HERE IS A LONGER VERSION OF THE ARTICLE

We are not all under occupation ,, don't try to drag me into your mud sxb.

Something is not just right here ,,, Indhacadde inside Muqdisho holding a press conference in public... Indhacadde insisting Sh. Sharif is the right leader of the muqaawamah ..... Indhacadde inviting Sh. Sharif to come to the Jubbooyinka ,,,,,,,,, let's wait and see

I followed until the end but nothing came out. I found the beta version on the first page and managed to download though. Lemme install and see bal

Sheik Shariif is their leader but they oppose his position on the Djibouti Accord Something fishy ....... very fishy indeed.

EYL, Somalia Sep 2 (Garowe Online) - The sandy beaches of the Indian Ocean coastline seem ideal for tourism, but the coastal village of Eyl in northeastern Somalia has garnered a reputation for martime piracy in recent years. Locals say that reputation is wrong and unrepresentative of the townspeople, the vast majority of whom openly oppose piracy but have little power to stop it. Abdirahman Ali Ahmed, the local government secretary in Eyl, told us during a recent roadtrip to the historic town that the Puntland regional government has "no ability" to face-off against the heavily-armed pirates. "Puntland's deputy police commander [Mr. Mohamed Haji Aden] came [to Eyl]...he arrested some pirates, wounded others," Mr. Ahmed said, but indicated that security effort ultimately ended in failure because there was no "follow-up action." He condemned foreign shipping companies, who have reportedly paid millions of U.S. dollars in ransom since the beginning of 2008 to Somali pirates. In return, the pirates were only emboldened and their ranks grew, attracting freelance militiamen from "every corner of Somalia," according to Mr. Ahmed. In Eyl, local townspeople rarely, if ever, carry weapons in public. But the pirates - young men strolling in groups of three or four - brandish AK-47 assault rifles, although there is no police presence to challenge them. In one incident, our group of journalists - myself, Mr. Mohamed "Salim" Dahir, who is director of Radio Garowe, and Mr. Nuh Muse Birjeb, the VOA Somali Service's Garowe correspondent - were mistakenly identified as pirates by a group of children, who began chanting: "Burcad-badeed dooni meyno!" (We don't want pirates!) Abdishakur Gorgor, the only independent journalist based in Eyl and regularly sourced by major news organizations like the VOA and the BBC, told us that we were the first group of reporters to visit the remote, mountainous town since 2003. "The locals are eager for journalists to show the real image of Eyl, which does not include pirates," he added. Many of Eyl's townspeople agree with this assertion. The lady-owner at a restaurant we ate at said: "The children here think every new face is a pirate. This is what Eyl has become." But there is much more to Eyl than piracy. This rocky terrain that once served as the headquarters of 20th century Somali freedom fighter Sayyid Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, wrongly labeled the "Mad Mullah" by Western historians, is home to families who have lived and tilled this land for centuries. The Sayyid's tower, known locally as Daarta Sayyidka, stands tall but is in much need of renovation to preserve the proud and gallant struggle he led to liberate the Somali Peninsula from the talons of European colonizers and their Ethiopian stooges. And for me, my family history is deeply rooted here, where both my grandfathers were born and grew up among the gardens of Eyl, which remain an uncommon feature in much of semi-arid Puntland. Social challenges While the world focuses on piracy, locals here are concerned about important issues such as their children's education and health. Dr. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, the director of Eyl's only hospital and the town's only medical doctor, says there are serious health issues in Eyl but that local medical staff lack the capacity to deal with such issues. "The hospital cannot deal with major health challenges," Dr. Ahmed said, adding: "There are major problems, in terms of access to medicines and employees salary. We do not receive any assistance, except from the Red Cross." Somalis in the Diaspora helped build a Delivery Room, but the local hospital is waiting for proper equipment before services can begin. He says the Puntland regional government, especially the Ministry of Health, has no presence in Eyl and therefore townspeople are forced to help themselves. Recently, during a watery diarrhea outbreak that killed 30 people since March, locals collected 40 million Somali Shillings (approx. US$1,150) to deal with the growing health problem. Jama Salad Abdulle, the town's caretaker director of social affairs, told us that a total of seven schools are "near closing," due to lack of funds. "There are 1,220 students attending six primary schools and 40 students in the town's only secondary school," Mr. Abdulle said, while expressing concern that the schools might shut down because local families cannot afford to pay for school services. He stated that local schools "do not receive any assistance" from the Puntland regional administration. Piracy along Somalia's shores is partly due to the international community's negligence of growing disorder in the Horn of Africa country, which is undergoing nearly 18 years of civil war and foreign occupation. The world's ability to help stabilize Somalia will result in the gradual decrease of piracy. But continued negligence of the political chaos in Mogadishu and elsewhere will only embolden piracy, if not create new criminal challenges that present renewed threats to the globe's security and economic interests.

