Actually abdiweli this guy is not bad two He is from gedo a member of damuljadiid, he is actually perfect he Is good with the arabs the kenyans and ethiopians are fine with him and he is from the far south gedo region he is related two the vide president of jubba state.

I found the article on wardheernews. There are some contradictions in the article though.

SOMALIA’S UNITY AT CROSSROADS December 12, 2013 By Jama sharmarke Somalia represents the worst kind of a fragmented modern state. In practical terms, the country is a welter of self-regulating tribal homelands over which the central authority cannot exercise jurisdiction. Its national unity is beset with unprecedented level of challenges in the definition and implementation of federalism and most importantly in the ways the case of northern regions (Somaliland) – the most administratively advanced polity claiming full independence and sovereignty – is handled by Mogadishu. Somaliland, a practical de facto state, argues to have reinstated the independence bequeathed to British Somaliland Protectorate by England in 1960. Locally, its secessionist agenda has been gaining currency among the wider society for a couple of reasons. Firstly, Somaliland has been evolving as a peaceful polity with functional governance structures while the South continued to descend into internecine warfare over decades. Under the spell Somaliland’s parallel propaganda, many of the war-traumatized populace bought into the delusion that their interest lies in the secessionist project. Secondly, Northern Unionists have always been on the political sidelines at least over the last ten years because balance of power has flagrantly been disregarded except for a rare instance when Dr. Ali Kalif Gallayr was selected as a Prime Minister during the Carta Peace Process. The kernel of truth is that marginalization of Northern Unionists, which is very often overlooked or even taken for granted, is equally another dangerous factor providing an impetus to secessionist aspiration. Therefore, this piece attempts to draw the attention of decision makers in Mogadishu to the dire need for a new modus Vivendi putting an end to the long practiced dominion over state affairs by the South, which is obviously beyond the pale. Because not only does it send an unwelcoming signal to northerners, but it strenuously infuses them with fear of oppressive marginalization- one of the strongest reasons for separation – that is hardly wired in their psyche. The Lopsided power relations The preponderance of the population in the North (Somaliland) views future of national unity with great trepidation owing to the hideous lopsided political representation which has been the hallmark of all administrations established after the downfall of the military regime. Except President Abdiqasim’s government, all subsequent governments were unjustifiably characterized by asymmetrical power relations between the North and the South – the two regions united to create the Republic of Somalia in 1960. Now, more than sixty years after that historic merger, the unity of Somalia is largely threatened not because of the de facto state of Somaliland, but because of policies of alienation pursued by Southern leaders. Concerns about Somalia’s Unity raised by a recent op-ed by Mr. Bihi is a true reflection of growing disaffection with the absence of the northerners in the corridors of powers and at the same time a wakeup call for President Hassan Sheik Mohamoud. The exigency of reuniting a badly fragmented country whose subjects are torn asunder by hostility thrusts such a great responsibility on him that he should think long and hard in order to take a strategic decision reversing the lopsided power sharing for the preservation of unity. A carefully designed genuine reconciliation buttressed by principles of healing traumatized psyche, fair political representation and resources distribution may properly enhance and sustain the process of state building and national unity. Contrarily, reinvention of the déjà vu egocentric politics sidelining northerners is a flippant mentality that cannot proselytize them into embracing voluntary unity anew. Therefore, it is imperative that the issue of separation should be properly contextualized as a manifestation of a defiant protest against subordination by the North when Ali Mahdi Mohamed was unexpectedly appointed as an interim president without prior consultation with relevant stakeholders. Understanding of this causal relationship between irredentist aspiration and fear of marginalization is of vital importance, if the national unity is to be addressed dexterously by the current president. The cost of alienation More often than not, Northerners are befuddled by this very common justification from the general populace and educated elites in the South ‘Because you have your own separate government in Somaliland’ when seeking to get a reasonable response as to why a northerner could not be chosen as a President or a Prime Minister, as if Somaliland’s coming back to the beaten track of national unity were a precondition for their recognition as equal citizens. Consequently, northerners have been simmering with resentment over such discriminatory practices and attitudes entrenched over years and accentuated by usurpation of power by their fellow southerners. Logically, this trend of power relation reinforces the atavistic fear of oppression ingrained in the Northern population, underscores propensity for separation and renders even the stubborn northern unionists weak-need and irresolute. It was because of this very disheartening paradox that made Professor Ahmed Ismail Samatar, who had been unequivocal about Somalia’s territorial integrity through his scholarly work over decades, feel dishonored by the capital which he tirelessly sketched out as nexus of the Somali nation. Reaching a point of no return, he succumbed to inescapable realities and received a hero-welcome by the breakaway Republic of Somaliland. Generally, Southerners’ ostensible discourse on national unity is critically denuded of dexterity of political consciousness and commitment. However, the current president rhetorically claims to treat unity as a top national priority as evidenced by his six pillar framework. Through his gesture politics, he seemingly crusades against secessionism, ostensibly for the sake of sanctity of national unity, but in actual fact he fell into the trap of adopting a minimalist approach and therefore exacerbated the underlying cause of separation by overlooking significance of fair power sharing to such a noble weighty national cause. Hitherto, the current modus operandi plays a similar dangerous role in solidifying secessionist aspiration to that of Somaliland which portrays it as the sole choice of governance for northerners. However, to give credit where credit’s due, the Federal Government has started bilateral talks with Somaliland which has been brokered by the international community. Then, the question is this: Did leniency on the issue of national unity showed by negotiating delegates from the Federal Government yield reciprocal understanding from Somaliland leading to a convergence of interests in possible reunion of whatsoever form? Or have these talks already ameliorated Somaliland’s standing in international arena as an independent entity seeking for dissolution of marriage from its former mother country? Why does the Federal Government refrain from opening up parallel avenues of communication with the like-minded communities in the north? Why it is still a red line to pick up a northerner as a Prime Minister? bubaIn fact, odds are actually stacked against significant gains to be made in the process of these talks- which may take time and continue- but one thing is certain: perpetuation of political marginalization is going to work against efforts to win the minds and hearts of northerners, convincing them of the legitimacy of separation in order to avert a second dehumanizing mischief from a predatory southern ruler. Selection of the new prime Minister Now, President Hassan Sheik Mohamoud has every opportunity to set the ball rolling and pick up the new Prime Minster from the North. Not only will such a strategic decision promote citizens’ equality by obliterating the long established culture of political marginalization, but it will create a sense of confidence that will radiate out to throughout the North. Only after seeing themselves represented in the highest echelons of state apparatus- the premiership- will Northerners become psychologically more receptive to the idea of unity than ever before and at the same time the haunting nightmare of ruthless rogue blotting against them will vanish with the course of time. However, for all that glitters is not gold, being a northerner should not be the main condition for the Premiership; potential candidates should be astute politicians of a higher caliber with proven track record who are well-versed with political dynamics at domestic, regional and international levels. A possible candidate who can satisfactorily meet these qualifications is Professor Ismail Hurreh Bubbaa, a well-known academician and shrewd politician. Unlike certain politicians in Sa’id’s government whose loyalty to unity is questioned and criticized for entryism, he is renowned for his unwavering nationalist convictions and draws a great support from the north and other Somalis alike. Because of his accumulated experience in the field of Somali politics, pragmatism, strategic thinking and international connections, Mr. Bubba is highly believed to be a worthy vessel for the nation’s aspiration for a united, peaceful and modern Somalia. Finally, in our modern history, only the president has the power and opportunity to be remembered as justice and national unity trailblazer, if he dares to redress the balances.

