Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Beled Weyne ayaan goor subax ah ka baxnay. Waxaan tagnay barta ciidanku fadhiyo ee lagu baaro baabuurta ee loo yaqaan Centoquindice oo ah 115 oo af Talyaani ah, waxaa loola jeedaa in ay 115 km u jirto Buulo Burte. Halkaas ayaan bidix u weecannay oo ku dhacnay waddada u socota Jihada feer feer oo ah soohdinta Ethiopia oo markaas noo jirta qiyaastii afartameeyo km. Maaddaama Buulo Burte ay noo jirto 115 km, iyaduna ay Muqdisho u jirto 220 Km markaa waxaan caasimadda ka soo fogaannay masaafo dhan 335 km. Waxaa na soo daba galay gaari Landcruiser ah nooca loo yaqaan hardtop. Waxaa saaran dhowr nin oo dhar rayid ah lebbisan. Waan ka shakinnay. Ma badneyn laakiin gawaari la dhaco oo soohdinta lagala tallaabo ayaa jiray beryahaas. Khatartaas oo ah mid mar walba nala deris ah marka laga billaabo Beled Weyne ilaa aan gaarno Boorame maaddaama ay waddadu inta badan la teedsan tahay soohdinta Ethiopia oo jabhada cartamayaa ay isku abaabulayaan kana soo duulaan marka ay karaan. Dhanka Soomaaliyana ay intaa ka goosanayaan saraakiil sare oo militeri ah iyo rag ka baxsanaya in xabsiga la dhigo siyaasad ama fal dambiyeed awgood. Raggaas u tallaabaya Ethiopia, haddii ay caasimadda ka soo baxayaan waa qarsoodi iyo dhuumasho. Laakiin marka halkaan la soo gaaro, waxaa laga yaabaa baabuur lagaa furtay in lagu sii jidmaro, taas oo laba sano ka dib ku dhicday ICRC. Markii aan isku daynay in aan ka dheereeyno oo aan xawaaraheenna kordhinny, sidoo kale ayuu gaariga na daba socdaa sameeyay. Markii aan isku dayno in aan aasheen u soconno si uu noo dhaafo, isaguna xawaaraha ayuu dhimay. Runtii waxaa noo caddaatay in gaarigani uu annaga na daba joogo. Laakiin ma ciidanka amniga oo annaga na hubinaya in aynaan Ethiopia u socon baa mise waa niman annaga nagu maqan oo weerar ah? Annagu jihadeennii ayaan isaga soconnay. Waddadii burbursanayd waxay ku dhammaatay Jawiil. Tog weyn ayaa ag mara. Waxaa keliya oo uu biyo leeyahay xilliga roobku ka da’o degaankaas ama buuraleyda Ethiopia ee uu ka soo billowday. Waxaa dul saaran kaabad aad u dheer. Waa kala-bayr saddex geesood ah. Waxaa ku kala leexda waddada Muqdisho aadda, midda Feer Feer marta oo Ethiopia u gudubta. Iyo waddada aan mari doonno oo xilligii Kacaanka uu Shiinuhu dhisay oo tagta Burco. Waxaan halkaa iigu dhammaaday degaannada aan anigu hore u tegey ama ay gurigeenna si joogta ah u imaan jireen dad ka soo safray. Matabaan ilaa Gaalkacyo Waddada ugu dheer Soomaaliya, uguna dhismo iyo toosnaan wanaagsan ayaan cagta saarnay. Markaan dhankaas u beyrnay ayaa noogu dambeysay gaarigii na daba socday. Matabaan, Guriceel ayaan sii marnay ka dibna waxaan tagnay Dhuusa Marreeb. Waxaa xarunta Qaybta 21aad ee Xooga Dalka Soomaaliyeed oo u xilsaaran Difaaca aagga soohdinta inta u dhexeysa Tiyeeglow ilaa Gaalkacyo, ciidankeeduna uu hoos u gaaro Buulo Burte oo guutooyin Taangiyo iyo madaafiicda goobta ahi ay u deggan yihiin. Waa xarun ciidan iyo basaasiin badan. Xataa Jabhadda Soomaali Galbeed Xafiis ayay ku lahayd. Howlaha ugu badan ee magaalada ka socdaa waa howlaha ciidanka. Waxaan xog badan ka helay muddo markaas laga joogo laba sano oo annaga oo arday iyo macallimiin Jaamacadda isugu jirna uu Taliyihii Qaybta 21aad ee xilligaas General Morgan uu nagu marti qaaday Qaybta. Taxanaha Doodaha Jaamacadda Ummadda Soomaaliyeed oo aad isla bartaan ka heleyso ayaad booqashadaas wixii aan ka qoray aad ka akhrisan kartaa. Cadaado ilaa Gaalkacyo ayaan marba meel istaagnay si howsha samafalka ee aan wadno aan dadka ugu fasirno. Gaalkacyo markii aan gaarnay oo aan dadka weydiinnay bal in ay yaqaannaan qoysaska waraaqaha loo soo diray ee degaankaas, ayaa markiiba la gartay hooyo Soomaaliyeed oo ninkeedii uu u soo diray waraaq. Waa ay noo timid. Bartii ayaan isku wareysannay, shaahna aan ku wada cabnay. Markii ay waraaqda ka jawaabtay, waxay na weydiisay waxa ay u diri karto carruurteeda aabbahood. Waxaan u sheegnay waraaq iyo sawirro qoyska ah oo keliya in la oggol yahay. Dib ayay u noqotay waxayna keentay sawir iyada iyo carruurta ah. Garowe Halkaas ayaan uga gudubnay oo aan tagnay Garowe. Waa magaalo markaas la leeyahay aad ayay u cammiran tahay. Sababtu waxay ahayd sharikadda dhiseysa waddada Boosaaso oo keentay darawaliin iyo shaqaale kale oo badan. Xero gaar ahna ajnebigu u deggan yahay. Dad kale oo raba in ay shaqo ka raadsadaan sharikadda ama ay ganacsi u badan makhaayado ay abuuraan oo lacag ka sameeyaan shaqaalaha ayaa iyaguna ka mid ah dadka aan sharikadda u shaqeyn laakiin Garowe u yimid nolol raadis. Inkasta oo dadka magaaladu ay markaas u arkayeen in ay aad u cammiran tahay, haddana waxay ahayd magaalo yar weliba marka loo fiiriyo inta ay hadda tahay. Habeenkaas waxaan xarunta Hanuninta Dadweynaha ku daawaday riwaayad ka socotay halkaas. Ujeeddadeydu waxay ahayd dhexgalka, fahamo isla markaana dareemo nolosha magaalada xilliga yar ee aan joogo. Halkaas ayaan habeen ku hoyannay. Laas Caanood iyo Caynaba Subixii xigay waxaan tagnay Laas Caanood, xarunta Gobolka Sool. Isla howshii ayaan ka fulinnay. Waxaa noo xigtay Caynaba. Magaalo kasta marka aan ka baxno waxaan eber geynayay saacadda mayltiriska ee baabuurka si aan u ogaado masaafada ay magaalooyinku isu jiraan. Caynaba marka aan tagnay oo aan qortay inta ay u jirto Laas Caanood. Ayaan shaah u fariisannay cooshad yar. Rag meesha taagtaagnaa qaarna fadhiyay oo marna gabadha ajnebiga ah eegaya marna annaga na eegaya ayaan weydiiyay tuuladan magaceeda. Jawaabta la i siiyay ma ahayn mid aan marnaba filanayay. “Waar degmaan nahaye ha noo gefin” ayaa mid igu yiri. Waxaaban mar u qaatay in ay i khaldayaan laakiin markii dambe waxaan ogaaday in ay tahay Degmo buuxda. Burco Burco ayaan uga gudbnay oo aan wakhti badan ku qaadannay. Guddoomiyaha Gobolka Cali Xaayow ayaa xafiiskiisa nagu qaabbilay. Mas’uuliyiin kale oo badan oo Gobolka Togdheer iyo Degmada Burco ka socda ayuu soo fariisiyay. Halkaas ayaan ku kala warqaadannay. Howshii aan wadnay ayaan ka warbixinnay. Si wanaagsan ayuuna noo