Appeal To: The President of Somaliland

don't vomit in the mosque ,,,,,, mid baa maalin show inta uu soo dhergay sidaas oo kele taraawiixdii iska yimid ,, he couldn't hold but started to shower everybody with his vomit .... meesha dhan wada bariis and suugo ayay noqotay ,,,,,,,,,

Good morning ,,, i can see the SOL is back to life again. I tried my best to go home before 1am and i can't. I can do it only after that time. Working hours has slightly changed ,,, it is from 7am - 2pm now ......... not bad eh ?

Xabashi baa lagu waashay just like carabta ay Yuhuud ugu waalatay .........

Stuff and Nonsense ..........

Ramadan Karim sxb ,,, beryahan waa lagu waayaye ,,, xagee ku qarisay

Ngonge, what did you tell this guy ??

End of the day here ,,,,,,, i'm heading home for some sleep before the Afur IA ,,,,,,,

BBC News, Nairobi , 1 Sept. 2008--In a secluded house just outside the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, a group of men and women meet at least once a week to worship in secret. Their prayer session is simple and conducted in Somali. Elders take turns to pray or read verses from the Somali bible before a sermon is delivered. There are dozens of Somalis living in Nairobi who have converted from Islam to Christianity. Some say they have been practising Christianity for more than 10 years. But they live in constant fear of persecution from members of the Somali community, which is predominantly Muslim. There is a sizeable Somali community in Kenya, comprising ethnic Somali Kenyans, and a large number of refugees from Somalia. Most of the community lives in Nairobi's Eastleigh Estate, which is now referred to as Little Mogadishu, after Somalia's capital. Fundamentalist threat Many of the refugees fled the war in Somalia. For a few, it was the threat of religious persecution that forced them to leave their homes and seek refuge in Kenya.

hadhwanaag 2008-09-01 (Hadhwanaagnews) Hargeysa,(HWN):- Qaybtii u horeysay ee qalabkii loogu tallo galay hawsha diwaan-gelinta codbixiyayasasha doorashooyinka ayaa maanta ka soo degay gegida diyaaradaha ee Egal International ee Magaalada Hargeysa. Qalabkan oo isugu jira agabka laga samaynayo Kaadhadhka Aqoonsiga iyo ka Codbixiyaasha. Gudoomiyaha Guddida Diiwaan-gelinta ee Koomishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka Md: Ismaaciil Muuse Nuur ayaa sheegay in qalabkani yahay kii ugu horeeyay ee lagu bilaabi lahaa hawsha diwaan-gelinta codbixiyeyaasha, isla markaana ay daba socoto oo bishan 14-keeda ay soo dhamaan doonaan qalabkii loogu tallo galay codbixiyeyaasha Doorashooyinka si dhakhso ahna loo bilaabi doono. Gudoomiyaha guddida diiwaangelinta waxa uu xusay in qalabkan ay ka yimaadeen wadanka China iyo Hindiya isla markaana ay waday shirkada Copenhegan Election oo ay kala wareegi doonaan tijaabintan. Ugu horayna isaga oo qalabkan faahfaahin ka bixinaya waxa uu yidhi "Qalabkan soo degay waxa weeye "Stationery" iyo waraaqihii adkaa ee laga samaynayay Kaadhadhka aqoonsiga iyo ka codbixiyeyaasha Doorashooyinka markaa 90% alaabtii lagu isticmaalayay goobaha Doorashooyinka weeye qalabkan noo soo degay imika. Waxa kale oo iman doona bishan 14-keeda qalabkii Electronic's-ka ahaa sida Koombuyuutaradii kuwii wax lagu daabacayay iyo Kamaradihii oo isku rakiban oo hal sadnuuq ku wada jira, markaa qalabkaasi markuu soo dego xabadxabad ayaanu u tijaabinaynaa waxaana noo sameeyay qalabkan shirkada la yidhaahdo ECIOL. Anaguna Company Maraykan ah ayaan yeelanay oo ku takhasusay ilaalinta tayada qalabka si ay u eegaan in alaabtani tahay mid tayo leh oo ah tii aanu dalbanay anaguna waanu tagnay oo waanu soo eegnay alaabtaasi, alaabtaasina waa tii u horaysay ee hawlahan diiwaangelinta lagu bilaabayay waxaana siday Diyaarad Chek ah. Alaabtan qaarkood waxay ka timid Chinaha iyo Haydaro baad oo ka mid ah dalka Hindiya waxayna markii hore yimaadeen Dubia oo markii hore diyaaradani ka soo qaaday. Wixii guur guur ah iyo rarid ah waxa qaabilsan shirkada la yidhaahdo Copenhegan Election oo ninka agaasimaha ka ahi uu la socdo alaabtan imika oo uu keenay lanoo soo dhiibay. Shirkadan Copenhegan Election waa shirkad shaqadeedu tahay in alaabtaa meelaha kala duwan lagu sameeyay ay soo qaado oo ay ilaaliso. Mar wax laga waydiiyay meesha ay ka keeneen lacagta ay ku soo iibiyeen alaabtan waxa uu ku jawaabay "Lacagta lagu soo iibiyay waa lacagtii Komishanka la siiyay ayaanu qandaraas ku bixinay dad aanu qandaraaskaas aanu siinayna ayaa alaabtan noo keenay markaa AU-da iyo wadamada Denmarka, Sweden iyo Norway iyagu lacagta ayay na siiyeen lacagtii ayaanu markaa qandaraas ku siinay shirkadahaas. Shirkad walba wixii ay noo keenaysay waanu u tilmaanay, markaa wakhtiga ayaa la gaadhay wixii la bilaabi lahaa tan ayaana u horaysa". Sidoo kale waxa wax laga waydiiyay shirkada Copenhegan Election oo dad badani ay ku sheegeen inay tahay shirkad aan jirin oo ay Komishanku heshiis la galeen waxa uu ku jawaabay "Shirkadan Copenhegan Election iyadu shaqo kuma laha Doorashooyinka kamana shaqayso, shaqadeeduna waa rarista qalabka. Shirkadani wax samaysan ayay soo qaadaa oo ay meeshii looga baahnaa keentaa waana shirkad wayn oo laga yaqaan Denmark".