Somalidu berigi hore wey caafimad qabeen there were Puntland MPS from Lowershabelle There was even a bigfoot MP from Hargeisa

^^ My sources in Villa Somalia.

Source http://www.ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/entertainment/artikel.php?ID=293501

100 Most Influential Africans announced 28 NOV 2013 09:15 SUBMIT A COMMENTBIZLIKE The list of the '100 Most Influential Africans', which offers a glimpse into the diverse breed of young and established leaders intent on reinventing the face of Africa, has been released by pan African publication, New African. Nigeria leads the way with the highest number of influential figures, taking up 23 spaces on the list with an incredibly wide spread over all categories, as well as dominating the business scene. South Africa occupies 22 spaces on the list. Founder/CEO of pan-African branding and reputation advisory firm, Brand Leadership Group and founder/chairman of Brand Africa, SA-born brand authority Thebe Ikalafeng, features in the business list, along with others such as former President Thabo Mbeki, AFI founder, Dr. Precious Motsepe, political firebrand, former minister in the Mandela presidency Jay Naidoo, Julius Malema, comedian, Trevor Noah and Richemont CEO, Johann Rupert, are included in the list of influential South Africans. A small contribution "While what we do is not for the glory but a small contribution to changing the narrative and image of Africa, it is a humbling honour to be recognised along these giants of Africa," says Ikalafeng. "As the fastest growing continent with raw potential, there is much interest in Africa today. To build a sustainable reputation and competitiveness for Africa requires committed and passionate Africans and the diaspora in the service of Africa. I'm inspired by the many men and women in this list because they're doing just that." Of the 32 women on the list, Zuriel Oduwole from Nigeria has at the young age of 11 been making waves across Africa in the fight for women's education. Her accomplishments to date include having interviews with eight African heads of state and the launch of a mentorship programme for girls. Former foreign minister of Somaliland, Edna Adan, 76, a pioneer for women's rights and women's health, is the oldest female on the list. As director and founder of the Edna Adan Maternity Hospital she remains an activist in the struggle for the abolition of female circumcision. For more, access the full list in the December issue of New African.