soo dhoweeyay Guddoomiyuhu iyo weliba mas’uuliyiintii kale ee halkaa joogay. Waxay ahayd magaalo aad u dad badan oo cammiran marka la yiraahdo dadka dhex socda. Laakiin marka aan barbardhigo ra’yiga mala awaalka ah ee awal madaxeyga ku jiray, magaalnimo badani ka muuqan Burco. Waa marka la eego xagga dhismayaasha, gawaarida iyo lebbiska dadka magaalada. Go’a garabka saaran, ulaha iyo budadka, dhawaaqa ka baxaya magaalada intuba waxay igu noqdeen wax aanan ka fileyn. Burco oo ay iigu dambeysay 2002 waxaa ka muuqday horumar dhinacyo badan leh oo weyn marka aan barbar dhigo 1987. Laga billaabo Caynaba, waxaa jiray cabsi ahayd SNM oo mar mar weerar gaadmo ah ka geysan jirtay waddada. Waxaan xusuustaa sarkaal ay ehelkiisu in badan na soo weydiiyeen bal in uu maxaabbiista Ethiopia hayso uu ka mid yahay laakiin inta markaas ah aynaan magaciisa ka hayn Ethiopia. Wuxuu ahaa Col. Bashiir oo ay SNM ka qabatay waddada, isaga oo la socda Bas uu Muqdisho ka soo raacay. Shiikh Waxaan Burco uga gudubnay Shiikh. Waa magaalo marka dhanka Burco aad ka timaado aadan dareemeyn in aad dul joogto buur aad u dheer. Magacyadii maxaabbiista ayaan la wadaagnay caa’ilada dariiqada iyo qolyo samafal ah oo ajnebi ah oo aan u maleynayo Help the Aged in ay ahaayeen. Shiikh iyo Cammuud waa meesha macallimiin fara badan oo iskuulka wax igu soo baray ay ka soo baxeen, aadna ay noogu ammaaneen. Waa laba goobood oo aan damacsan ahay in aan ka ogaado waxa aan ka maqlay oo aan ka aamminsan ahay in ka badan. Qormooyinka soo laabadka safarkaan ayaan taas ku sii faahfaahin doonaa insha Allah. Waxaan Burco uga gudubnay Shiikh. Waa magaalo marka dhanka Burco aad ka timaado aadan dareemeyn in aad dul joogto buur aad u dheer. Magacyadii maxaabbiista ayaan la wadaagnay caa’ilada dariiqada iyo qolyo samafal ah oo ajnebi ah oo aan u maleynayo Help the Aged in ay ahaayeen. Shiikh iyo Cammuud waa meesha macallimiin fara badan oo iskuulka wax igu soo baray ay ka soo baxeen, aadna ay noogu ammaaneen. Waa laba goobood oo aan damacsan ahay in aan ka ogaado waxa aan ka maqlay oo aan ka aamminsan ahay in ka badan. Qormooyinka soo laabadka safarkaan ayaan taas ku sii faahfaahin doonaa insha Allah. Gaariga waxaa wadda Beatrix oo ku adkeysatay in aan buur looga sheekeyneyn sida baabuur loo saaro ama looga dejiyo maaddaama ay Swiss tahay. Waxay ku adkeysatay in ay iyadu ka dejineyso buurta. Si xallad leh ayayna u sameysay. Markii aan ka hoobannay Shiikh inkasta oo ay ahayd wax igu cusub, haddana waxaa ii soo baxday in khatarta ay darawaliintu ay ka hadlayeen ay tahay ka hor inta aan waddo laami ah aan kacaanku saarin buurta. Waxaan tagnay meel niman militeri ahi ay bir ku gudbeen waddada oo u dhow Huddisa. Waxay nagu yiraahdeen dib u noqda ma gudbeysaane. In yar wadahadal ah iyo waraaqihii aan u soo bixinnay dartood wuu na fasaxay isla askarigii markii hore noo diiday waddada ka dib marka uu la tashaday qof ama ka badan aan indhaheennu qaban oo meel buush ah ku dhex jira. Bandow Waxaan markiiba gaarnay magaalada Berbera ee xeebta ah. Waa bandow habeenkii. Waxaan ku degnay Hotel Yaxye. Berbera waxaa igu soo dhoweeyay saaxiibkeey Maxamed Siciid Warsame “Kuukaay” oo aan Radio Muqdisho ka wada shaqeynay loona magacaabay mas’uuliyad sare oo aan u maleynayo in uu ahaa ninka u sarreeya Canshuuraha Berbera. Magacaabiddiisu waxay ka dambeysay markii uu shahaaddada MBA ee maamulka ka qaatay Machadka horumarinta Maamulka iyo Maareynta ee SIDAM oo shahaaddadaas ay wadajir u bixin jireen Jaamacad Mareykan ah. SIDAM shaqaalaha Dowladda ayay tababbari jirtay, waxaana ay Jaamacad Mareykan ah la billowday waxbarasho qaarna Muqdisho lagu qaadanayo qaarna Mareykanka oo shahaaddada MBA laga qaato. Maxamed Siciid wuxuu ii sahlay in madaxda Dowladda aan si fudud isu wada arragno iyo in xataa ayadoo Bandow ah naloo oggolaado dhaqdhaqaaq habeenkaas oo aan booqannay goobo iyo dad aan dooneynay in aan aragno. Jawi cakiran oo cadow aan annaga noo muuqan la iska jiro ayaan Berbera ka dareemay. Hal habeen ayaan seexannay. Berri subax Magaalada ugu culus xagga tirada dadka ku nool, xagga tirada hey’adaha Dowladda iyo kuwa ajnebiga ee ku howlan, xagga xamaasadda SNM ee hoosta ka kareysa iyo xagga tirada indhaha hey’adaha amniga ee eegaya dhaqdhaqaaq kasta iyo waxa looga dan leeyahay waa Hargeysa. Waa magaalada ugu xasaasisan inta aan soo marnay. In aan howsheenna ka fulinno ayaan rabnaa annaga oo bed qabna, isla markaana aan xorriyaddeenna iyo xorriyadda qof kale midna aan khatar gelin. Feker iyo farsamo ayay naga dooneysaa. Inkasta oo aan Berbera seexannay, habeenkaas oo dhan waxaan ka fekerayay berri sida aan u wajihi doonno Hargeysa. W/Q. Yuusuf Garaad Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post Matabaan ilaa Berbera – Taxanaha Maxaabbiistii 77 – Qaybta Siddeedaad appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Golaha wasiirrada ee waddanka Itoobiya ayaa ku dhawaaqay in xaalad degdeg ah ay dalkaasi ku soo rogeen maalin kaddib markii uu is-casilaadisii gudbiyey Ra’iisul Wasaare Hailemariam Desalegn. Desalegn ayaa sheegay in iscasilaaddiisa ay muhiim u tahay si wax looga qabto cabashooyinka dawladda lagaga soo horjeedo oo dad badan ay ku dhinteen, kuwa kale oo badanna ku dhaawacmeen. Iscasilaadiisa ayaa ku soo beegmaysa kaddib muddo bilooyiin ah oo ay dalkaasi ka socdeen dibadbaxyo dowladda looga soo horjeedo. Dibadbaxyada ayaa intooda badan ka socday gobollada Oramada iyo Amxaarada, iyadoo kuwii ugu dambeeyayna ay ku dhinteen 10 qof tira kaalana waa ay ku dhaawacmeen. Dhanka kale, toddobaadkan waxyaabo badan ayaa ka dhacay dalka Itoobiya – oo ay ka mid ahaayeen siyaasiyiin mucaaradka oo xabsiga laga sii daayayiyo ballan qaad loo sameeyay boqollaal qof oo kale oo arrimaha qowmiyadaha u ololeeya in la sii deynayo. Isbahaysiga dalka xukuma waxay kaloo ballan qaadeen wada hadallo si la isugu dayo in xal loo helo dhibaatooyinka siyaasadeed ee dalkaas ka taagan. Xigasho: BBC The post Itoobiya oo xaalad deg deg ah lagu soo rogay appeared first on Caasimada Online.

