Mintid Farayar

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  1. My friend, I refer to the family assets. Both A/Yusuf's son and wife have been extremely busy financially, commercially, and economically since Daddy's rise to the seat. That's why the Kenya sanctions refer to 'A/Yusuf and family members'. National intelligence services do their homework usually More importantly, can you imagine the effect this will have on the financial backers of A/Yusuf in Kenya who certainly love their finances more than their beloved A/Yusuf. The coffers are going to dry up fast. Expect a quick changing of tune by the old man and his supporters.
  2. Horn is absolutely correct! Kenya is a strategic first step given the concentration of A/Yusuf family financial assets in that neighboring country. It's also a warning to essential financial backers of A/Yusuf who also have critical financial assets in Kenya. A lot of players will have to rethink their positions given this first international move. It's called 'A Shot Across the Bow' - a warning to completely desist from a certain behavior or get annihilated!
  3. So much for the nice villa and other properties in Nairobi. Ouch! Hopefully the sanctions-wave will not reach the Western bank accounts. If that happens, you will see how fast Yey and the rest of Puntland leadership change their tune. You will hear them singing 'Aabow Nur Caddow' in order to get access to the stolen finances again. Brilliantly outplayed by the PM and his Minister of Info. The plot thickens. Is this the first battle of many or the end of Yey?
  4. The A/Yusuf supporters were celebrating a bit prematurely. Let's see the next move in this drama at the expense of innocents dying on the ground without security, food, water, and healthcare!
  5. JB, Thank you for posting this article. Very little attention is paid to the greater Africa game by Somalis. Global interest in Africa is at an all-time high,a fact missed by Western&Arab-residing Somalis who are solely focused on what goes on in their domicile. I fear all Somalis are ill-prepared for this new 'Great Game'. A large portion of the elites of the continent are taking great advantage of the propulsion of Africa to the world stage. Much of the development of neighboring countries in the last decade has been fueled by this (i.e. Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, etc.). It's also very difficult to get any factual info on Somaliland from open source sites. Any reason why? There's countless info on the South out there (much of it factual and objective). Somaliland websites primarily engage in commentary rather than factual reporting of events and trends. Any observations from the ground?
  6. Situation in Somalia Seems About to Get Worse By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN NAIROBI, Kenya — Somalia’s transitional government looks as if it is about to flatline. The Ethiopians who have been keeping it alive for two years say they are leaving the country, essentially pulling the plug. For the past 17 years, Somalia has been ripped apart by anarchy, violence, famine and greed. It seems as though things there can never get worse. But then they do. The pirates off Somalia’s coast are getting bolder, wilier and somehow richer, despite an armada of Western naval ships hot on their trail. Shipments of emergency food aid are barely keeping much of Somalia’s population of nine million from starving. The most fanatical wing of Somalia’s Islamist insurgency is gobbling up territory and imposing its own harsh brand of Islamic law, like whipping dancers and stoning a 13-year-old girl to death. And now, with the government on the brink and the Islamists seeming ready to seize control for the second time, the operative question inside and outside Somalia seems to be: Now what? “It will be bloody,” predicted Rashid Abdi, a Somalia analyst at the International Crisis Group, a research institute that tracks conflicts worldwide. “The Ethiopians have decided to let the transitional government sink. The chaos will spread from the south to the north. Warlordism will be back.” Mr. Rashid sees Somalia deteriorating into an Afghanistan-like cauldron of militant Islamism, drawing in hard-core fighters from the Comoros, Zanzibar, Kenya and other neighboring Islamic areas, a process that seems to have already started. Those men will eventually go home, spreading the killer ethos. “Somalia has now reached a very dangerous phase,” he said. “The whole region is in for more chaos, I’m afraid.” Most informed predictions go something like this: if the several thousand Ethiopian troops withdraw by January, as they recently said they would, the 3,000 or so African Union peacekeepers in Somalia could soon follow, leaving Somalia wide open to the Islamist insurgents who have been massing on the outskirts of Mogadishu, the capital. The transitional government, which in reality controls only a few city blocks of the entire country, will collapse, just as the 13 previous