Damul jadiid agrees to appoint Xalane as the next prime minister.

^^ No one is forcing you to believe it.

Rashiid arrives in Hargeisa

Malistar amiir godane is killing mps attacking kenya attacking bosaaso beledweyne. Alshabaab is far from defeated they might lose lands but they are still a major threat to the fragile govt The point of simon is that there are deep divisions in somalia. And this can cause the balkanisation.

Ofcourse there are concerns the amount of investments what company should it be leased to how will it be managed for how long,berbera has allot of potential its located in a very strategic place.

Actually simon was spot on somalis want confederate states we'll atleast in the case of puntland.. Lol @ malistar putting his hopes on the UN.the somali civil war is not won in the UN it won inside the former somali republic. Unless malistar wants blue helmets on the ground to protect his clan from amiir godane

Culusow would be finishing this term with the next pm. The yusra girl tarnished the govt and the trust of the international donors so saacid had to go. But I don't fear for hassan sheikh. He has qatari support and the international community support and the parliament who is going to force culusow to resign.

Culusow wants some one like saacid, he wants some one he can build on culusow wants to lead somalia under his vision. He can't have some one like cabdi cawar or cumar buur who would be taking orders from puntland. Culusow is actually is the smartest hag president since 1991.

The UN does not keept countries together they provide assistance to legit states. At the end of the day it it somalis that decide where its heading and they are still not in agreement 23 years and counting. The UN has the power to sanction member states but have no power over non member states. The UN are aslo a problem to africa look how they raped the congo.

indeed Berbera port has the potential to become a major commercial hub in East Africa

i foresee a progressive automobile industry in the near future that is if Somalilanders use their human resources to the fullest extent , Somaliand can produce better cars than presented here, but Somalilanders need to unite their strength and visions.

Well done this looks promising.

It doesn't really matter The president actually controls everything from government to state affairs the next PM will most likely be just like saacid and operate as a mere vice president.

Waayo xalane ma nin xun baa

Indeed it touched on all major issues, and why the balkinasation might happen. It is very interesting.