John McCain VP Sarah Palin Scandal in Alaska

McCain's VP Pick Palin Facing Ethics Investigation For most of her tenure as governor of Alaska, Sarah Palin has enjoyed widespread popularity and a reputation as a maverick who refused to stand by fellow Alaska Republicans facing their own ethics scandals. But the 44-year-old Palin, who was selected as Sen. John McCain's running mate today, is now the focus of her own state ethics investigation as part of the so-called "Troopergate" scandal, a bizarre controversy involving the firing of a state police chief and his reluctance to fire an Alaska state trooper, Palin's former brother-in-law who has been involved in a bitter custody fight with her younger sister. Just two weeks ago, Palin revealed an audio recording of an aide pressuring the state's Public Safety Department to fire trooper Mike Wooten, the Anchorage Daily News reported. Palin also acknowledged that her staff had contacted Public Safety Commissioner Walt Monegan about two dozen times about Wooten. Monegan himself was fired July 11 (the dismissal was "out of the blue," he told reporters) and he later said that he was pressured by Palin's staff and family to get rid of Wooten, a trooper based in Palmer, Alaska. (To counter the "Troopergate" tag, the alternative-weekly Anchorage Press has dubbed the firing scandal "Wootengate") The accusations first surfaced via the blog of former Alaska state rep. Andrew Halcro, who unsuccessfully ran against Palin in 2006. (On Palin's selection as McCain's vice-presidential pick, Halcro wrote that "this shocking choice says more about McCain's desparation than it does about Palin's qualifications.") In July, Palin came under a state ethics investigation and critics have said Palin's claim that she did not know of the political pressure being placed on Monegan was a "little too convenient." One fellow lawmaker, state Sen. Hollis French, a Democrat, told The Wall Street Journal that Palin could face impeachment. After French's comments, Palin ordered the investigation into Monegan's firing and told CNBC last month that lawmakers were unfairly targeting her. "It's cool. I want them to ask me the questions. I don't have anything to hide," she said during the interview. "Didn't do anything wrong there." The investigation is expected to cost about $100,000 and last at least three months, according to The Associated Press. The governor has insisted that her decision to fire Monegan in July had nothing to do with former brother-in-law Wooten. Instead, she argued that Monegan "wasn't doing enough to fill state trooper vacancies and battle alcohol abuse issues," according to the Daily News. The Daily News reports the Palins' fight with Wooten has been especially nasty and public, with the family accusing Wooten of drunken driving, illegal hunting and child abuse, among other charges, based on information culled from private investigators. Wooten and Palin's sister, Molly McCann, divorced in 2005. The governor's husband, Todd Palin, told the Daily News that his family was also concerned about the governor's safety, saying Wooten threatened to kill the governor's father and made vague threats to her that he would bring Palin down.