BURAO—Somaliland security forces apprehended on Friday, a citizen who said that he will declare Sahil provincial administration recently. Mr. Saleban Ibrahim Hamud has spoken out of the Dubai Ports World (DPW) takeover of Berbera Port and the oil exploration which is underway in Sahil region. The man who was detained by police made the remarks in Burao but it is not yet clear if he will be brought before the court.

By Dr. Hussein M Nur Despite the serious concerns described in the previous part and as articulated in poetic styles, the government did not address them the issues and the Somaliland politicians were unable to rectify the distorted situation. But the widespread dissent and injustices paved grounds for the rise dissidence. A practical show of the rejection of the unification presented itself when a group of junior military officers of Somaliland origin attempted a military coup. Fresh from British and Egyptian military academies and colleges, the junior officers joined the Somaliland Scouts, they were indeed ingenious to evaluate to evaluate the political situation. They immediately became disenchanted with the system and the union state. They faced direct discrimination and injustices within the military force. They rightly predicted the distorted road Somaliland was set. They were young innocent officers who had no taste for power yet. Just before the instatement of the union, in Italian Somalia, there was a frantic race and a mad rush for promotions among the armed forces. There was a wholesale officer promotion open only for the officers in the South. The officers of the Somaliland Scouts regiment of the Somaliland protectorate were not involved in the commotion and mayhem of that matter. The officers from the South before union were all from the Police force (there was no military force in Italian-administered Somalia). Contrarily, however, in Somaliland, there was a well-trained Somaliland Scouts military regiment. Most of the Its junior officers were graduates from distinguished top military academies in Britain such as Sandhurst and Mono as well as Egypt. At the time of unification, besides the well-trained army, the Somaliland Scouts of about 2000 strong. Somaliland also had its police force. Just before the union, in Italian Somalia, many of the police officers were transferred to form a new military force even though they had no military experience and training at all. According to Abdillahi Aden ‘Congo’ and Awil Ali Duale (two of the few members of the aborted coup in 1961 to be discussed), most of the officers in the south were promoted twice. Firstly they were promoted when Somaliland independence was declared on 26 June 1960. For example, those with the ranks of Captains or Majors were promoted a rank up, i.e., dressing as Majors and Lieutenant Colonels respectively and again they were promoted another rank up when Italian Somalia became independent on 1 July 1960 as Lieutenant Colonels and colonels. Even the junior officers dressed two ranks up with some being promoted to seniors. There was plainly a mad rush for promotions. Whilst in Somalia such a scramble for higher ranks and generous bonus promotions were up for grabs, in Somaliland, owing to their loyalty, the officers from the Somaliland Scouts regiment and police did not take part, i.e., they did not make themselves promoted not even once. In the first year of the union, some junior officers (Abdillahi Aden ‘Congo’, Awil Ali Duale and Abdillahi Said Abby) visited Mogadishu to meet up with the newly-appointed Military Commander, General Daud Abdulle Hersi and to make their complaints but the General did not listen to them. General Hersi was a police officer of Italian Somalia. The General was the fourth in a rank of the police force in Somalia whilst General Mohamed Abshir was the highest in rank in the police force followed by General Mohamed Siyad Barre and General Abdalla Sandhere as the third in rank of the police force. General Hersi showed no sympathy to the Somaliland junior officers’ in relation to their complaints. Meanwhile, the government’s top posts of the government were dominated by people from Somalia. Allocations were based on clan system and not on merit. Representatives from the two major clans of Somalia were the candidates for major posts. General Mohamed Abshir and General Mohamed Siyad Barre were from the same main lineage. The allocation of most important posts and portfolios involved taking turns between officers of the two main clans in Somalia (Mogadishu Clan and Darod). Abdillahi Aden Congo compares this act as a Somali children’s traditional riddle or game “ii Cug!, Cirka!’ (‘I Take this! You Take that!’) or ‘qaatay ee qaado’ (I got, you pick). Thus, taking turns was the default formula for power-sharing between the two main protagonist tribal actors. Because of that game in play, General Siyad Barre lost his seniority post. He was second in seniority after General Mohamed Abshir and expected to be allocated to the post of military commander. But nevertheless, since General Abshir was from the same clan as Barre was allocated the post Police Commander, the post of military commander was the turn of the major rival clan. So, therefore, it went to General Daud who was the fourth in the chain of seniority (Mohamed Siyad Barre was, in fact, second the seniority after Mohamed Abshir and Abdalla Sandhere who was the third in seniority chain. Barre, a senior ahead of General Daud, was demoted to the Chief of Staff post of the Military simply because he belonged to the same clan as Mohamed Abshir. Barre was denied the post of Military Commander because of his clan affiliation to general Abshir. Siyad Bare felt bitter injustices. The Somaliland junior officers decided to plan a military coup the aim of which was to bring back the lost independent state of Somaliland so that Somaliland would be in a better position to correct the mistakes incurred during the unification and to eventually address the unforeseen consequential issues of injustices, marginalization and domination. They saw that only in that way would Somaliland be in a stronger position to make reasonable negotiations and adjustments should it wished to unite with Somalia. In fact, it was only the Somaliland Scouts was still intact as an institution not yet touched with the quagmire of the politics. Immediately, after the union, almost all of the civil servants in Somaliland government offices were transferred in masses to the South. The Somaliland government in the North was dismantled and reduced to some fringe offices run by southerners and as a region with a governor. Such injustices were clearly sensed by the public in the North. The cardinal objective of the junior officers was to return Somaliland to back its independent status quo. Who is who of the members of the coup? The core group of the coup was initially composed of eleven officers though later increased to twenty-three. They were: 1.Hassan Abdillahi Walanwal (Hassan Kayd) (2-star lieutenant) (Buroa/Togdheer);2. Abdillahi Mohamed Aden (Abdillahi Congo) (2-star Lieutenant) (Hargeisa);3. Muhumed Abdillahi Robleh (Muhumed Awr) (2-star lieutenant); (Sahil); the rest were one-star lieutenants: 4. Abdillahi Said Abby (aka as Gamadhere) (Hargeisa); 5. Said Ali Ghir (Las Anod); 6. Mohamed Mohamoud Said ‘Bidihleh (Hargeisa); 7. Mohamed Abdirahman Haji Jama (Lugooyo) (?); 8. Faisal Haji Jama Geddi (Buroa); 9. Awil Haji Ali Dualeh (Hargeisa); 10. Abdillahi Abdi Farah ‘Deyr’ (Hargeisa); 11. Daud Ali Yahye (Borama); 12. Hussein Mohamed Bullaleh (Hussein Dakhare) (Berbera); 13. Abdillahi Ahmed Kibar (Gabiley); 14. Mohamed Warsame (Borama); 15. Mohamed Mohamoud Raghe (Berbera); 16. Abdi Yusuf (Hargeisa); 17. Mohamed Sh Muse (Sheikh); 18. Ahmed Haji Deria (Buroa); 19. Ali Harun (Buroa); 20. Said Oogle (Buroa/Togdheer); 21. Abdi Dhala Abdi (Las Anod); 22. Abdikarim Ashur (Las Qoray); 23. Abdi Ali Hussein (Abdi Habashi) (Jigjiga) Abdillahi Aden ‘Congo’ Until today there is an archetypal myth – that those involved in the coup belonged to one clan. However, the truth of the matter is that they represented most of the clans and regions across Somaliland as they shared the same common feelings – the imbalance power, the injustices and inequalities in the military force and the way Somaliland independence was handled at the time. Therefore, the officers stood for a unique experience. Some senior officers who were not involved today express that the junior officers were young fresh graduates, inexperienced and understood no politics. I retain the opinion that the junior officers were right and they did it for that reasons and not for a search of power as seniors would have liked. As retold by Abdillahi Aden and Awil Ali Duale (both of them members of the coup) the plan was to conduct the coup in two years’ time. But nonetheless, for internal technical reasons and for unforeseen circumstances, the coup took place earlier on 10th December 1961. In earnest preparations, some officers already and immediately showed reluctance while others not even endorsed the idea. That brought suspicions among the coup planners and that they would foil the operation by disclosure of the movement of the groups. Therefore, a hasty decision had to be taken – the coup to occur well in advance of its planned timescale. The Commander of the Somaliland Scouts regiment, Colonel Mohamed Ainanshe, the late Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf and other officers from the South were detained on the day. Lieutenant Abdillahi Abdi Farah (Deyr) was posted to take control of the central police station and Lieutenant Mohamed Mohamoud Rage held Radio Hargeisa. The plan was that detainees were to be kept far from the scene of the operation, Hargeisa and Somaliland Scouts Headquarters. They were supposed to be kept at the Government rest house at Ga’an Libah Mountain, near Adadley. That did not happen as the officer who was assigned to the task did not execute the job as planned. Instead, they were kept at a private house owned by Abdillahi Darawal then resided by Awil Ali Duale, one of the coup plotters. The prisoners were under guard by Lieutenant Abdillahi Said Abby and private Abdillahi Ali Hussein. The Somaliland scouts soldiers at Birjeex military base in Hargeisa missed their commander, Colonel Mohamed Ainanshe and other superiors. That itself raised suspicion and as soon as their whereabouts were sighted, the soldiers stormed the house. A fire was exchanged between Lieutenant Abdillahi Said Abby, the officer in charge of the detainees. Officer Abby and a companion, Ahmed Awad, were killed in the exchange of fire as they refused to give up and release the detainees. Hassan Kayd, a senior member of the coup was shot and injured in the knee walking by the gate of Birjeex Military HQ. Within the same day, the coup was aborted. All officers in revolt were imprisoned overnight in Hargeisa but were immediately transferred to Mogadishu. The details of the conditions of the prison and how they were treated were exposed by the surviving individuals of the plotters. The prisoners were taken into custody at a training camp known as ‘Botigo’ (later re-named as ‘Halane’) near Mogadishu. In the jail, they were badly and inhumanely treated in appalling conditions. After several months, they were then transferred to Mogadishu central prison (‘cella morta’ in Italian which means the ‘dead cell’). They were kept in the dark underground at the basement, tunneled under the Indian Ocean Sea. After languishing in jail for about a year and a half, private Indian-Kenyan lawyers were hired from Nairobi, Kenya for them and court proceedings started in Mogadishu. The proceedings of the trial at the court in Mogadishu began in July 1963. The judge was Mr. Hazelwood, a British from the court of Hargeisa in Somaliland oversaw the deliberations and the final verdict ruling with an Italian prosecutor. (St. Ricardo!!). The proceedings took nearly two months. Finally, the prisoners were cleared and acquitted. The verdict was ‘not guilty’. In fact, the judge declared no case at all. The debacle of the case at the court was determined by several reasons: That the officers were never sworn for a country called ‘Somali Republic’. The last time they swore, it was for the Queen of England for Britain. That the judgment was not to be brought under the constitution of a country called (Somali Republic). Instead, it should have been conducted under Somaliland state jurisdiction. Hence, to be judged under the Indian Penal code. The only constitution available (that of Somalia) which was only effective at the time took precedence and the case was taken as a civilian case. Had the case been heard in a Somaliland court, it would have a criminal court and the prisoners would have been tried under the Somaliland legal instruments, i.e., the Indian Penal Code and they would have been court marshaled under the Somaliland Scouts military law. Therefore, article 6 of the Republic’s constitution directed that court marshaling of military officers was inapplicable so long as there was no war situation in the country. In Somaliland, the prisoners would have been convicted as guilty and concluded with a firing squad (death penalties). The court case proved that the union with South was not void and non-existent and there was no binding document ratified bilaterally by the partners of the union. In fact, there was no Act of Union which was ratified as a legal binding contract between the two states. Abdillahi Mohamed Aden (Congo), a senior officer member of the coup, affirms: “Had the court been in Hargeisa, we would have been court marshaled in accordance with the Somaliland Scouts regiment law. We would have surely been shot by a firing squad because we committed a treason crime against the State of Somaliland and not against a country called the Somali Republic for which we had never avowed or taken an oath for”. Soon after the failed coup, punitive measures were taken by the government which was dominated and powered by the South. In the same month of the year 1961, another serious discontent surfaced. The SNL, a northern political party, noticeably expressed discontent and advocated boycott in the referendum. Such episodes clearly constituted some of the early signs of discontent and disagreements as a result of political and administrative differences. They also acted as forms of expression and discontent by the people from the North within the union right from the start the civilian governments that came to power between 1960 and 1969 failed to address the problems and to find out solutions for the standing grievances of the northerners. To be continued

