In his recent article “Somaliland: America’s underestimated friend” Bashir Goth has eloquently compared Somalia with Somaliland with respect to peace building and democratic governance. Instead of critiquing the merits of Mr. Goth’s article, Mohamed Ahmed responded with an article full of personal attacks. This is exactly the way medieval kings used to response when they receive unfavorable news: kill the messenger! Mr. Ahmed has every right to criticize and attack Mr. Goth’s ideas and opinions. However, when some people cannot face the facts they simply resort to personal attacks. Hence, Mr. Ahmed entire article focuses not on the subject matter—Somalia vs. Somaliland — but on Mr. Goth’s history. The change of heart on the part of Mr. Goth truly reflects the genuine reconciliation and peace-full co-existence of yesterday’s foes in Somaliland. In other words, this change shows how far Somalilanders have gone to heal their wounds and seek common future. Take the example of, for instance, the incumbent Somaliland President Dahir R. Kahin and his loyal Foreign Minister Abdullahi M. Duale. These two men were at the opposed ends of political spectrum during the Somaliland’s civil war in the 1980s. Yesterday, Mr. Kahim and Mr. Duale were members of the National Security Service (NSS) and the Somali Nation Movement (SNM), respectively. Today both are members of the Somaliland’s ruling party UDUB. This shows that people of Somaliland have refused to be hostage to their gloomy past. The people of Somaliland have wisely decided to let bygones be bygones in order to have a better future for their children. In the process, even those who had blood on their hands, on both sides of the conflict, were forgiven and forgotten. Mr. Goth’s previous writings including those in Awdal Phenomenon represent Somaliland’s painful past history. His previous writings on Somaliland, however pathetic they may look now, were merely a reflection of prevailing political upheaval at that time in Somaliland. And to set the record straight, Mr. Goth’s support of Somaliland is not conditional on President Dahir R. Kahin. In fact, as an editor of Awdal News, Mr. Goth has repeatedly criticized Mr. Kahin’s regime. Having explained the circumstances surrounding Mr. Goth’s past and present writings, let us now look at the issue at hand: differences between Somalia and Somaliland—-the theme of Mr. Goth’s article. In Somaliland, there is a government that has a monopoly over the ‘use of force’ in the territory it claims to control. In Somalia, the Sharif government is protected by African Union forces. In Somaliland, there are political parties who are readying themselves to take part the upcoming presidential election. In Somalia, there are Al-Shabab and Hisbul-Islam who want to violently overthrow the government of President Sharif. In Somaliland, we have uninterrupted peace for over a decade now. In Somalia, we have a government whose forces routinely shell the biggest market of Mogadishu — the Bakara Market. These are just a few glimpses of the realities prevailing in Somalia and Somaliland. Mr. Ahmed does not want hear or see the reality. For him attacking the messenger is easier for him since some facts are hard to deny. Therefore, Mr. Ahmed tries to kill the messenger– Mr. Goth– instead of critiquing his theme: differences between Somalia and Somaliland.

Kill the Messenger: Mohamed Ahmed’s hypocritical response to Bashir Goth

My concerns over Somalia, Sudan, Nigeria, and elsewhere are well known. So I will instead highlight troubling issues in three other countries - Ethiopia, Somaliland, and Djibouti.