The 17-year-old unmarried daughter of Republican vice presidential candidate Sarah Palin is pregnant Bristol Palin, one of the Alaska Governor's five children, is about five months pregnant and is going to keep the child and marry the father, according to aides of Republican presidential candidate John McCain. Bristol made the decision on her own to keep the baby, the aides said. The Palins, in a statement released by the McCain campaign, said Bristol "came to us with news that we as parents knew would make her grow up faster than we had ever planned". Senior McCain campaign officials said Senator McCain knew of the daughter's pregnancy when he selected Mrs Palin last week as his vice presidential running mate. McCain officials said the news of the daughter's pregnancy was being released to rebut what one aide called "mud-slinging and lies" that have circulated on liberal blog sites. According to these rumours, Sarah Palin had faked a pregnancy and pretended to have given birth in April to her fifth child, a son named Trig who has Down's syndrome. The rumour was that Trig was actually Bristol Palin's child and that Sarah Palin was the grandmother. Mrs Palin is staunchly anti-abortion, and pro-life groups welcomed the decision to keep the child. Sky News political analyst Jon-Christopher Bua said: "This surprise announcement by Ms Palin raises more questions about the thoroughness of the McCain vetting process. "Some believe that Mr McCain made the last minute decision to select Mrs Palin in an attempt to appeal to the Christain Evangelical Republican base and disgruntled Hillary Clinton voters. "Since the normal vetting process may have been truncated, what other surprises could be in store?"

The Yesterday-born kids don't know how the unity was formed .......... quite sad indeed.

BERBERA, Somalia Sep 2 (Garowe Online) - Police authorities in Somalia's breakaway republic of Somaliland arrested five men on Monday on suspicions of piracy, Radio Garowe reported. The five men include Somalis from the Somaliland regions, as well as others from neighboring Puntland, a region renowned for pirate activities. Mohamed Dubad, Somaliland's police commissioner, confirmed to local media that the five men were detained at a house in the port city of Berbera and are being held at the police station. But he declined further comment, saying that the case is "under investigation." Security sources in Berbera said the five suspects were "planning" to hijack ships and hold them hostage for ransom payment. Currently, there are at least six foreign ships being held for ransom near Somalia's Puntland coast.

Originally posted by Username: Ethiopia basically controlls northwest somalia('somaliland'), the ethiopians use berbera port and can basically do as they please.

Morning CL ,,,,,

KUALA LUMPUR, Sept 2 (Reuters) - Malaysia's national shipping line MISC stopped its ships from entering the Gulf of Aden on Tuesday after two of its vessels were hijacked in the piracy-prone waters. Pirates from Somalia have hijacked at least 30 ships in the area so far this year, making the waters off the Horn of Africa nation the most dangerous in the world. They included two MISC ships seized on Aug. 19 and Aug. 29. "MISC has with immediate effect put a halt on all its vessels ... entering the Gulf of Aden until additional security measures by MISC are in place to enhance the safety of its vessels and crew," MISC said in a statement. MISC, part of state energy firm Petronas [PETR.UL], has more than 100 ships. MISC said negotiations were continuing for the safe release of the crew of Bunga Melati Dua, which had 29 Malaysians and 10 Filipinos on board when it was seized on Aug 19. But the firm has yet to establish communications with Bunga Melati 5, which was hijacked on Aug. 29, it said. The ship had 36 Malaysians and five Filipinos on board. A Somali government official said on Sunday Somali pirates were taking Bunga Melati 5 to their coastal base, where gunmen are already holding at least nine vessels for ransom. The Bunga Melati 5 was carrying 30,000 tonnes of petrochemicals to Singapore from Saudi Arabia when it was seized. Lawlessness is spreading fast onshore as Somalia collapses into the worst fighting for two nearly decades. That is fuelling a wave of piracy that increasingly threatens vessels using the Gulf of Aden, one of the world's most important waterways. Nearly 20,000 ships pass through the Gulf of Aden each year, heading to and from the Suez Canal. Two weeks ago, Somali gunmen seized a record four ships in 48 hours, and are now holding about 130 crew hostage.