By Ahmed Abdi Tigray-ruled Ethiopia declared a state of Emergency on Friday, according to State media, Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation (EBC). Ethiopia Prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn resigned Thursday following Oromo protesters that blocked the main roads and business of the regional state of Oromia. The three-month state of emergency comes a time protesters have been waiting for a meaningful reform process. Over the last couple of years, Ethiopia has been suffering a major internal security crisis following anti-government protests in its Oromia and Amhara regions. Half a million people internally displaced following ethnic clashes and hundreds of people were killed by the government forces. Commentators say the early state emergency that lasted six months until October last year did not improve the security of the country and this will not make any sense.

Warbaahinta Dowladda Itoobiya ee EBC ayaa xili dhaweyd looga dhawaaqay in xaalad deg deg ah la galiyay dalkaas. Golaha wasiirada Itoobiya ayaa shir ay ilaa maanta lahaayeen ku dhawaaqay in dalka la galiyay xaalad deg deg ah oo seddex bilood ah, taas oo isla maantaba bilaabatay. Goluhu waxay sheegeen in xaaladan looga golleeyahay sidii loo ilaalin lahaa Dastuurka, nabad galyada iyo xasilloonida dalka Itoobiya, waxayna sidoo kale sheegeen in ay sidoo kale sababtay qalalaasihii qowmiyadaha qaar u dhaxeeyay ee dhacay, kuwaas oo sababay dhimashada dad rayid ah. Arintan ayaa timid markii Ra’iisul wasaaraha Itoobiya Hailemariam Desalegn uu shalay oo Jamce ahayd iska casilay xilkii Ra’iisul wasaarenimo iyo kii xisbiga talada haya ee EPRDF, Desalegn ayaa is-casilaadiisa ku macneeyay in ay qayb ka tahay hanaanka dib u habeynta siyaasadda dalka, si waddanku u helo degenaasho siyaasadeed iyo dimuqraadiyad. Degenaasho la’aanta siyaasadeed iyo rabshadaha ka socda Itoobiya oo socday tan iyo 2015-kii ayaa geystay dhimashada boqolaal ruux iyo barakaca kuwo kale. PUNTLAND POST The post Dalka Itoobiya oo la galiyay xaalad deg deg ah appeared first on Puntland Post.

Ganacsade Axmed seeraa oo kamid ah Ganacsatada waa wayn ee Puntland gaar ahaan Gobolka mudug, ahna mulkiilaha Hotel Al-Jasiira ee magaalada Galkacyo ayaa wado laami ah oo isku xiri doonta xaafada garsoor iyo jidka wayn ee dhaxmara magaalada Gaalkacyo halkaasi ka hirgaliyay. Ganacsadahan ayaa dhismaha wadadan ku bixiyay maalkiisa iyo muruqiisa,mana jirto dowllad iyo Hay,ad gaar ah oo ka taageeraysa Wadadan. Halkan Hoose ka Daawo .

Waxaa ugu danbeyn maanta oo Jamce ahayd lagu guuleystay in la gaaro dajinta hantidii saarnayd doontii Xafiis ee ku soo caariday 5-tii bishan February xeebta magaalada Boosaaso. Doontan oo loo sameeyay Dekad Macmal ah oo ay ka qeyb qaateen qeybaha kale duwan ee bulshada iyo maamulka Gobolka Bari ayaa lagu guuleystay in laga badbaadiyo dhamaan hantidii saarnayd. Guddoomiyaha Guddiga badbaadinta hantida saaarnayd doonta Shiikh Fu’aad Aflow oo maanta warbaahinta kula hadlay goobta lagu dajinayay hantida ayaa sheegay in ay u mahadcelinayaan cid kasta oo ka qeyb qaadatay badbaadinta hantidaas. Wasiirka Dekadaha Puntand Siciid Maxamed Raage oo isna goobta ka hadlay ayaa sheegay in isku tashigan uu tusaale u yahay in bulshada oo is taaga ay wax badan qabsan karaan. Puntland ayaa shalay ku dhawaaqday in gebi ahaanba Canshuurtii laga dhaafay hantida saaran doontan oo lagu qiyaasay 7 Malyan. PUNTLAND POST The post Badbaadinta hantidii saarnayd doontii Xafiis oo lagu guuleystay appeared first on Puntland Post.

