Boqor Burhaan iyo Amiir Sayid Wafdi ka socda Imaaraadka Carabta oo ka soo kicitimay magaalada Dubai ayaa maanta gaaray magaalooyinka Qardho iyo Badhan ee Puntland, waxayna halkaas kula kulmeen isimo. Wadigan oo uu hogaaminayay Amiir Sayid Maxamed Khaliifa ayaa ugu horeyn ka soo degay magaalada Qardho ee xarunta gobolka Karkaar ee Puntlland, waxaana loogu soo dhaweeyay si diiran iyagoo kulamo la qaatay Boqor Burhaan Boqor Muuse iyo cuqaasha magaaladaaas. Dhowr saacadood oo wafdigani ay ku sugnaayeen Qardho, kadib waxay u duuleen magaalada Badhan ee gobolka Sanaag waxay iyana halkaas kula kulmeen Suldaanka guud ee gobolkaas Suldaan Siciid Suldaan Cabdisalaan iyo cuqaal. Wafdigii Imaaraadka iyo Suldaan Siciid Warbaahinta ayaa loo sheegay in socdaalka wafdiga Imaaraadka ka socda ee yimi Qardho iyo Badhan uu salka ku hayo sidii loo xoojin lahaa xiriirka dhaqan ee ka dhaxeeya labada shacab iyo labada dawladood ee Imaaraadka iyo Soomaaliya. Balse warar xog ogaal ah oo ay heshay PUNTLAND POST ayaa sheegaya in wafdiga Imaaraadka ee tegay Qardho iyo Badhan uu daarnaa arrimo siyaasadeed oo la xiriira heshiiskii dekadda magaalada Boosaaso. Wararka ayaa sheegaya in wafdiga Imaaraadka ay isimada kala hadleen sidii loo dhameyn lahaa murankii ka dhashay wareeginta dekadda Boosaaso ee u dhaxeeyay ganacsatada iyo dowladda , kaas oo markii danbe ay soo dhexgaleen isimadu ayna ka gaareen xal ku meel gaar ah oo dhexdhexaad ah. Qaar kamid ah isamada Puntland oo ay hormuud u ahaayeen Boqor Burhaan iyo Suldaan Siciid Cabdisalaan ayaa bishii December ee sanadkii hore soo saaray go’aano ay kamid ahaayeen in Tariifo ay soo saareen si ku meel gaar ah looga dhaqan galiyo dekadda Boosaasl iyo in ay dowladdu soo bandhigto hashiiska balaarinta Dekedda Boosaaso. Sidoo kale waxaa ilaa hadda dekadda Boosaaso oo ay maamusho shirkadda P&O Ports oo qeyb ka ah DP World ka shaqeeya go’aanadii isimada Puntland, iyadoo la laalay Tariifadii ay ku heshiiyeen shirkadda iyo dowladdu, waxaana go’aanadaas xiligaas wada qaatay shirkadda iyo dowladda. Imaaraadka ayaa la sheegay in uu hadda go’aan sadey in isimada Puntlnad qaar ahaan kuwa ka soo jeeda gobolka Bari ay lagama maarmaan tahay in uu la wadaago xogta heshiiska dekadda Boosaaso oo markii hore ku koobnayd iyaga iyo dowladda, maadaama isimada ay leeyihiin shacabiyad badan ayna masiirka Puntland qeyb weyn ku leeyihiin. Sidoo kale waxaa jira mashaariic hormarineed oo Imaaraadku u qorsheeyay in laga hirgaliyo deegaanada Puntland kuwaas oo ay kamid yihiin jidad, iskuulo iyo isbitaalo si shacabku ugu qanco heshiiska dekadda Boosaaso. Heshiiska dekadda Boosaaso oo aan wali la dhameystirin mudana soo socday ayaa noqon doona heshiis seddex geesood ah oo u dhaxeyn doona Puntland, Itoobiya iyo DP Word, iyadoo uu kamid yahay afar dekadood oo dowladda federaalka iyo Itoobiya ay ku heshiiyeen in lawada maalgashado,kuwaas oo laga maalgalin doono Imaaraadka. Imaaraadka ayaa raba in uu qeyb ka noqdo maalgashiga afar dekadood oo Soomaaliya ku yaala oo ay kamid tahay Boosaaso si uu raad weyn ugu yeesho ganacsiga kobcaaya ee ka hanaqaaday geeska Afrika. PUNTLAND POST The post Muxuu ahaa u jeedka wafdigii Imaaraadka ee tegay Qardho iyo Badhan? appeared first on Puntland Post.