transitional governments did. The only reason it has not happened yet is the Ethiopians. The government has been a mess for the past few weeks — many would argue for the past few years — with the president and the prime minister bitterly and publicly blaming each other for the country’s crisis. More than 100 of the 275 members of Parliament are in Kenya, refusing to go home, saying they will be killed. Western diplomats, United Nations officials and the Ethiopians seem to be turning against the transitional president, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, a cantankerous former warlord in his 70s who has thwarted just about every peace proposal. “Yusuf has gone from being seen as the solution to being seen as the problem,” said a senior Western diplomat in Kenya, speaking on condition of anonymity in accord with diplomatic protocol. But Mr. Yusuf’s clan still backs him, and Western diplomats said he might soon flee to his clan stronghold in northeast Somalia. Most analysts predict that the war-weary people of Mogadishu would initially welcome the Islamists, out of either relief or fear. In 2006, Islamist troops teamed up with clan elders and businessmen to drive out the warlords who had been preying upon Somalia’s people since the central government first collapsed in 1991. The six months the Islamists ruled Mogadishu turned out to be one of the most peaceful periods in modern Somali history. But today’s Islamists are a harder, more brutal group than the ones who were ousted by an Ethiopian invasion, backed by the United States, in late 2006. The old guard included many moderates, but those who tried to work with the transitional government mostly failed, leaving them weak and marginalized, and removing a mitigating influence on the die-hard insurgents. On top of that, the unpopular and bloody Ethiopian military operations over the past two years have radicalized many Somalis and sent hundreds of unemployed young men — most of whom have never gone to school, never been part of a functioning society and never had much of a chance to do anything but shoulder a gun — into the arms of militant Islamic groups. The most militant group is the Shabab, a multiclan insurgent force that the United States classifies as a terrorist organization. Just a few weeks ago, the Shabab kidnapped a man it accused of being a spy and slowly sawed off his head with a dull knife, videotaping the whole episode. Somalia is nearly 100 percent Muslim, but most Somalis are moderate Muslims. Many analysts expect that the militant Islamic wave will soon crest because Somalis will inevitably chafe under strict Islamist law, especially when the Islamists try to take away their beloved khat, the ubiquitous, mildly stimulating leaf that Somalis chew like bubble gum. Then, many analysts say, the Islamist groups could slug it out among themselves, with Ethiopia and other neighboring countries backing rival factions, and with clan warlords jumping in. Osman Mohamed Abdi, vice chairman of the Somali Youth Development Network, a nonprofit group in Mogadishu, called this possibility the “worst man-made catastrophe.” Two possibilities could avert this bloodbath, but both are long shots. Ethiopia could delay its pullout until a larger peacekeeping force arrived. But with both Darfur and now Congo needing peacekeepers, there are few volunteers for lawless Somalia. Or the transitional government could share power with the Islamists. There is a piece of paper called the Djibouti Agreement, recently signed in neighboring Djibouti, that paves the way for moderate Islamists to join the transitional government. But the problem with the Djibouti Agreement, Mr. Rashid of the International Crisis Group said, is that “the interlocutors have no power on the ground.” A collapse of the government and the human disaster that would almost surely follow would be strike three for American efforts in Somalia. The United States failed disastrously in its peacekeeping mission in the early 1990s. (Remember “Black Hawk Down”?) In 2005 and 2006, the C.I.A. paid some of Somalia’s most reviled warlords to fight the Islamists. That backfired. In the winter of 2006, the United States took a third approach, encouraging Ethiopia to invade and backing them with American airstrikes and intelligence. “The Bush administration made a major miscalculation,” said Dan Connell, who teaches African politics at Simmons College in Boston. He compared the situation to America’s involvement in Lebanon in the 1980s, “when a regional ally, Israel, pulled us into a failed state in a quixotic effort to transform a hostile neighbor into a pliant ally.” That only radicalized the population, he said, adding that in Somalia, “Again, we will be in its sights.” Copyright 2008 The New York Times Company
  7. Actually that is Nur Adde's residence where the swearing-in of the new Mogadishu mayor and City Council took place. However, your point is well taken. There's another old saying: "Monkey See, Monkey Do...."