Over the past two decades, develop­ment practitioners and donor agen­cies have been pre-occupied with the need to engage more effectively with fragile states. In many fragile societies, the state-building process is a violent one, leading to human tragedy and the destruction of infra­structure. Donors have been reassessing how they engage with such societies to move away from the traditional ‘response to crises’, to an approach that is more effective and involves the people they are trying to help. Some researchers (Fritz and Rocha Menocal, 2007) observe that the state-building model promoted by donors has a narrow focus and fails to address some of the challenges facing fragile societies. This model – state-building through the promotion of democracy based on market economics – may need rethinking. Several alternatives have been proposed, including state-building efforts that are shaped and led from within the state to ensure legiti­macy and sustainability. In the absence of a comprehensive and internationally accepted state-building strat­egy, it would be sensible to adopt a strategy that would support peaceful local/internal state-building processes in fragile societies. The purpose would be two-fold: to give donors ‘entry points’ to engage effectively with these types of societies in areas where they could actually make a positive impact; and to move away from their comfort zone to focus on local ownership as the key ingredient. It would be especially important to shift the focus of donor engagement on such processes that have had either minimal or no donor or other support to sustain them. Somaliland casts light on such an approach. Here, peaceful, indigenous state-building proc­esses have benefited from limited donor assist­ance. Since 2000, Somalia has received an average of around £100 million a year from the international community, with the bulk of fund­ing going to the south of the country. However, this imbalance is slowly changing. The UK gov­ernment, for example, has increased funding for Somaliland’s home-grown initiatives over the past six years. Funding from the UK Department for International Development (DFID) for its over­all Somalia development programme increased from £3.1 million in 2002-2003 to £26.5 million in 2007-2008. Somaliland now receives around half of this funding for governance, security, emergency humanitarian relief and assistance to service delivery. DFID also provides institutional support through a partnership with the UN Development Programme (UNDP), including capacity-building for key ministries and local administrations and support for a new constitutional process. This partnership also focuses on establishing the rule of law, including training for the police and judiciary. DFID not only co-funds the Interpeace programme to promote peace-building across Somalia, it also funded Somaliland’s demo­cratic presidential elections in 2003, as well as the parliamentary and local elections in 2005. Somaliland is unique in that, unlike south­ern Somalia, it has restored law and order and become one of the most democratic parts of the Muslim world (Bradbury, 2008). The dynamics of its reconciliation process revolve around a complex interplay of modern forces on the one hand, comprising the generation of African post-colonial liberation-cum-resistance and, on the other, the traditional, indigenous forces of the north-west’s clan leadership (Hussein, 2003). In the early 1990s these forces were accom­modated by several “hybrid” institutions, mixing western and traditional forms of government. Somaliland adopted a national charter known as a beel – a clan or community system. The beel system of government acknowl­edges kinship as the organising principle of society. It has developed into a power-sharing coalition of Somaliland’s main clans, integrat­ing tradition and modernity in one holistic governance framework. This framework, which aims to foster ‘popular participation’ in governance, might best define the essence of democracy without Western connotations. The structure is comprised of an executive (Golaha Xukuumadda) with a president and vice-president and council of ministers, a legislature that includes a bicameral parliament with an upper house of elders (Golaha Guurtida) and a house of representatives (Golaha Wakiillada), and an inde­pendent judiciary. Presidential appointments to the executive are made to ensure a clan balance. In the upper and lower houses of parliament, seats are proportionally allocated to clans. This political system integrates traditional authorities in the state administration to guard against the re-emergence of authoritarian rule. The role of elders was formally recognised by giving them responsibility for selecting a president, ensuring state security by managing internal con­flicts and demobilising the militia. The masterstroke of this hybrid system is the incorporation of the elders into the upper house of the new legislature to act as a check on the executive and the repre­sentatives. For Somaliland, donor aid has played an integral role in sustaining and even developing these institutions and arrangements. The result: a peaceful and developmental society in the midst of a chaotic regional environment. Somaliland demonstrates that aid can make a difference if targeted to the right areas. Similarly, if we look hard enough, we can find other ‘progressive nuggets’ in similarly fragile settings. The task before us, therefore, is to identify these nuggets of devel­opment and use aid to nurture and sustain them. Although state-building in Somaliland has been an internal initiative, the authorities in Hargeisa have worked with donors from the beginning, advis­ing them on the funds and assistance needed. The analysis of peaceful indigenous state-making processes in fragile societies, backed by efficient and limited donor aid, could inform a possible new donor engagement approach in such societies. Donors have not yet found concrete ways to make failed states function, and in the absence of a comprehensive and internationally accepted state-building strategy, it is vital that donors engage with the indigenous, local, peaceful processes that are already taking place, and foster them through sustainable aid. In conclusion, donors need to be both sensi­tive and attentive to indigenous state-building and developmental processes. Their understandable urge to act at speed should not jeopardise devel­opmental work alongside fragile societies. This is work that will, in the long-term, help to remove that fragility as Somaliland demonstrates. There, we have seen the value of allowing citizens to share their own vision of the future and the kind of state they want. Written by Timothy Othieno, ODI