Wararka naga soo gaaraya magaalada Laascaano iminka oo ay saacadda Soomaaliya ku beegan tahay abaaro 1:30 saq dhexe oo habeenimo ayaa sheegaya iska hor imaad la isku adeegsanayo hubka noocyadiisa kala duwan oo ka qarxay gudaha magaalada. Qaar ka mid ah dadka magaalada oo la hadlay Warbaahinta PUNTLAND POST ayaa u sheegay inay maqlayaan dhawaaqa rasaas la isdhaafsanayo oo xitaa la isku adeegsanayo hubka waaweyn oo ka socota gudaha magaalada, taasoo sida la rumaysan yahay u dhaxaysa ciidamo ka tirsan Somaliland iyo Dabley hubaysan kuwaas oo ku dagaalamaya agagaarka saldhiga bartamaha magaalada. Dagaalka saqdhexe caawa ka socda Laascaano ayaa noqonaya midkii labaad oo muddo todobaad gudihiis ah dabley hubaysan ay ku weeraraan saldhiga Laascaano, Iyadoona horey uu u sheegtay maamulka Gobolka Sool ee Puntland iska hor imaadkii kan ka horeeyay, balse hadda faahfaahin lagama hayo summadda ay wadaagaan weerarkan iyo midkii ka horeeyay Faahfaahinta kala soco Warbaahinta PUNTLAND POST. The post Dagaal ka socda gudaha magaalada Laascaano ee xarunta Gobolka Sool appeared first on Puntland Post.

Tuulladda Margaaga waa kaam ay daris yihiin degmadda Bacaadwayn ee Gobolka Mudug,waxayna hoostagtaa magaalada Gaalkacyo,waxaa ka jira caqabado haysta ardeyda ku nool Margaaga,kuwaas oo socod dheer subax walba iyo maalin kasta waxbarasho u aada Iskuulladda ku yaala Bacaadweyn oo qiyaastii 7 KM u jirta Margaaga. Ardeyda ku nool deegaanka Margaaga ayaa noqday kuwo maala markey u socdaan iskuulka lugtooda,waxayna tusaale u noqdeen baahida waxbarasho iyo ka cararka Jahliga oo waalidiinta reer Margaaga ku kaliftey inay caruurtooda ula bareeraan khatar dhinaca amniga ah gaar ahaanna ardayda Gabdhaha ah. Arrintaan oo ah mid soo jirtay in muddo ah islamarkaana ay wali ku jiraan Ardeyda ku nool tuuladda Margaaga waxaa warbixin maqal iyo muuqaal ah ka diyaarshey Wariye Mukhtaar Suudaani oo ah suxufi madax banaan oo inta badan u ololeeya soo bandhiga baahiyaha bulshada taagta daran. Daawo warbixinta. Abshir Dhiirane PUNTLAND POST. The post Gobolka Mudug:- Arday lugtooda maasha oo iskuulka u aada masaafo 7 KM. appeared first on Puntland Post.