  8. ^^^Insha'Allah, whoever wins in Puntland will be able to stop the piracy although it will be difficult given that Puntland no longer has a state militia due to lack of payment for a couple of years now. The presidential candidates and traditional elders in Puntland complained of this as well as the rampant lawlessness in their meetings with Abdullahi Yusuf. Each candidate has to be provide his own technicals and small militia to protect him from brigands while he's campaigning from town to town. This situation is just a few degrees less precarious than Xamar. We'll see if A/Yusuf will be able to revive the security of Puntland without Ethiopian help this time. The Ethiopians have traditional played a hidden,yet significant role in Puntland's security - from their transfer of Ethiopian troops (ethnic Somalis)to A/Yusuf in his conflict with Jama A. Jama to their rushing of brigade size contingents to Galkacayo and Garowe during the Islamic Courts march through the South in 2006. The question is: Now that Abdullahi is relegated back to home base at least for now, will he be able to build Puntland's security without the Ethiopians to lean on?
  9. A&T, Many are attacking you in this Forum for your 'perceived' crime of exposing the actions of 'The Group'. It's one thing when accusations are made from outside the tent but another when the accusations are coming from within the 'Family'! I think you understand.
  10. ^^Fight them with what? Ethiopian troops? The Ethiopians say they are reluctant to do anymore of the heavy lifting. A/Y clan militia can only maintain his personal safety at times(with the help of the armored AU troops). So where are the troops to exercise his option? Have some respect for the intellect of fellow readers!
  11. Duke, It's very obvious very few in this forum respect you. I didn't fully comprehend at first but as time went I understood. Sometimes, you have to be a 'man' and take it like a 'man'. The Somalis are a macho culture and like all macho cultures have universal values of 'manhood' when things are not going well. If you compare your answers with the answers of your opponents in this thread, you can always see which side is somewhat respectful & which side engages in childish taunts smearing whole regions,clans, etc. I hope you take a time-out and realize that by your very behaviour you are creating more enemies for your side. You've single-handedly united all the different factions in the Somali peninsula in opposition to your side right here on this Forum. That's an unenviable accomplishment. Before you throw that vicious verbal taunt at me, think about what I said. The clan you represent comes from a proud lineage just like many other glorious clans within the Somali family and you're doing a great disservice to them in your behaviour.
  12. So what are you trying to say? Connect the dots for me in answer to my question. You only told me of an abstract interest in Berbera for military basing, but I asked why the separation in how to deal with each. Why does the U.S. refer to the 'disputed regions' as part of Somaliland?