As the title suggests, the purpose of this hearing is to discuss the Administration's policy on the continent of Africa - to gain an understanding of both the overall policy towards the region and the United States' position on key and pressing issues of the day. To that end we have two distinguished panels which I will introduce following Members' opening statements. Let me thank the witnesses for coming, particularly Assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson and USAID Senior Deputy Assistant Administrator Earl Gast as well as our private panel consisting of Ambassador Princeton Lyman, Almami [all-MOM-mie] Cyllah [sILL-uh], Witney Schneidman, and Gregory Simpkins. As someone who has followed and worked on Africa for nearly 40 years, I have seen sweeping changes in recent years in U.S. policy in Africa. The continent has gone from being a region of little strategic significance in the view of policymakers to one that holds critical strategic, economic, and national security interests in just the last twenty years. Indeed, the U.S. has moved away from a policy in Africa hinged on containing the,Soviet sphere of influence during the Cold War, a policy which too often led to U.S. support for dictatorial regimes on the continent with disastrous results which are still felt today. During the tenures of Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, U.S. interest in the continent greatly increased and the focus began to shift away from solely humanitarian interests. The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) -- a preferential program designed to spur increased African imports to the U.S. and build African trade capacity -- and the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) - the landmark $15 billion, now $48 billion treatment program -- were created by Presidents Clinton and Bush, respectively. Both dramatically reshaped the discourse and the depth of U.S.-Africa policy. The Obama Administration showed keen interest in African early on with a brief visit by President Obama himself to Ghana, and an eleven-day trip to seven countries in Africa by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. I accompanied Secretary Clinton on part of her trip and must say that the response was overwhelmingly positive and hopeful in terms of closer bilateral relations and partnership. In 2009 the President unveiled two new programs that will change the landscape and deepen U.S. support for long-term sustainable on the continent' The Global Health Initiative (GHD is a six-year $63 billion program to help partner countries improve health outcomes through strengthened health systems - with a particular focus on improving the health of women, newborns and children. The U.S. Global Food Security Initiative is a welcome paradigm shift back to strong investments in agricultural development both as a means to increase food security and as a critical element of long-term, sustainable development in poor regions of the world, particularly in Africa. Both programs will have significant impact on the continent. While these initiatives and ongoing support for PEPFAR are very strong signs of U.S. focus on Africa, many challenges remain, particularly in the areas of democracy and govemance and conflict which warrant an ongoing discussion of U.S. policy. My concerns over Somalia, Sudan, Nigeria, and elsewhere are well known. So I will instead highlight troubling issues in three other countries - Ethiopia, Somaliland, and Djibouti. I am deeply concerned and troubled about the deteriorating conditions in Ethiopia. The EPRDF regime is becoming increasingly totalitarian. A few weeks ago the government began to jam the Voice of America (VOA) Amharic program and the Prime Minister compared the VOA to the hate Radio Mille Collines; the radio station used by those who committed the Rwandan genocide. My concern continues for the deteriorating condition of Ms. Birtukan [bun-TOO-can] who testified before this Committee and continues to languish in prison in Ethiopia along with hundreds of others, without access to medical care. I hope to learn more today what our policy is toward Ethiopia. The Government of Somaliland in February handed over a woman named Mrs. Bishaaro [bih- SHAH-ro], a registered refugee in Somaliland, to Ethiopian security forces. A few years ago she was arrested and tortured by Ethiopian security and her husband was executed. I understand there is a delegation visiting from Somaliland currently and hope to learn what the U.S. position is on this case and on Somaliland more broadly. I am also concerned about the lack of Development Assistance funding for Djibouti; a strong ally of the United States which plays an important role in the promotion of peace in the Hom of Africa. I will speak more detail on all three countries during the question and answer portion of this hearing. The Committee looks forward to this very important hearing and all the witness testimonies. Let me once again thank the witnesses and all of you for being here today. I will now turn to Ranking Member Smith for his opening statement.

Camal-la'aan.com ,,,,,

Very sad indeed ,,,,, wax nool iyo wax dhintay midna lama dhaafayo ,,,,

Good job again ,,,,,,

Burburasaa Hadii Doorashadu Baaqatu Afsoomaaligaa xagee lagaga hadlaa xaaji ?

Israel Won't Recognize us Its Lie Was that a pain in the azzz ???

Little city eh ?? Val, it is not an actual cinema but i can say it is a mini one ,, not yet sure what is on ,,,

"Idaa shufta axmaar faranji xaaji" baa la yidhi ,,,, xataa Takfiir kii kele ayaa ka yaabay Shabaabtan ,,,

........ Tell them that is not the way they can get rid of their status ,,,

religion is like alcohol and cigarettes... Inaalilaahi ,,,,,,

Good afternoon chaps ,,,,,,,, After long, boring and series of meetings, I'm finally sitting on my desk with cuppa coffee looking forward to the one hour that is left for the week. Movie night ,,,,, that is tomorrow ,,