A dispute between Puntland and Somaliland over the contested areas of Sool and Sanaag risks escalating into open war. The UN, supported by states with influence on the two sides, should renew diplomatic efforts to broker a ceasefire and press both to enter negotiations. Somaliland troops march past during a parade to mark the 22nd anniversary of Somaliland’s self-declared independence from the larger Somalia, in Hargeisa on 18 May 2013. REUTERS/Feisal Omar What’s new? The self-declared republic of Somaliland and Puntland, an autonomous Somali region, are engaged in a perilous standoff over long-contested areas Sool and Sanaag. After repeated deadly clashes since the start of 2018, both sides are using incendiary rhetoric, are massing forces in the contested areas and have shunned UN diplomacy. Why does it matter? An escalation would likely herald a protracted conflict with devastating consequences for northern Somalia and the potential to fuel further instability across the country. It could provoke enormous displacement and create space for the Islamist Al-Shabaab insurgency and a small local Islamic State branch. What should be done? The UN should renew its mediation, with the Somali government and Ethiopia, which enjoys ties to Puntland and Somaliland, backing those efforts. Priorities are brokering a ceasefire and ensuring both sides commit to withdraw troops, allow in humanitarian aid, quieten inflammatory rhetoric and conduct future talks to resolve the dispute. I. Overview A longstanding military standoff between Somaliland and Puntland over the disputed Sool and Sanaag regions is in grave danger of escalating. Both sides are reportedly massing large numbers of troops close to Tukaraq, a strategically located town that has become a front line in the battle for control. The tempo of artillery and mortar shelling around the town appears to have increased since 22 June 2018. Leaders on both sides have stepped up inflammatory rhetoric. Efforts to mediate have petered out. Both Somaliland and Puntland have enjoyed relative peace and stability for nearly three decades as war plagued the rest of the country. Somaliland declared itself independent from Somalia in 1991 though no country formally recognises it as such. Puntland is a semi-autonomous federal state of Somalia, with its capital in Garowe. A confrontation between them would have disastrous consequences for much of northern Somalia but also risks contributing to instability across the country. It also could play into the hands of the Al-Shabaab insurgency or even the Islamic State (ISIS) branch in Puntland. African and Western leaders, seemingly caught off guard by the looming confrontation, should take urgent steps to head it off. The United Nations mission in Somalia, which had been mediating between the two sides, should renew those efforts. Ethiopia, which enjoys close ties to both Somaliland and Puntland and has helped calm previous disputes, should throw its weight behind UN efforts; others with influence, including potentially the United Arab Emirates and Western donors, should do the same. Mediation should focus on quickly brokering a ceasefire and seeking an agreement that would entail both sides pulling forces out of contested areas, guaranteeing access for humanitarian assistance to populations in those areas and submitting to a longer-term process, including third-party mediation, to find a durable solution to the dispute. In tandem with the mediation, the UN mission also should support local peacebuilding initiatives in both disputed areas, involving clerics and local clan leaders to initiate bottom-up reconciliation efforts, which have proven successful elsewhere in Somalia. II. The Recent Escalation and its Potential Costs Since 1998 Somaliland and Puntland have vied for control of the Sool and Sanaag regions, together comprising a neck of land stretching from the Gulf of Aden to the Ethiopian border. Thus far, 2018 has been an exceptionally violent year in this contest, with about twenty armed clashes recorded since January. A battle on 8 January saw Somaliland forces overrun Tukaraq, a town held by a small Puntland force, straddling a major highway and trade corridor that links Sool and Sanaag to eastern Ethiopia. The fighting left dozens of soldiers dead on both sides. The capture of Tukaraq, which coincided with an extensive tour of Puntland by Somali federal government President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed “Farmajo”, was seen as a warning from Somaliland to the Somali government against getting involved in the contested areas. On 15 May, tensions again spiralled into violence. A militia loyal to Puntland launched an attack on Somaliland army positions around Tukaraq. This time, intense fighting reportedly killed close to a hundred combatants, including fighters from both sides, making it the deadliest confrontation the conflict has yet seen. The loss of Tukaraq in January and the heavy casualties incurred since have gone down badly in Puntland. Politicians and the public have directed recriminations not only