  13. State Department Press Release November 15, 2008 The State Department warns U.S. citizens of the risks of travel to Somalia and recommends that American citizens avoid all travel to Somalia. This replaces the Travel Warning dated October 24, 2008 to note terrorist attacks in the regions of Somaliland and Puntland. The Department of State warns U.S. citizens against all travel to Somalia, including northern Somalia. On October 29, 2008, terrorists launched several coordinated and near-simultaneous attacks involving multiple car bombs against local and international targets in the regions of Somaliland and Puntland. There is no U.S. Embassy or other U.S. diplomatic presence in Somalia. Consequently, the U.S. government is not in a position to assist or effectively provide services to U.S. citizens in Somalia. Terrorist operatives and armed groups in Somalia have demonstrated their intent and capability to attack air operations at Mogadishu International Airport. Kidnapping, murder, illegal roadblocks, banditry, and other violent incidents and threats to U.S. citizens and other foreigners can occur in many regions. Inter-clan and inter-factional fighting flares up with little or no warning. Unpredictable armed conflicts among rival militias are prevalent in southern Somalia, particularly in and around Mogadishu. This has resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Somali nationals and the displacement of nearly one million people. In December 2006, Ethiopian military forces entered Somalia in support of the Somali Transitional Federal Government. The continuing Ethiopian military presence and support for the Transitional Federal Government has heightened tensions among rival political and clan factions within Somalia. The Sanaag and Sool Regions in eastern Somaliland, bordering on Puntland (northeastern Somalia), are subject to insecurity due to ongoing border disputes and inter-clan fighting. There also have been several fatal attacks and violent kidnappings against international relief workers, including Westerners, throughout Somalia, Somaliland, and Puntland. Lines of control in Mogadishu are unclear and frequently shift, making movement within Mogadishu extremely hazardous. Violent riots have recently occurred in Mogadishu, as thousands of civilians protested rising food prices and the devaluation of the Somali currency. Recently, insurgents and extremist elements opposed to the Somali government conducted hit-and-run attacks on several towns in central and southern Somalia, to include the districts of Gedo and Bay (especially the vicinity of Baidoa) in the south. U.S. citizens also are urged to use extreme caution when sailing near the coast of Somalia. Merchant vessels, fishing boats, and recreational craft all risk seizure by pirates and having their crews held for ransom in the waters off the Horn of Africa, most especially in the international waters near Somalia. There have been numerous such incidents, highlighting the continuing danger of maritime travel near the Horn of Africa. If transit around the Horn of Africa is necessary, it is strongly recommended that vessels travel in convoys, and maintain good communications contact at all times. U.S. citizens who travel to Somalia despite this Travel Warning are urged to register through the State Department's travel registration website, https: // https: // and obtain updated information on travel and security from the U.S. Embassies in neighboring countries. Travelers to the self-declared "Republic of Somaliland" should register with the U.S. Embassy in Djibouti, and travelers to Puntland or southern Somalia should register with the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi. The U.S. Embassy in Djibouti is located at Plateau du Serpent, Boulevard Marechal Joffre, Djibouti City; telephone (253) 35-39-95; after-hours telephone number (253) 35-13-43. The mailing address is Ambassade Americaine, B.P. 185, Djibouti, Republique de Djibouti, and their workweek is Sunday through Thursday. The U.S. Embassy in Nairobi is located on United Nations Avenue, Gigiri, Nairobi, Kenya; telephone (254)(20) 363-6000; after-hours emergencies (254)(20) 363-6170. The mailing address is P.O. Box 606 Village Market 00621, Nairobi, Kenya. U.S. citizens should also consult the Department of State's Country Specific Information for Somalia and the Worldwide Caution, which are located on the Department's internet website at http: // Travelers may obtain up-to-date information on security conditions by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll-free in the U.S. or outside the U.S. and Canada on a regular toll line at 1-202-501-4444. Office of State Department Public Communication Division, 202-647-6575 ---------------------------------------- Why do you think Somaliland has been separated from the rest of Somalia in how it's handled by the U.S. State Dept? This has been in effect for some years now. In case, you don't get my point, why are Somaliland issues handled from Djibouti while all of former Italian Somaliland including Puntland is handled from Nairobi? Why does the State Dept communique refer to Sool and Sanaag as Eastern Somaliland not as Western Puntland? Is it possible that their diplomats, soldiers, and intelligence operatives know something that many cyber-nomads don't?
  14. Ok, fellows, give Duke a break. It's not fair or Somali-like to gang-up on an individual. So Duke, can you present us with your prediction on what will happen in the next 6 months with the TFG situation and how things will play out? Or is it that Oodweyne was correct in stating that you haven't yet received the memo on the current talking points? Will the TFG survive in Mogadishu, will Uncle AY still be heading it, will the resistance completely take over the city?
