always repeat a story of the time he went to pray and heard drums coming out of the mosque. 'Waar ma Michael Jackson ayaa meesha ka ciyaaraya' was his line I did see a timo weyn or two on my recent trip believe or not. In the miyi mind you.
  17. Castro, I think you should add some SOL TFG hacks to your pics. Here are a few,,,
  18. LoooL@joonyad baradho ah Havnt you read my new Oodweyne inspired signature? Anyway dont let me side track this thread. The ONLF cause has become more visable this year not only to the west but to many sleeping Somalis.
  19. As I type this there is a bunch of women on Universal TV singing some sort of song praising Allah along with music, hair uncovered, make up on, gold, hidi iyo dhaqan clothes etc. I have also seen men do it on the Djbouti channel. What is this all about? Was this common back in the day?
  20. N.O.R.F

    GPU 2007

    Originally posted by Xubeer: Dont wanna go there again- I dont wanna be wearing those floresent jackets. They are an insult to my fashion sense. Besides, I kept asking myself: whats the point really? Unity? what unity? Peace? What peace? Was you security last year? Peace and unity amongst Muslims is essential and at least an event is held every year attended by 50,000 people. Not bad I say.
  21. N.O.R.F

    GPU 2007

    ^^So why take eggs? Budh maad qaadatid?
  22. I'm sure the promise of apple or grape would have him jumping down his staircase (thud) out of the door, on the bus, then off it (while it is still moving) and there in no time
  23. N.O.R.F

    GPU 2007

    He cant pull out. He would be slaughtered if he did. I'm sure he can handle a few eggs chucked his way but I doubt they will reach the stage
  24. N.O.R.F

    GPU 2007

    I just saw the advert with a list of very good speakers and I'm jelous! Speakers Do enjoy and I would like the DVD when it comes out IA.