at the Somaliland government in Hargeisa but against the administration of Puntland President Abdiweli Gas. The president is under increasing pressure to act, especially given elections later this year that he hopes to win. The recapture of Tukaraq appears to be a priority. During the first weeks of June, Gas has chaired a series of meetings to mobilise support for an offensive; during the latest, he delivered an address to the state parliament in which he vowed to “liberate” all areas “occupied” by Somaliland. By ratcheting up such expectations, the president is taking a huge gamble. In the short term, he gains political capital, especially as the public mood hardens against Hargeisa. But a failed offensive would risk a serious backlash that could doom his re-election prospects. If Gas’s rhetoric is increasingly bellicose, so, too, is that of Somaliland leader Muse Bihi, who said: “If they want war we are ready. I will teach them the lesson that I taught [Siad Barre]”.Indeed, the two sides’ public statements suggest both are confident in a quick military win. They are likely miscalculating. Their militaries are almost equally matched in combat strength, equipment and experience so risk getting bogged down in a protracted conflict with enormous costs (perhaps Somaliland has a slight edge but unlikely enough of one for a decisive victory). Prolonged fighting would likely trigger mass displacement, compounding what has long been a humanitarian emergency in Somalia. Such a war would sow new instability in the region, exacerbate inter- and intra-clan frictions and perhaps allow jihadists active in remote coastal and mountain enclaves the opportunity to recruit and extend their reach. Puntland is particularly vulnerable to upheaval in the event of a lengthy war with Somaliland. Its forces are overstretched, fighting low-level but costly local insurgencies in the Galgala mountains along the northern coast; securing restive frontiers around Galkayo, south of Puntland in Somalia’s north-central region; and policing towns periodically targeted by a local ISIS branch and Al-Shabaab. War with Somaliland would force it to fight on multiple fronts, particularly because its rival potentially could stoke existing conflicts in an attempt to further sap Puntland’s military resources. For its part, Somaliland also has struggled to contain pockets of discontent in recent years. President Bihi’s administration has faced a recurrent inter-clan conflict in Ceel Afweyn, in Sanaag region, that pits two major branches of the Isaq clan – Bicido/East Burco Clan and Saad Yonis/Habar Yonis – against each other. The conflict’s roots lie in a long-running East Burco Clan versus Habar Yonis feud that intensified during the 2017 election, which Bihi, backed by a East Burco Clan-led alliance, won. That election increased regional and sub-clan rivalries, with much of the opposition to the Bihi administration now concentrated in the east, especially in Burco, Somaliland’s second largest city. Such local opposition to Hargeisa could expand into more serious political instability were the conflict with Puntland to escalate. For Somaliland a conflict with Puntland also could tarnish its hard-won regional and international reputation as a stable and well-run polity. The crucial donor support upon which Somaliland relies for its development is predicated not only on sustained progress in governance, but also on its restraint in and peaceful resolution of conflicts. A war over Sool and Sanaag risks eroding Somaliland’s standing abroad. III. The Long Road to Tukaraq The conflict over Sool and Sanaag has been gestating for decades. It owes its genesis, in large part, to the collapse of Somalia’s central state in 1991. Somaliland and Puntland went their own way but were at political odds, with the former unilaterally declaring independence in 1991 and the latter founding itself in 1998 as a federal state notionally loyal to a unified Somalia (though at the time no internationally recognised central government existed). The chaotic carve-up of territory in Somalia left large areas contested, beyond even the nominal control of either Somaliland or Puntland, with clans in those areas, including the Sool clan and East Sanaag Clan in Sool and Sanaag, aggrieved and disempowered. Both Somaliland and Puntland staked claims to these areas – with Somaliland’s bid based on boundaries drawn when it was a British protectorate, and Puntland’s on kinship ties between its largest clan, the Puntlandersten, and the two main clans living in Sool and Sanaag, the Sool clan and East Sanaag Clan. All three of these clans are part of the larger Darood/Harti clan family. This gave Garowe an advantage as it struggled against Hargeisa to win the loyalty of the Sool clan and East Sanaag Clan. For many years Puntland and Somaliland saw their competition as political. Both invested in better relations with the two clans, including paying two sets of “civil servants” to run parallel administrations, though allowing them a large degree of autonomy in running their affairs. Both Puntland and