He is not the regular kind of oppositionist that you can throw into prison with a snap of the fingers, of whom there are thousands in Egypt, locked away, forgotten about, without being charged or brought to trial. For having criticized the rigid control of the political system, the former director of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA,) Mohamed ElBaradei, has become the regime`s nightmare. But he also embodies the hopes of many Egyptians, who would like to see “their” Nobel Peace Prize winner (in 2005, with the IAEA) join the presidential contest. For an Egyptian leadership class that has always been confident of its rights and prerogatives, any candidacy has always been an act of insolence. Are those days gone? Be that as it may, the post-Mubarak question now arises. The failing health of the head of state, the octogenarian Husni Mubarak, who has been in power since 1981 and who was admitted to hospital in Germany in March, makes the situation uncertain. And the “ElBaradei effect” all the more powerful. In fact the man in question became a phenomenon in his own country almost without his knowledge, via the Facebook social network and various other websites. This even happened in his absence, as the senior international official, now retired, was travelling abroad when the movement developed. “What ElBaradei says is nothing new. We ourselves have long criticized the negligence and bottlenecks of the Egyptian system,” Mounir Fakhry Abdel Nur (name as published), secretary general of the opposition Wafd Party, said. But this time “it is as though a bombshell had hit the political landscape,” the leader of the former nationalist party said. Whether or not it lasts, this disruption is “a good thing,” Mounir Abdel Nur added. So what did the former IAEA chief say? Nothing shocking -- at least for a country governed by the rule of law. That he could perhaps stand as a candidate in the presidential election scheduled for September 2011. As long as, he specified, the election is “free and honest.” This entails a “revision of the Constitution,” he also warned, and in particular a repeal of the notorious Articles 76 and 77. According to existing legislation, in order to contest a presidential election you must not only belong to a political party legally represented in Parliament for the past five years, but must also have the support of at least 250 members of the People`s Assembly, the Consultative Council, and the Regional Governorate Councils. However, all these bodies are overwhelmingly dominated by the ruling Democratic National Party and its associates. Though intended to exclude the Muslim Brotherhood -- officially banned but in practice tolerated in Parliament -- these constitutional barriers exclude all independent candidates from the electoral contest. As for the state or emergency, decreed in 1981 following President Anwar al-Sadat`s assassination, it still makes it possible to ban demonstrations or public meetings deemed undesirable. Loudly deploring, mainly on talk-shows, these obsolete repressive traps, but also the corruption, incompetence, and social injustice that paralyze Egypt, the untouchable Mohamed ElBaradei has above all rejected the idea of joining a legal party -- which the Constitution requires as a condition for standing as a candidate. “It is unusual to hear such things said by someone such as ElBaradei. He belongs to the establishment, after all! He is a major figure...,” was the comment from academic Madhia Doss (name as published), a member of the secular left, with reference to Mohammed ElBaradei`s first television appearance, a year ago. This, because, though the blaze started suddenly, the embers of opposition have been smoldering for a long time. “Mohammed ElBaradei has arrived at the right time. Not as a savior, no. As a man of integrity. As a sage. He`s not handsome? He lacks charisma? If so, so much the better: we don`t need a Che Guevara!” Alaa al-Aswany said. The author of “The Yacoubian Building” (published by Actes Sud 12006,) a dentist by profession, receives visitors at his modest practice near the banks of the Nile, which he attends twice a week. Like many Egyptians who have joined the pro-ElBaradei movement, the novelist is not very enthusiastic about parties in general, and particularly about the so-called official opposition parties. This has not prevented him from attending all the protest demonstrations of recent years, like the Kafiya (literally “Enough!”) group led by George Ishaq. ElBaradei`s supporters are thirsty for politics! The poet, Abd al-Rahman Yusuf, who launched the website http://www.elbaradei2011.com www.elbaradei2011.com in January, readily admits it. “In principle, true, we should go via the parties. We need them, just as we need shoes to walk in. But, you know, a human being can walk even without shoes!” this forty-something said with a smile, at a table in the Riche cafe in the center of Old Cairo. Like him, most pro-ElBaradei Internet users are apparently aged 35-40. Like him, they belong to the middle classes and are well off. How many people are “marching” against the regime? According to Alaa al-Aswany, almost 160,000 people have already expressed their support for Mohammed ElBaradei on the Facebook network. “We will reach a million,” the novelist predicted. “We will succeed in creating a genuine popular movement; this is our challenge,” Abd al-Rahman Yusuf added. This impetus of opposition, still largely virtual, does not impress the chairman of the Wafd Party, Deputy Mahmud Abaza. “However much steam you produce, it will not make the machine run,” he quipped. More detached, the spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood group in Parliament, Muhammad Saad al-Katatni, welcomes Mohamed ElBaradei`s initiative. He has no problem with the fact that it comes from a secular liberal. “We are in favor of anything that can help to loosen the grip of oppression. Though we realize that there is a long road ahead,” the Islamist leader said. The Muslim Brotherhood, which, despite vote rigging, has 86 members of Parliament (out of a total of 454 deputies,) is a major force on the Egyptian scene. It is often said to be the only opposition force worthy of the name in Egypt. According to Muhammad Saad al-Katatni, there are at any given time “400-500” members in prison. Mohamed ElBaradei is under no illusions. The 30 people that the former UN diplomat invited to his home on the outskirts of Cairo in February of course included the spokesman for the Muslim Brotherhood`s deputies, who sat alongside politicians and artists of different tendencies. Can this heterogeneous grouping, this “rejection coalition,” as its detractors call it, act as the lever for change? Can it eventually impose a new mode of government, fairer and more transparent, that can extricate Egypt from its quagmire? Unless, that is, this agitation dies down as quickly as it has emerged? One thing is certain: Mohamed ElBaradei has caused a surprise -- even in his own camp. “He was not regarded as a political leader. In fact, he was not considered at all: apart from the Muslim Brotherhood, who are brandished as a bugbear, people did not imagine that any alternative to the regime was possible,” Madhia Doss observed. Earlier protest movements “lacked a figurehead,” Islamist deputy al-Katatni said. This gap has now been filled. But for how long? “What unites us is the battle for civil rights, to break down the constitutional barriers that prevent free elections -- nothing more. Apart from that, each has his own vision of Egypt! Mohamed ElBaradei is smart enough not to impose his own,” Alaa al-Aswany said. According to the writer, the fact that the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize winner has spent most of his life away from Cairo is a plus point: “His hands are clean!” Mr al-Aswany smiled. Together with academic Hassan Nafaa and Dr Abu al-Ghar, he is a member of Mohamed ElBaradei`s inner circle. However there can be no question of going, as in February, to Cairo airport to grant a hero`s welcome to the man who is doing his utmost not to be one. On Saturday 20 March, on his return from a foreign tour, Egypt`s outsider will engage in a discreet test of strength with the regime. A major press campaign against the “unacceptable” ElBaradei, as one pro-government newspaper called him, has little chance of stopping him. No more than the intransigent posture adopted by government representatives, who keep saying that there can be no question of amending the Constitution. This, because the former IAEA chief has already changed the situation. The political parties, whatever posture they adopt, have all aged considerably during the past six months. As for the candidacy of Gamal Mubarak, the head of state`s son, considered the “natural” successor to the rais, it now seems to lack supporters. His is whispered to offer an unfortunate counter-example to some countries of the region. “If there is a problem, it will come from the regime, not from us,” Alaa al-Aswany warned. In fact an initial “problem” has already emerged, in Al Fayum province, southeast of Cairo: a doctor, a supporter of ElBaradei, had to be admitted to hospital following a night during which he was held by state security forces. He had been humiliated and beaten black and blue, before being thrown naked onto the city streets in the early morning. “This is the start of a campaign of repression against Mohamed ElBaradei`s supporters,” the victim`s attorney said. Egypt has indeed entered a turbulent period.