  15. There's seems to be a consolidation of Hargeisa as the new 'Xamar', politically, economically, and socially. Even Yusuf Garad of the BBC(who has strongly opposed Somaliland since the Abdiqasim days) keeps his family there! In realpolitick, this gives the Somaliland administration increased powers over the whole Somali situation. Notice the abortion of the new TFG passport by the simply statement from Somaliland that it wouldn't be honored in Hargeisa. Also, how all Somali political leaders rushed to distance themselves from the recent attacks in Hargeisa including the Godfather of Al-Shabaab, Dahir Aweys. While those of us in cyberspace can afford to exchange taunts from the safety of our immigrant homes, those on the ground, it seems, can no longer afford to offend the administration in Hargeisa. It might not be long before we hear Abdullahi Yusuf claiming to be a friend of Somaliland! Xamar seems quite inhospitable for him lately and Puntland has swaggering pirates armed with grenade launchers and coffers of cash...
  16. It's amusing to see a young Somali writing from 'Qurbaha' talking about the rise of an Islamist empire in East Africa from the luxury of a foreign location, railing against how the West is the enemy - having immigrated to the same West. Also how he quotes the Western experience as his role models for nation-building(Bismarck, Sherman's march to the sea)... The hypocrisy of some people never ceases to amaze! Why is it that those Islamists (I hate to use this word - which is a *******ization of our beautiful Deen) - present in Hargeisa had to be protected from angry mobs after the bombings? If the Somaliland experiment is only supported by the elites then there must be thousands of elites in Somaliland cities?! My friend (to qoute John McCain), visit the place and then come back with a fresh appreciation of precisely how complex the Somali problem is instead of ruminating about some mythical, heroic, yet infantile theory of the rise of a Somali superpower. We can barely feed ourselves let alone raise a regional power. Get real and become relevant.....
  17. So far the info we have is that suicide bombers were involved. We all know which group/groups with a particular ideology use that technique in Islamic societies. In the former Somalia, it's Al Shabaab and remnants of the Islamic Courts. I think this we can all agree on. The results of this action will reverberate through out all of Somaliland. Whatever sympathies existed for the Islamic Courts and Al Shabaab among the larger Somaliland population will now have effectively evaporated. There will be greater suspicion of the non-Somaliland refugee population within Somaliland whether they are in the refugee camps or expensive villas/hotels. It's interesting to note that many who harbor the strongest opposition to the Somaliland cause claim to have relatives in Hargeisa. One wonders how one can not have sympathy for the one Somali region where all Somalis where able to live peacefully regardless of where they came from. Unfortunately, life will not be so comfortable for those non-Somalilanders in Hargeisa in the near future. This is to be expected and happens all over the world when a host people are attacked by an outside group. The resentment is usually turned on those living among them who are related to the attacking group. Unfortunate but to be expected. Insha'Allah, Kheyr for all.....
  18. ^^^Don't quite understand how "Recognition of Somaliland" ties in to the topic at hand. Care to explain?