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) – Ethiopia’s Prime Minister quit on Thursday, saying he wanted to smooth the route to further political reforms. The government is dominated by the EPRDF coalition led by ethnic Tigrayans. Hailemariam Desalegn’s unexpected resignation followed unrest in the Horn of Africa country initially sparked by opposition in the central Oromiya region to an urban development plan that ethnic Oromos said would encroach on their land. The anger broadened into wider public protests, while bouts of ethnic clashes have also taken place, displacing hundreds of thousands since September. Following are key facts about the main ethnic groups in Ethiopia, Africa’s second most populous nation and a racially diverse country that took its present form from territorial expansions of the 19th century: * Oromos – Oromos make up 34 percent of Ethiopia’s 100 million people but have not held power in its modern history. Analysts say the violence has triggered a resurgence of ethnic Oromo nationalism. Following recent unrest, much of it in the Oromia region, Ethiopia’s new premier is expected to hail from the province. * Amharas – Amharas were the traditional rulers under the era of Ethiopian monarchy that ended with the Soviet-backed overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. Ethiopia’s second largest ethnic group with at least 20 million people, the Amhara claim they are increasingly politically marginalized. The highest-ranking Amhara in the ruling coalition is Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonnen. Amharas hail from the northern and central highlands. * Tigrayans – Tigrayans account for just 6 percent of the population but have dominated politics and the security forces since Tigrayan rebels under Meles Zenawi toppled Marxist military leader Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991. Tigrayan officials dismiss claims of unbridled control over the ruling coalition, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), but acknowledge the necessity to widen the political space. Tigray is the northernmost of Ethiopia’s nine regions. * SNNPR – The Southern Nations, Nationalities and People’s Region, located in the southwest abutting Kenya and South Sudan, is home to more than 40 ethnic groups, including Hailemariam’s Wollayta. Defense Minister Siraj Fegesa is also from the SNNP. * Somalis – The dry and arid Somali region, also known as the Ogaden, occupies the eastern third of the country and is home to 6 million people. It has a history of separatist rebellion against Addis Ababa, fueled in large part by resentment at its low level of development. However, its recent leadership has been seen as closely linked to Hailemariam and Meles Zenawi before him. Reporting by Aaron Maasho; Editing by Ed Cropley and John Stonestreet Source: Reuters The post Factbox: Ethiopia’s main ethnic groups appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Magaalada kismaayo ee xarunta maamulka Jubaland ayaa kamid ah magaalooyinka sida aadka ah u samaynaya koboca, tan iyo wixii ka dambeeyay markii laga saaray kooxda nabad diidka ah ee Al-shabaab. Magaalada ayaa dhawaan waxaa ku soo biiray xaafado cusub oo uu dhagax dhigay Madaxweyne Axmed Maxamed Islaam Axmed Madoobe. kismaayo ayaa waxa ay kamid tahay magaalooyinka ugu Amniga fiican marka loo bar bar dhigo magaalooyinka kale ee dalka. Xeebta magaalada Kismaayo ayaa kamid noqtay meelaha ugu qurxdabadan xeebaha Soomaaliya ee loo dalxiistago ,waxaana maalmaha jimcaha udamaashaad taga dadweyne farabadan oo ka kala yimaada daafaha magaalada iyo qurba joogt soomaaliyeed ee dalka ku sugan. Hoo kadaawo Muuqaalka xeebta Kismaayo.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Sida ay baahisay Wakaaladda wararka Imaaraadka ee WAM, waxaa magaalada Muqdisho ku kulmay Ergayga gaarka ah ee QM u qaabilsan arrimaha Somalia Michael Keating iyo Safiirka Imaaraadka Carabta ee Somalia Maxamed Axmed Al-Othmani. Waxa uu kulanka ka dhacay Xarunta Safaarada Imaaraadka ee magaalada Muqdisho, waxa ayna labada mas’uul kawada hadleen Xiriirka Imaaraadka kala dhexeeya DFS, Is garabtaaga dowlada Somalia, Wanaajinta xiriirka Somalia iyo in dib loo hagaajiyo xiriirka QM iyo Imaaraadka. Waxa ay Michael Keating iyo Al-Othmani isla soo qaaden sidii loo kordhin lahaa shaqo abuurka loo sameynayo dhalalnyarada Soomaaliyeed, ammaanka dalka, xasiloonida, Horumarka, iyo sidoo kale xaaladda bini’aadanimo. Mr Michael Keating, ayaa ammaanay dadaalka dowlada Imaaraadka Carabta, taageerada joogtada ah ee Soomaaliya ee dhinacyada kala duwan iyo kaalinteeda ugu weyn ee horumarinta dalka. Sidoo kale, Safiirka Imaaraadka Carabta ee Somalia Maxamed Axmed Al-Othmani, ayaa ka mahadceliyay is araga Michael Keating isagoo muujiyay sida uu u xoojiyay xiriirka iskaashiga ah ee u dhaxeeya Safaaradda Imaaraadka iyo Xafiiska QM. Geesta kale, qoraalka wakaaladda ayaa waxaa lagu sheegay in Michael Keating iyo Al-Othmani ay kulankooda ku kala saxiixdeen qodobo dhowr ah oo ku xeeran xiriirka QM iyo Imaaraadka ee ku aadan hanaanka wada shaqeyneed. Caasimada Online Xafiisk Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post Muxuu ku qotomay kulanka khaaska ahaa ee Muqdisho ku dhexmaray Michael Keating & Al-Othmani appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Warar dheeraad ah ayaa waxa uu kasoo baxayaa weerar ay maleeshiyaadka al-Shabaab ku qaaden Iskuul ku yaala degaanka Garso ee dhaca Bariga Wajer. Maleeshiyada ayaa weerarka ku dishay Sadex Macalin oo ka soo Jeeda Gobolada Kale ee Kenya halka Mid ka Mid ah uu Dhaawac ka soo Gaaray weerar kaasi. Stephen Ng’etich oo ah Taliyaha Ciidamada Booliska ee ismaamulka Wajer ee Gobolka Waqooyi bari Kenya, ayaa sheegay in ciidamo badan ay u direen Goobta uu Falkaasi ka Dhacay. Stephen Ng’etich, ayaa tilmaamay inay suuragal tahay in gacanta lagu soo dhigo maleeshiyaadka geystay falkaasi isla markaana la horgeyn doono sharciga. Sidoo kale, Taliyaha Ciidamada Maamulka ee Loo Yaqaan Ap-da u Qaabilsan ismaamulka Wajer Mr Mohamed Sheikh ayaa dhankiisa ka sheegay in dableyda Weerarkaasi ka Danbeysay ay adeegsanayeen aaladaha kale ee qarxa. Sargaalkaan ayaa waxaa uu intaa raaciyay in gaari ay wateen ciidamada Booliska oo ka jawabayay weerarkaasi ay qarax miino lala beegsaday balse uusan Jirin askari ku waxyeeloobay isku daygaasi. Docda kale, weerarkaan lagu dilay Macalimiinta wax ka dhigta ismaamulka Wajer ayaa waxaa uu ku soo aadayaa saacado uun ka dib Markii Maalinimadii shalay laba askari oo ka tirsan ciidamada Milatariga Kenya Lagu dilay iska hor imaad kala shaki ku saleysnaa. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com The post Xogo dheeraad ah oo laga helaayo weerar ay Shabaabka ku laayen Macalimiin appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Isimada dhaqanka Puntland ee ka soo jeeda galbeedka gobolka Sanaag ayaa ka hadlay wadahadalo lasheegay in dalka Jabuuti uu uaga furmi doono dhawaan Dowlada fadaraalka Soomaaliya iyo Maamulka Soomaaliland, wadahadaladaasi oo uu garwadeen kayahay wakiilka gaarka ah ee Qaramada midoobay Michael Keating . Garaad Cabdilaahi Cali Ciid oo kamid ah Isimada shirkan jaraaid ku qabtay magaalada Muqdisho ayaa sheegay in mudo 27 sano Malayshiyaadka soomaaliland ay Hargaisa kaga soo duulayeen dhulka Puntland, oo ay udul qaadanayeen mudadaasi shacaka Puntland ,base maanta aysan ahayn wax laqabali kari in Dowllada Fadaraalka soomaaliya ay Jabuuti kula gor gortanto Muuse Biixi. Waxa uu sheegay Garaadka in Michael Keating ay ka dacweyn doonaan United Nationska. Hoos ka Daawo.