That is why I always say We're not Arabs ,,, Good stuff Somali Centric

A&T, you're quoting someone's article but not the actual piece of Goth ........ Then that was 1991 i mean 20 years ago when there was no even proper government ,,,,,,

Here ,,,,

Looks a bit comedy but .......

Boosaaso:Waxaa Labadii Maalmood ee U Danbeysay Shirar Uga Socdeen Niman saraakiil ah oo Mareyka ah iyo Madaxweynaha Puntland Ka dib Muran soo Kala dhex galay habkii uu faroole u marey Xilka qaadictii Osmaan Diyaano OO aaney Ku Qancin Mareykanku. Mareykanku Waxay madaxweynaha Puntland Faroole u sheegeen in Madaxdii kaa Horeysay iyo Madaxweynihii Hore ee soomaaliya ay saxiixeen In ay soomaaliya Ka mid noqotey Dowlaha ladagaalanka Argagixisada.Hay adana How maleyn Go,aankeeda mid lagu deg dego ee waxay u baahan tahay In si taxadar ah looga Tashado. Sidaa darteed Maraykanku waxay Madaxweyne Faroole U sheegeen In Meesha Kharash Badan iyo Shaqo aad u badan Ku baxdey Ciidanka maanta Puntland Jooga waa Ciidanka ugu Qalabka fiican Waxaanu Siinay Tabarka ay Ciidamada Mareykanku qaataan waana ciidanka ugu Tababarka Fiican Puntland Waa ciidankii Is hor istaagay in Ay Puntland Soo hawaysan waayaan ururada Xag Ka jir ka ah ee ka jira Koonfurta Soomaaliya. Sidaa darteed Waxaa Howsha sii wadaaya Osmaan Diyaano Adiguna Jooji Howsha deg Dega ah .Waynu dhamaynaynaa wixii khilaafaad ah madaxweyne Adiga iyo Osmaanba . intaas markii uu yiri mareykankii faroole wuu Xanaaqey wuxuu ugu jawaabey Go,aankaas waxba ka bedelimaayo ninkii aan soo magacaabey baa jooga ninkaas la shaqeeya Hadii Kale iiga guura Puntland . Markii Uu Faroole intaa yiri Waxaa dhinac fadhiyey wiilkiisa Mahamed ah oo Ku yiri Aabe dheh Garoowe usoo Guura markaas xal weyno Helaynaa oo Afsoomali ah. Faroolena Intii buu ku yiri mareykankii . Mareykankiina Aadbey Ula yaabeen hadalka kasoo Yeeray madaxweynaha Sababtoo ah meeshaba ma ooleyn in garoowe Loo sooraro PIs ta Waxayna Go,aan ku gaareen In ay 4 Bilood Gudahood ay waxooda ka qadan doonaan Hadii uusan waxka Bedelin Sida Uu wax u wado.

Bashir always make good & valid points ...... I like how he pisses off the anarchists

Originally posted by Che -Guevara: Jb...Twenty years that paid no real dividends is longtime to dream. In Somaliland, 20 years produced more stability, governance and a real political progress. In Somalia, U already know what that 20 years done to that country.

And i know how to make dreams come true ....... now it is your turn