As for the African Union (AU), Somaliland satisfies the controversial convention that Africa's borders should by and large mirror those existing at the end of the colonial era. British Somaliland was, after all, a political entity separate from Italian Somaliland. Legalities, however, do not tell the whole story. The real opposition is political and the little wannabe country is up against powerful foes. Most obviously, Somalia, its mother country, is not particularly interested in losing territory that officially belongs to it, especially as Somaliland represents one of the few areas within its borders that works. Few official figures exist on Somaliland's economy, but a 2006 World Bank Report said its GDP was $1.3 billion, with 65% generated by agriculture and livestock. (The only sheep that can be slaughtered in Mecca come from Somaliland, as it is a special breed favoured by the Prophet back in the day.) There is a sense among some Somalis that Somaliland should be trying to spread its peace and stability through the rest of the country, rather than seeking to separate itself. "Many people in south-central Somalia feel that Somaliland has done extraordinarily well, and that instead of helping and assisting their brothers to the south they are just running away from the fire instead of contributing in [sic] putting out that fire," Mr Aynte observed. For Somalia's federal government, Somaliland's independence is not even up for discussion. In the wake of recent, very tentative talks between Somalia and Somaliland in Istanbul in July, Somalia's President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud expressed his position in no uncertain terms in a statement to Somali media: "With the good offices of the government of Turkey, we have continued our dialogue with the authorities in Somaliland, underscoring our determination to preserve the unity of the country, not by force and coercion, but through dialogue." But Somaliland faces a far larger obstacle in the form of the AU. Its members worry that recognising Somaliland could reinvigorate secessionist movements within their own countries. "The African Union detests the idea of secessions because it opens a can of worms for them," Mr Aynte said. The first and only time the issue of Somaliland was brought formally before the AU was in November 2005 during a meeting of the Peace and Security Council, the AU body responsible for solving and preventing conflict. The commissioners at that meeting quietly shelved the issue. It has not been seriously considered since. AU recognition is vital, because it also determines the international community's response. The United States, the United Nations and the European Union have all said they would be willing to consider Somaliland's independence, but only if the AU does so first. Somaliland's struggle for international recognition has informed the political direction of other semi-autonomous entities within Somalia, most notably Puntland. Located in northern Somalia, just east of Somaliland, Puntland has also created its own governance infrastructure, declaring its autonomy in 1998 following a conference of political elites, tribal elders, business leaders and civil society representatives which sought relief from the ongoing civil war. Like Somaliland, it is to all intents and purposes an independent state. Unlike Somaliland, it even has its own air force. But - mindful of Somaliland's failures in this regard - Puntland has never sought or claimed to be independent. It is not, strictly speaking, a secessionist movement, although it maintains complete control over its internal affairs. This paradox was neatly illustrated in August 2013, when Puntland's government abruptly cut ties with Mogadishu. "Puntland will suspend all cooperation and relations with Somali Federal Government until the country's genuine federal constitution is restored," said Abdirahman Farole, Puntland's president, following a spat with Mogadishu about whether Puntland's education qualifications should be accepted at a national level. "Puntland educational certificates do not require Mogadishu's stamp of approval. If anything, Puntland should approve Mogadishu's educational certificates, because Puntland has a unified curriculum, functioning institutions, standardised examinations, and an educational policy," the president explained in a speech marking Puntland's 15th anniversary of self-governance on August 1st 2013. Puntland, in other words, wants to be part of a federal Somalia, just as long as the federal government does not interfere too much. It may not officially aspire to independence, like Somaliland, but it demands almost complete autonomy from Mogadishu. And, thanks to Mogadishu's weakness, it gets it. Puntland's position is not unique. Somalia's current constitution, passed in August 2012, is based on federalism, which envisages strong regional and weak central government - a reaction to the leadership vacuum in Somalia over the past two decades and Mr Barre's brutal authoritarianism. But there is considerable disagreement both within the federal government and between the various regions (including Puntland and Somaliland) about the divisions of power within this federal system. "What people want is not a separation. What they all want is confederation," said Mr Aynte, referencing research performed by his think-tank. "A very loose link to the central government in Mogadishu, and almost entire autonomy for everything else. Almost like a European Union-type confederation; they might not know the political-science terms for these things but what they're saying to us is they want very minimal relations with the central government," he said. "The federal government is not receptive to this idea. Some think the Mogadishu government is even resisting the idea of a federation, let alone a confederation. What they want is more of a centralised unitary state where the ultimate power rests with the central government but where regions are responsible for administration." Mogadishu's position is not limited to holding on to its territory and expanding its power base, although those are both powerful factors. It is also mindful that allowing Somaliland and Puntland too much autonomy sets a precedent, which Somalia's other regions could follow; and, dangerously, which neighbouring countries could take advantage of. Jubaland, a region in southern Somalia, is a prime example of these fears. Its main city, Kismayo, is Somalia's second largest and a former stronghold of the Shabab. Sheikh Ahmed Madobe, leader of the infamous Ras Kamboni militia, which fought alongside Kenya during the 2011 invasion, now runs this approximately 87,000 square kilometre territory, slightly larger than Austria. An agreement with Somalia's federal government signed in August in Addis Ababa, officially known as the Jubba Interim Administration, has legitimised Mr Madobe's control. Some have hailed this agreement as a victory for Somalia's neighbours because it put Kenya and Ethiopia in an excellent position to capitalise on Sheikh Madobe's notoriously fickle loyalties. (His Ras Kamboni brigade was once an important strategic ally for the Shabab.) Kenya, in particular, is known to be invested in the idea of Jubaland as a friendly buffer state, which will insulate it from Somalia's instabilities. Nairobi is unlikely to pass up the opportunity to wield its influence there, even if it seriously undermines the Mogadishu government. Somalia is often described as one of the world's most homogenous nations, a place where almost everyone shares the same language, religion and ethnicity. This fact is often cited to underline the observation that homogeneity does not necessarily breed peace and stability; that humans, no matter how alike, can always find concerns that divide them and issues to fight over. The various semi-autonomous, fully autonomous and would-be independent regions, which the hapless Mogadishu government tries to rule, seem to prove this dictum. Another lesson, however, can be drawn from Somalia's balkanisation, one that is a little more encouraging. In the midst of all the fighting and the poverty, pockets of the country work, particularly Somaliland. In the world's most failed state, some areas have succeeded. Perhaps Somalia, and the international community, should be encouraging these areas to share these governance lessons with the rest of the country, rather than force them to bow to the authority of a government in Mogadishu that has contributed so much to Somalia's malaise.