Isimada dhaqanka Puntland ee ka soo jeeda galbeedka gobolka Sanaag ayaa ka hadlay wadahadalo lasheegay in in dalka Jabuuti uu uaga furmi doono dhawaan Dowlada fadaraalka Soomaaliya iyo Maamulka Soomaaliland, wadahadaladaasi oo uu garwadeen kayahay wakiilka gaarka ah ee Qaramada midoobay Michael Keating . Garaad Cabdilaahi Cali Ciid oo kamid ah Isimada shirkan jaraaid ku qabtay magaalada Muqdisho ayaa sheegay in mudo 27 sano Malayshiyaadka soomaaliland ay Hargaisa kaga soo duulayeen dhulka Puntland, oo ay udul qaadanayeen mudadaasi shacaka Puntland ,base maanta aysan ahayn wax laqabali kari in Dowllada Fadaraalka soomaaliya ay Jabuuti kula gor gortanto Muuse Biixi. Waxa uu sheegay Garaadka in Michael Keating ay ka dacweyn doonaan United Nationska. Hoos ka Daawo.

Mudo sagaal cisho ah kadib waxaa maanta laga dajiyay rarkii saarnaa Doonidii Xafiid ee ku soo caariday xeebta magaalada Bosaaso, kadib iskutashi kayimid shacabka, Ganacsatada, iyo dowllada ,in kastoo sida lasheegay kaalinta dowllada ay aad u hoosaysay . Gudoomiyaha gudiga bad baadinta doonidan Sheekh Fu,aad xaaji ayaa sheegay in arintan ay ahayd iskuday lagu guulaystay ,isagoo umahadceliyay dhamaan shacabkii, ganacsatadii ,iyo Injineeradii ka qayb qaatay bad baadinta doonta. Wasiirka dekedaha iyo gaadiidka bada Puntland Siciid Maxamed Raagi ,Duqa degmada Bosaaso, iyo Gudoomiyaha Gobolka bari ayaa shacabka iyo ganacsatada uga mahadecliyay is kutashiga ay sameeyeen oo ay ku bad baadiyeen hantidii saarneed doonidan oo lagu qiyaasay in ay gaaraysay 9 milyan oo doolar . Hoos ka daawo.

ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) - Ethiopia’s Prime Minister quit on Thursday, saying he wanted to smooth the route to further political reforms. The government is dominated by the EPRDF coalition led by ethnic Tigrayans. Source: Hiiraan Online

Under relentless popular pressure the Ethiopian Prime-Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, has been forced to resign, other members of the government are expected to follow. In his resignation speech he acknowledged that, ”unrest and a political crisis have led to the loss of lives and displacement of many,” Reuters reports. ‘Loss of lives’ of innocent Ethiopians at the hands of TPLF security personnel to be clear. “I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy.” This is a highly significant step in what may prove to be the total collapse of the ruling party. It has been brought about by the peaceful movement for democratic change that has swept across the country since late 2005. Protests began in Oromia triggered by an issue over land and political influence and spread throughout the country. A little over a month ago, former Prime-Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, announced that the government would release ‘some political prisoners’, in order, Al Jazeera reported, “to improve the national consensus and widen the democratic space.” Since then a relatively small number of falsely imprisoned people (some western media claim 6,000 but this is unconfirmed – nobody knows the exact number, probably hundreds, not thousands) have been released, including some high profile figures (Merera Gudina, chairman of the opposition Oromo Federalist Congress, Journalist Eskinder Nega and opposition leader Andualem Arage for example). Many of those set free are in extremely poor health due to the ill treatment and, in some cases, torture suffered in prison. Despite these positive moves and the ex-Prime-Minister’s liberal sounding rhetoric, the methodology of the ruling party has not fundamentally changed: the TPLF dominated government continues to trample on human rights and to kill, beat and arrest innocent Ethiopians as they exercise their right to public assembly and peaceful protest. The total number killed by regime forces since protests erupted in November 2015 is unclear: hundreds definitely (the government itself admits to 900 deaths), tens of thousands probably. A million people (Oromo/Somali groups) according to the United Nations have been displaced – due to government-engineered ethnic conflict – and are now in internal displacement camps (IDP’s) or are simply homeless. Tens of thousands have been falsely imprisoned without due process; their ‘crime’ to stand up to the ruling party, to dissent, to cry out for democracy, for freedom, for justice and an end to tyranny. All ‘political’ prisoners, including opposition party members (British citizen Andergachew Tsige e.g.), and journalists, should, as Amnesty International rightly states, “be freed immediately and unconditionally………as they did nothing wrong and should never have been arrested in the first place.” Not only should all political prisoners be released forthwith, but the laws utilized to arrest and imprison need to be dismantled, and the judicial system — currently nothing more that an arm of the TPLF – freed from political control. The primary weapons of suppression are the 2009 Anti-Terrorist Proclamation and The Charities and Societies Proclamation. Draconian legislation both, allowing the ruling party to detain anyone expressing political dissent in any form, to use torture and information elicited during torture to be used in evidence — all of which is illegal under the UN Convention against Torture, which the Ethiopian Government signed, and ratified in 1994. Unstoppable Movement for Change The release of a small number (relative to the total) of political prisoners and the resignation of the Prime Minister does not alter the approach of the government or their brutal method of governance. It is simply a cynical attempt by the TPLF to subdue the movement for change and to appease international voices demanding human rights be upheld. Arrests and killings by TPLF security personnel continue unabated. Reports are numerous, the situation on the ground changing daily, hourly: At the end of January, soldiers from the Agazi force arrested an estimated 500 people in northern Ethiopia reports independent broadcaster, ESAT News. In Woldia (also in the north), TPLF soldiers forced “detainees [to] walk on their knees over cobblestones. They [TPLF soldiers] have also reportedly beaten residents including children and pregnant women.” These arrests follow the killing of 13 people in the town; “several others were killed in Mersa, Kobo and Sirinka.” And the BBC Amharic service relates that six people were killed at the Hamaressa IDP camp for internally displaced persons (IDP) (according to UNOCHA Hamaressa IDP camp was home to over 4,000 people internally displaced by the Oromo-Somali disputes) in Eastern Ethiopia. The victims were protesting against the appalling conditions in the camp and demanding they be allowed to go back to their villages when they were shot. No matter how many people are killed, falsely imprisoned and beaten, the movement for lasting democratic change will not be put down. The principle target of protestors and activists is the dominant faction within the EPRDF coalition, the TPLF, or Woyane (relating to men from the Tigray region), as it is known. This small group took power in 1991 and has controlled all aspects of life in the country including the judiciary, the army, the media and the sole telecommunication supplier (enabling the regime to limit internet access and monitor usage) ever since. The issues driving the protests are broad, interconnected and fundamental; the fact that Ethiopia is a single party state in all but name; the wholesale abuse of human rights; the lack of freedoms of all kinds; the partisan distribution of employment, businesses, and aid; the regime’s dishonesty and corruption; state orchestrated violence false imprisonment and torture. The people will no longer live under the suffocating blanket of intimidation that has stifled them for the last 27 years, and are demanding fundamental change, calling on the government to step down and for ‘fair and open’ democratic elections. Until now the regime’s response has been crude and predictable; rooted in force, shrouded in arrogance and unwilling to respond to the demands of the people, the government consistently falls back on the only strategy it knows: violence and intimidation; as the people march in unison, the regime unleashes its uniformed thugs. But whereas in the past fear kept people silent, now they are filled with the Fire of Freedom and Justice; they may well be frightened, but in spite of the threats more and more people are acting, engaging in organized acts of civil disobedience (stay-at-home protests) and taking to the streets in demonstration against the regime. Gatherings of thousands of people, innocent men and women, young and old, who refuse any longer to cower to the bully enthroned in Addis Ababa. And with every protestor the regime kills, beats and imprisons the Light of Unity glows a little brighter the resolution of the people strengthens, social cohesion grows. The demand for change is of course not limited to Ethiopia; throughout the world large groups are coming together demanding freedom and social justice, cooperation and unity; the reactionary forces resist, but it is a global movement that, while it may be denied for a time, cannot be stopped. The TPLF is in chaos, their tyranny is coming to an end, they may cling on to power for a while yet, a few months, a year or two perhaps, but even if they remain in office their hold over the population is at an end. The Ethiopian people have a common foe, a unified cause, a shared purpose. The TPLF is the foe, the cause is their removal and the purpose is to bring lasting democratic change to Ethiopia, and no matter what the regime does, this time they will not be stopped. Graham Peebles