  19. Don't fully understand the context of the previous replies to my post. However to further illuminate what's occurring in the area, here's a recent editorial to further clarify the situation: A Disappointment in the Affairs of Puntland and the Disruption of the Diaspora Conference By Abdiweli M. Ali, Ph.D. Sept 23, 2008 The Disrupted Diaspora Conference Back in March 2008 a prominent Puntlander contacted a few of us in the Diaspora to discuss the possibility of organizing a conference in Puntland and to address the deteriorating situation there. He asked us to help him on the selection of the participants with the added instruction that the choice of the participants should be based on their character, skill, education, and experience, but also mindful of the regional and the clan balance. He also requested Puntland Development Research Center (PDRC), the premiere institution of Puntland, to host and seek funding for the conference. Eventually, we submitted the names, set the date, and suggested a tentative agenda and a schedule of the conference. PDRC also secured funding, and the conference was scheduled to start on the second week of August. There was nothing sinister about the conference and none of us had any ulterior political or personal motives. We had pure intentions and a clear purpose; just to persuade and bring the attention of the people and the government to the worsening situation of Puntland; nothing more and nothing less. Most of the participants took time from their families and work to serve a cause they thought was higher than themselves. Little did we know and perhaps naïve we were about the crude and the coarse political high jinks of Puntland. Upon arrival, the Puntland Diaspora was told that the conference was suspended and an order was issued from the highest offices of the government that no conference should take place without the prior knowledge of the Puntland government. However, PDRC informed the President and the relevant ministries, no less than three times, about the impending conference, and were given the permission to hold the conference. As a matter of fact, either the President or the Vice-President was slated to open the conference, and ten members of the government, five from the legislative and 5 from the executive, were included as participants. Therefore, we considered the suspension of the conference as capricious and arbitrary; today’s Puntland is not short of murky and arbitrary set of rules. More stunning than the ruling itself, were the poor and inadequate reasons given for suspending the conference, and some of the Ministers of Puntland were also too cavalier in using inflammatory and provocative remarks over the airwaves. Nonetheless, PDRC heeded the command and decided to postpone the conference. They also requested us to refrain from any controversy that could impair the reputation of Puntland. Therefore, I would like to applaud PDRC for choosing the moral high-ground; revenge is a dish best eaten cold. II. A Bait and a Bizarre Invitation The President then requested a meeting with the Diaspora after he heard a growling protest from some respected elders and probably to put the best face on a bad situation. The invitation piqued our interest and we accepted it, but we also decided to express our dismay and disappointment with his decision of opposing the conference. He came to the meeting accompanied by his circle of useful ****** including the leadership of the parliament. First to speak was the vice President, a straitlaced arrogant fellow. Pursing his lips and barely able to contain his anger, he started his speech with a stridently sardonic comment, ‘Waxaan u haysanaa in shirkan uu ahaa mu’aamarad dhabarka nalaka tooganayey” which can be poorly translated into “this conference was a conspiracy and a political plot against us.” We heard an earful from him and from few other bozos, professing a pack of lies. Finally, the President spoke and admitted that PDRC informed him about the conference. He came across as more polite and respectful than his more truculent servants. However, he tried to shrink-wrap and seal the clear and unforgivable mistake he made. Most of his speech was also tangential and unrelated to the topic at hand, and was more on his obsession of drilling oil in Puntland. He could not tell us a reason or a rationale of refusing us to hold the conference. The Dire Situation of Puntland and A Need for a Change Puntland is at a cross-road, albeit a dangerous one. It is teetering on the brink of a collapse, and saving it needs a moral fortitude and a political will; dispositions currently lacking in the leaders of Puntland. It is facing an existential crisis caused by an unbridled greed and an insatiable appetite for power and money. The corruption that permeated Puntland and the lack of sound basic institutions created a culture of impunity where the pilfering of the public resources became a shameless and a criminal activity. The government is filled with rogue and runaway ministers who are just there to rack up the meager resources. The creation of Puntland 10 years ago gave hope and meaning to so many lives. However, many others were reluctant to believe that such a political entity will survive in the clan politics of Somalia. It so now seems that their premonition may come to pass, and so many fanatic devotees have come to believe that the whole entity might have been a futile exercise. I disagree, but I also believe that the nature of the people of Puntland is to blame for the current affair of their state. They allowed few feeble minds to rule them and wreak havoc on their future. It is not the system that determines the character of a country, but the character of a people that determines the kind of country it will be. The great British Statesman, Edmund Burke is quoted to have once said “believe me, it is a great truth, that there never was, for any long time …….a mean, sluggish, careless people that ever had a good government of any kind.” The people of Puntland are not mean and sluggish but they sure are careless about the affairs of their land. Burke also added that “great empires and small minds go ill together.” Small minds wedded to dimwitted egos cost Puntland a great deal. The young are confused and perplexed about this feckless generation that destroyed their future and the old are only left with nostalgia for the moral clarity and the mighty role they always played in the political affairs of Somalia. IV. A Bad Omen That Might not Bode Well with Us There is a high probability that the current Puntland administration might win the next election in January, as the alternative candidates failed to offer any substantive policy and political agenda. The likelihood of returning this regime to power might be unpardonable but clearly quite predictable. The people of Puntland are now looking forward for this upcoming election not with merriment but with melancholy and sadness. They deserve better and should do better. I am also hopeful that somehow, somewhere, things will change for the better. There might be a Houdini out there who will carry the lamp and lead the way for a better future. Let us wait and see. Abdiweli M. Ali, Ph.D. Associate Professor of Economics Niagara University, NY 14109
  20. From The Times September 17, 2008 Somali pirates plunder is used to fund terrorism, experts fear Jonathan Clayton: Analysis Years of violence, neglect and misguided policies have left Somalia one of the most dangerous countries and a breeding ground for the pirates attacking one of the world’s busiest shipping routes. Today the northeast area of the country, including Puntland, has been carved up by warlords who finance themselves by drug and gun running. This is also the heartland of the pirates, whose main backers are linked to the Western-backed government. Radical Islamists control much of the south, including the key port of Kismayo and the porous border area with Kenya, a staunch Western ally. This has realised a Western nightmare, which was supposed to have been destroyed by Ethiopia’s American-backed invasion of Somalia two years ago in support of a puppet government created by the international community. That alliance spanned the spectrum from extreme radicals to moderate, devout Muslims. The latter were in charge. Everyone – except Pentagon planners, it seems – knew that Somalia had never proved fertile territory for Saudi-style radical Islam. However, indiscriminate bombing of civilian areas by Ethiopia, Somalia’s historic enemy, with huge casualties, put an end to that. The Islamists were driven out, the moderates went into exile and the hardliners took control of the south with a popular powerbase beyond their wildest dreams. Local peace activists said yesterday that an Iraq-style insurgency against allies of the “transitional government” had led to 838 deaths since June, bringing to more than 9,400 those killed since the Islamist-led uprising began early last year. Thousands have fled into Kenya. Last month a UN report said that the number of Somalis needing aid in a country without government since 1991 had leapt by 77 per cent since January and now stood at more than 3.7 million, more than a third of the population. It added that the country, used as a launch pad to bomb the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania in 1998, was witnessing its worst insecurity since the early 1990s. “If you gave countries points for anarchy and confusion from one to ten, Somalia gets 20,” a UN source said. The Americans ignored Somalia after 18 US Army Rangers and Delta Force personnel were killed while trying to capture one warlord. Those events were depicted in the film Black Hawk Down. Today there is no appetite for intervention, but there are growing fears that trying to ringfence the country will not stop the plunder of the pirates financing a training ground for a new generation of terrorists, including disillusioned British-born Somalis. Link to Article
  21. Before we jump to any conclusions, is there any independent verification of these statements by the American Ambassador? is notorious for inventing stories! So once again, is there another non-Puntland associated verification of this interview? After all the statements of this Ambassador are closely monitored by all Somalis, since he holds the Somali portfolio.
  22. So far not a single posting on the merits or lack of merits of the article by Ibrahim Meygag. Indicative of the mental cage-syndrome afflicting Somalis in many parts of the world (I personally have fallen into that trap one time too many).... JB, thanks for the posting. A very thoughtful essay by Mr.Samater that has encapsulated many facets of the Somaliland experiment.