Fifty one measles patients have been on their sick beds in their homes in Yadagta area, 120 km north of Burao, Togdher region, where there are no health centres. The patients, including children and elderly receive traditional medication in their homes as the area has no health centres. Dr Muse Abukar Suudi, coordinator of Somaliland’s ministry of health in northern Sool region (now called Saraar region), told Radio Ergo they sent a team of medical staff to Yadagta, after the local administration reported an outbreak of measles to the ministry. The team found that 34 of the sick are children, who were not vaccinated during the last vaccination round that was carried out two years ago. The vaccinators did not reach out to the people in the rural areas. Some of the sick include adults and children from families that were recently displaced in the last six months, after the prolonged drought was unbearable in their previous locations. Mohamed Warsame Abdi’s children aged three and seven were infected with measles. This drought-hit father told Radio Ergo by phone that he could not afford the $30 he needed to take his children on the long journey to a hospital in Burao. He suspected measles when he noticed symptoms including rashes and fever. He said he had been taking the children out into the sun and covering them with blankets in the hope that they would get better, but it had not helped. However, they are now recovering after the ministry doctors attended to them. Since he migrated to Yadagta area six months ago, Mohamed said he had not seen any health teams coming to conduct vaccinations. His family used to own 90 goats, which all died in the drought. Dr Muse said the ministry was working to contain the outbreak of measles, which spreads easily through coughing and sneezing. They are also conducting awareness campaigns among people in the rural areas, where aid agencies do not reach. Amina Osman Harbi, a mother in Yadagta, said her two children caught measles around five days ago. She saw rashes, inflamed eyes, running nose and constant fever. Her neighbours lost two children aged three and four and she believes they could have died of measles. Amina explained that she was applying cooking oil and black seed oil to reduce the symptoms but their recovery was still slow. This mother of four said none of her children had been vaccinated against measles. She had never seen vaccination teams in the area. Radio Ergo

This part follows the previous parts involving major discrepancies of the union process and fallacies, legal loopholes and technical mistakes in the Act of Union. This is a close shave look at the origins of mistrusts, discontents and dissatisfactions of the people of Somaliland origin (politicians and public alike) after the speedy formation of the loose union. By Dr. Hussein Mohamed Nur As the two independent states united, the republic formed was run by civilian democratic administrations but in fragmented states with endemic corruption, tribal affiliations and nepotism. The people of Somaliland felt the heat as they were subjected to discrimination in the system and the regions of the North remained peripheral to any development. The administration was centralized in the capital, Mogadishu, as the center of politics, and the development concentrated in the south. Even students who finish their intermediate and secondary levels of education in the north and other parts had to go to Mogadishu in search of employment and further education and scholarship opportunities. This centralized domination was clearly evident among the people from the north as an essential ingredient breeding ground for dissatisfaction among the northerners and rise of an early dissent which initially started in low profile. It took not along for the people of Somaliland origin to practically observe the deception of the south in the process of union. Italian Somalia took advantage of Somaliland’s emotional fever of the north. The union marriage was prompt without conditions or safeguards and that led to the situation. Immediately after the unification, signs of public disaffection emerged. The situation was further complicated by an endemic corruption, a highly charged nepotism and tribal affiliations in endemic proportions in the country. Right at the outset, misunderstandings and frictions stemmed from the amalgamation process of the two states. In addition to the inequity in the power-sharing described earlier, a growing sense of marginalization of Somaliland evidently cropped up. The regions in the North were deliberately left out on the fringes of development under the successive civilian governments of the Republic. Those were a complex number of factors that contributed to form pull factors to the formation of northern opposition and formation of SNM about two decades later in 1981 (described in next parts). Those factors contributed to lay foundation for the emergence of initial signs of discontents. At the beginning of the union, two different economies, two different judicial, administrative, and educational systems, and two different official languages (English and Italian) formed difficult in operating the system of government. There was a complete lack of a plan for the unification and integration between the different systems of governance and civil and armed forces administrations. The foundation of the union was weak and trembling right from the start. There was a total lack of justice against Somaliland (politicians and people alike). There was an economic and development disparity between the regions of the north and rest of the country. Mogadishu and the South received the largest share of the development budget cake. In the first year of the union, the civil servants and military officers from the North (Somaliland) were the first who felt the direct discrimination in the government institutions. On various occasions, several ministers of Northern origin resigned from the first civilian government. They were discontented with the system of government which was muddling through corruption and favoritism with all posts in the hands of southerners as mention earlier. Tribalism was importantly an extreme obsession as it reached a stage whereby even some of the first civilian governments, without showing antipathy by the government and politicians, popularly became known as a government dominated by single clans at times. For example, the Government of the ‘Sa’ad’ clan ‘Governo saad’ was dominated by ‘Sa’ad’ clan, a main sub-lineage of the Mogadishu Clan clan. On other occasions, due to the ineffective government administration of the governments in power, governments were publicly called names like ‘Awaro’ which literally mean the ‘one-eyed’ government because of its oversight, negligence and overlooking of the development of specific regions mainly the Northern regions as Somaliland state was reduced to region being governed by a governor. Loyalty to clan affiliation was the main focus and strengthened and encouraged whilst meritocracy was amiss. The people from the north saw a yawning gap between their wholehearted wishes and their hopes and expectations from the union and initial signs of disappointment and symptoms of rejection were showing up. President Sharmarke left with Siyad Barre In addition, to the injustice in power-sharing the capital asset, commerce and trade potential in the north was undermined and relocated to the South. The manpower with administrative skills and management in the north were transferred to Mogadishu. The port of Berbera activities and port transactions were moved to be handled by the port of Mogadishu. Abdillahi Suldan Timacade, one of the popularly known poets in the North relayed the peoples’ concerns and feelings and directly to the President, Abdulrashid Ali Sharmarke, who was on a tour to Hargeisa at the time, indicating government’s negligence and deliberate marginalization of the north using classical poetic skills: “Midina waa dacwadayda (my point is a complaint) Maalintii dabku qiiqaye (The day the fore and smoke were kindled) Isticmaarkii isdiidnay (as disagreed with the colonialist) Nimankii danta sheegtayeen (were we not those who dared to declare their intention) Dariiqadooda ka leexane (and who did not abandon from the track) Dacwadooda dhamaystaye (Who made their goal successful – achieved independence) Dalka caawa aynu joogno (In this country we are in tonight) Dulligii isticmaarkiyo (who got rid of the evils of colonialism) Dahaadhkiiba ka siibaye (Who peeled exposed their wish for independence) Kaana daaqad ka saaraye (Who casted that out of the window) Dibadaanu ahayne (already we became an independent state) Dawlad soo gashay ma ihine (We are not a patch of train that you conquered) Danteenaa laba diiday (Our common aim was against two states) Dabuub aanu maqlaynay (but a heresy reached us) Dareen baan ka qabnaaye (and we have to express our feelings about it) Dugsigii baarlamaankiyo (The parliament warren and) Dakadii Xamarbaa leh (The port must be Hamar/Mogadishu) Berbera daadku ha qaado (Berbera to be swept away by the current) Dooni yaanay ku weecanoo (And no boat to has to stop here) Duqaydii baarlmaankaay (O’ you the parliamentarian elders!) Labadaa kala daayoo (those two cannot go together) Yaan loo daymo la’aan” (Beware of that)”. The same poet (Timaade), on another occasion, resented Somaliland’ political circumstances and described how independence was unreservedly lost and the way it was demeaned the Southern-dominated government: “Ayaantay Maandeeq dhashee, uunku filanaayey (The day Mandeeq gave birth, as the world was expected) Ubadkii oon dhadhamin bay u rareen, meel abaar badane (Even before the children tasted its milk it was moved, to a drought-striken lands) In loo sahamiyo bay ahayd, aad wax loo dayee (A fact finding scout should have been sent beforehand, so as to settle it properly) Abdidkii nimaan xoolo dhaqan, baan ku aaminayaye (to men who never managed stock, I trusted in them) Way iba-kuryowdoo dar-xumaa, ooddaa lo rogaye (She (the camel) has been neglected, in a closed pen by itself) Calankii Ilaahay baxsheen, ku istareexaynay (The flag that the Lord granted us, which we were pleased with) Afar cisho markuu jiray, ula abraareene (when it was only four days old, they took it away to distant lands) Aqoon badane Sheehk Yuusufbaa, aad u qoonsadaye (Sheilh Yussuf the knowledgeable scholar, had presented serious concerns) (The she-camel is the independent state of Somaliland) Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, the first Minister of Independent Somaliland state, sacrificed his premiership/first ministerial post for the sake of the formation of the union. Egal became Prime Minister of Somali Republic in 1967 until 21 October 1969 when his cabinet and the civilian government were toppled in a military coup led general Mohamed Said Barre on 21 October 1969. Egal was imprisoned by Siyad Barre for 12 years. The military revolution is discussed below and the union eventually ended up in disaster. That culminated in a brutal destruction of the society in Somaliland regions. In 1961 Abdillahi Suldan Timaade himself visited Mogadishu to evaluated the political situation in person. On his return to Somaliland, based on his practical experiences and observation, he composed the following lines: “Dawarsadaha qaawani kuwuu daasadda u madhiyay (For those whom the poor ordinary men made their properties empty for), Ee daaskeenii wixii yaallay lagu doortay (and all what was in our shop (own) we spent for his election), Dikhsi lama xisaabsanid haddaad dow ku kulantaane (You are no more than fly to them if you encounter them on a path). The clan tactics of the government was unashamedly in full swing right from the start of the early infancy of the union. Mogadishu did not pay respect to the people of the North and the sacrifice they made in lieu of their independence they brought to unite with Somalia. Another popular poet from Somaliland expressed this by saying: “ Ayaantaan dhashiyo maanta oon uurka ka ciroobay (The day I was born and today that I am an elder), Hashii aan intaa iyo intaa oon la dabajoogay (The she-camel that for so long I looked after in difficulties and thirst), Hashii aan aroorida cidlada ah kula ugaadhoobay (The she-camel that I stayed within the empty wilderness), ……………………………………………………… Namaydaan abaal marine waa na ambinaysaane” (You rewarded us not. You made us stray/lost) (Ahmed Ismail Deria ‘Qasim’) The injustices were clearly noticeable to the ordinary citizen as portrayed by the situation by the famous Somali poet, Qasim: “Waa kaa dareersaday Xamar Dayr cadkii dhalaye (Oh Look! The milking camel are herded by Xamar (the south), Dambi ku hadli maayee (I am not telling lies), Isma doorin gaalkaan diriyo daarta kii galaye (It is the same the colonialist I sent away and the one who replaced him), Dusha midabka Soomaalibaad dugulka moodaaye (physically he appears a Somali), Misna laguma diirsade qalbigu waa dirkii Karal e (But nevertheless, he is the same strain in heart as Carl), …………………………………………………………… Mar uumbuu daf soo odhan nabsigii diinku soo jiidayaye (One day the luck being pulled by the tortoise will be with us), Mar uumbay daruur caafimaad dooxa soo rogiye (One day a cloud of luck will rain and rivers will floods) (Ahmed Ismail Deria ‘Qasim’). As the government was fully immersed with corruption and nepotism, desperation among the people was evident. “Hadduunbaa sidii buul duqeed, daaha loo ragaye” as it (government administration) was like an abandoned elderly woman’s hut”, a Somali saying articulates. To be continued.