  23. Source : Australian Company News Bites - Stock Report Description: Fundamental data about companies listed on the Australian Stock Exchange. It tracks 20-30 variables including price change, dividend yield, price/earnings ratio, share trading volumes and values, shareholders returns, profits, assets, performance and growth, director dealings, major shareholding changes, activities, key executives and latest announcement headlines. Country of origin: Australia
  24. One of the sad things about the current Puntland leadership (whether in the Puntland administration or in the TFG) is the vicious financial grab they're engaged in. One could even understand from a greed perspective if it was for large financial rewards such as the pilfering that other African dictators make from international conglomerates(in the $100Million/$Billion range) but the continuous selling of national assets for peanuts simply leaves the casual observer wondering. Range Resources, the company that has concluded deals with both Adde Musse and Abdullahi Yusuf is a small, Australian company with no previous track record of mineral excavation and a quickly depreciating financial net worth. Below are some facts from the Australian financial press which show Somalis the pedigree of the current Puntland leadership as well as the veracity of the statements they continue to make regarding better economic times around the corner. SHAREHOLDER RETURNS Trailing One Week: The stock fell three times (60% of the time) and rose twice (40% of the time). The volume was 0.3 times average trading of 2,434,635 shares. The value of $1,000 invested a week ago is $885 [vs $994 for the All Ordinaries Index], for a capital loss of $115. Trailing One Month: The stock fell twelve times (52% of the time), rose eight times (35% of the time) and was unchanged three times (13% of the time). The volume was 0.6 times average trading of 10,712,394 shares. The value of $1,000 invested a month ago is $697 [vs $987 for the All Ordinaries Index], for a capital loss of $303. Trailing One Year: The value of $1,000 invested one year ago is $192 [vs $844 for the All Ordinaries Index], for a capital loss of $808. The total return to shareholders for 1 year is -80.8%. Trailing Five Years: The value of $1,000 invested five years ago is $250, for a capital loss of $750. FINANCIALS Half Yearly Report released on April 14, 2008; year-on-year comparisons with previous corresponding period: In the half year to December 31, 2007 total revenue was up 34.7% to $316,343; net loss of $8 million. These numbers are accurate as of yesterday (21 August,2008) So the value of $1000 invested in Range stock shares a week ago is $885. The value of $1000 invested a month ago is $697. The value of $1000 invested a year ago is $192. Obviously, the Australian/British financial markets do not have much faith in Range's dreams of mineral exploitation in Puntland. Lastly, how could a company that had total revenue of $316,343 (semi-annually) and a net loss of $8 million (semi-annually) really make a difference in Puntland? There are some Somali ports which make more than that in a week (port taxation). Something just doesn't add up. More to be posted in the future....
  25. Things are getting more complicated for the TFG. After being summoned to Addis, it seems the Ethiopians have painted Abdullahi Yusuf as the impediment to the functionality of the TFG. The Ethiopian Foreign Minister gave an interview to the Financial Times in which he expressed Ethiopia's frustration with the "internal squabbles" of the TFG leadership (FT news article) . Many Somalis closer to the ground claim that Abdullahi Yusuf is being blamed this time by the Ethiopians. This is further proven by Abdullahi Yusuf's interview with the VOA in which he wrapped himself in the mantle of 'protector of the constitution' (VOA interview) . Mr. Yusuf's argument was that the issue is not intransigence on his part but rather his rightful insistence on constitutional law being followed. Those who have heard Mr. Yusuf before noticed this was a far cry from the man who used to make bombastic statements about taking hold of law and order in Somalia with an iron fist. His interview was defensive and sounded very much like an appeal to third parties (maybe the Americans and E.U.) to intercede with the Ethiopians. Let's see how this plays out in the near future. Meanwhile, Puntland has declared A. Yusuf's new oil deal non-applicable to Puntland and even questioned any legal powers the TFG might have over Puntland (Puntland oo diidey heshiiskii C/lahi Yusuf & Kuwait energy) . This clash seems to have its roots in family finances. Puntland's Range deal is spearheaded by Adde Muse's nephew, Liban Muse Boqor, while Mr. Yusuf's Kuwaiti/Malaysian oil deal is managed by his children. Hence the signing bonuses for either family is in jeopardy if the other family has their way. Another interesting development for political watchers to observe and ponder as it develops.