More than two weeks on from the fatal stabbing of a young man in his Wormwood Scrubs prison cell a large crowd gathered outside the Shepherd's Bush institution to protest. Source: Hiiraan Online

Before last year, an immigrant child could not apply for Canadian citizenship. Their legal guardian had to do it for them. Abdoul Abdi has been here since 2000, but his citizenship paperwork was never filled out by his parents. Source: Hiiraan Online

WASHINGTON — Somali government efforts to evacuate a large number of Somali migrants from Libya hit a snag after the delegation sent there was unable to persuade migrants to abandon the dangerous sea journey to Europe and instead return to Somalia. Source: Hiiraan Online

Ethiopia’s ruling coalition has accepted the resignation of Hailemariam Desalegn as Prime Minister of the country. He will, however, continue in the role till his successor is named. A statement from the Ethiopian Embassy in the United Kingdom said the Ethiopia Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was due to hold a Congress at which Desalegn’s successor will be named. “The EPRDF, at its next congress, will democratically elect a new chairperson to replace him in accordance with the Front’s rules and procedures. The House of Peoples’ Representatives of Ethiopia will subsequently approve this election and endorse his premiership,” the statement said. Desalegn’s was leader of the Southern Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM), one of four parties in the EPRDF. He also stepped down from his position as its leader. He assumed the office of Prime Minister in 2012 after the death of then PM Meles Zenawi. “Unrest and a political crisis have led to the loss of lives and displacement of many,” Hailemariam said in a televised address to the nation. “I see my resignation as vital in the bid to carry out reforms that would lead to sustainable peace and democracy,” he said in a LIVE television address. His resignation follows lingering violence that pressured the government to release more than 6,000 of political prisoners since January. Most of the released prisoners, which included high level opposition figures and journalists, were detained for alleged involvement in the mass protests. The prime minister had pushed for even more releases, said a regional analyst familiar with Ethiopian politics. He asked not to be named in order not to jeopardise his relationship with the government. Source: – AfricaNews The post Ethiopia’s EPRDF accepts Desalegn’s resignation, new PM in the offing appeared first on Caasimada Online.

Admiral Harry Harris, who heads up the military’s enormous Pacific Command (PACOM), warned lawmakers they must be wary of Beijing’s investments in traditional assets as well as its development of a new wave of technologies such as hypersonic missiles and artificial intelligence. WASHINGTON – China’s military might is growing at such a pace that it could soon rival American power “across almost every domain,” a top US military official said Wednesday. Admiral Harry Harris, who heads up the military’s enormous Pacific Command (PACOM), warned lawmakers they must be wary of Beijing’s investments in traditional assets as well as its development of a new wave of technologies such as hypersonic missiles and artificial intelligence. “China’s impressive military buildup could soon challenge the United States across almost every domain,” Adm Harris told the House Armed Services Committee. “Key advancements include fielding significant improvements in missile systems, developing fifth-generation fighter aircraft capabilities, and growing the size and capability of the Chinese navy to include their first overseas base in the port of Djibouti.” He added: “If the US does not keep pace, PACOM will struggle to compete with the People’s Liberation Army on future battlefields.” Adm Harris, who has been nominated to become the next US ambassador to Australia, has led PACOM for more than two years. He also addressed politicians’ concerns about the threat of a missile strike from North Korea. The Pentagon can, as of now, block any missile coming from the regime of Kim Jong Un, he said, but warned America needs to adapt to the rapid advances in Pyongyang’s capabilities. “Given what we think the North Korean capability might be in terms of their missiles in three or four years…. I think we must continue to improve our missile defences,” he said. Adm Harris said he supported a study to consider whether America should install ground-based missile interceptors in Hawaii, augmenting the batteries already in place in Alaska and Hawaii. The admiral said Kim’s long-term goal is not merely to ensure the survival of his regime, but to control the entire Korean peninsula. “He is on a path to achieve what he feels is his natural place, where North Korea’s natural outcome is a unified Korean peninsula that’s subject to (Kim) and the communist regime,” Adm Harris said. Korea experts frequently say Kim’s motivations for building a nuclear deterrent are somewhat rational because he sees it as protecting his regime, even though his missile push has put him at risk of conflict with the United States. Source: AFP The post Top US admiral warns of China’s growing military might appeared first on Caasimada Online.