Somaliland co-opted senior Sool clan and East Sanaag Clan clan leaders by offering them high-level positions in the governments in Garowe and Hargeisa. But as the contests over the disputed territories intensified, pressure mounted on the two clans to pick sides. Political co-optation thus had a dangerous side effect, splintering the Sool clan and East Sanaag Clan clans and complicating the task of managing discontent in Sool and Sanaag. That failure both catalysed the militarisation of intra-clan conflict in the region and made it easier for local spats to escalate into fighting between Somaliland and Puntland forces. Beginning in 2007, Somaliland launched a series of military offensives to expand its authority eastward, seizing a string of towns and villages in Sool. The captured locales include Las Canod, Sool’s provincial capital. Presidents Gas and Bihi continue to invoke history and self-defined principles of territorial integrity to press their claims to Sool and Sanaag. In addition to clan ties, Puntland projects itself as a champion of a unified Somalia. In a 23 June speech in Puntland’s parliament, Gas rejected the validity of colonial cartography as an arbiter of the conflict, adding it was Puntland’s “sacred duty” to “liberate” the contested regions through force. For their part, Somaliland leaders defend the British-drawn boundaries and assert their “right” to administer what they regard as sovereign territory. Sool and Sanaag, they argue, have long been part of Somaliland.Both sides thus characterise the dispute in stark terms, seeming to leave little room for compromise. IV. Averting War Somalia’s foreign partners appear to underestimate the risk of conflict in the north. They tend to assess the north’s stability in reference to the south – a low bar that may have meant warning signs slipped under the radar. That the crisis has deteriorated almost to the point of open war speaks to a number of realities. Outside powers have mostly preferred “positive” narratives that oversell the north’s recovery – and that of Somalia more broadly – and downplay risks. Leaders in both Puntland and Somaliland appear wedded to brinksmanship and believe they have little incentive to make peace. Local and international mediation systems are disjointed and mostly reactive. A marked exception was the early warning role played by the special representative of the UN secretary-general for Somalia, Michael Keating. This, combined with Keating’s shuttle diplomacy between Garowe and Hargeisa, temporarily helped de-escalate tensions. Both sides subsequently rejected his overtures. But renewed efforts by the UN envoy, with clear statements of support by the Somali government and behind-the-scenes diplomacy by influential outside powers, likely offer the best means to de-escalate the looming confrontation. President Farmajo, to his credit, has made repeated appeals for both sides to show restraint. Alone he lacks sufficient leverage to persuade them to step back, particularly as his relations with both Hargeisa and Garowe are strained. But Farmajo’s voice is important. He should continue to call on both sides to avert war, press for UN mediation and avoid giving any sense that Mogadishu supports Puntland’s belligerence (his statement on 26 June 2018, Somalia’s Independence Day, struck precisely the right tone). He also should redouble efforts to smooth his own relations with President Gas and resume dialogue with Somaliland, suspended since 2017.Ethiopia, arguably, is the one country with longstanding ties to and real leverage over both Puntland and Somaliland. Addis Ababa’s past interventions were instrumental in brokering temporary truces. This time, however, Ethiopia has appeared reluctant to get involved, possibly due in part to the complexity of the crisis – its inter- and intra-clan conflicts, colonial borders and secession issues – and in part to wariness that an intervention could be perceived by Somalis as meddling and inflame anti-Ethiopian sentiment. That said, Ethiopia’s new prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, has stepped up the country’s diplomatic engagement in Africa and beyond. Somali leaders and foreign diplomats largely welcomed his visit to Mogadishu in June as an ambitious but promising attempt to recalibrate Ethiopia’s traditionally troubled relations with its eastern neighbour. Prime Minister Abiy has his hands full with his reform agenda, security concerns and a still unsettled transition at home, efforts to make peace with Eritrea and calls for his intervention in other regional crises, notably by bolstering Ethiopia’s role in mediating South Sudan’s civil war. Tasking him with resolving a conflict in northern Somalia that may appear less strategically significant might be a tough ask. But the implications of an escalation around Tukaraq for the stability of Somalia as a whole should be of concern to Addis Ababa. Prime Minister Abiy should lend his country’s heft to efforts by the UN, pressing Garowe and Hargeisa to allow for a renewal of UN efforts. The UAE, which after Prime Minister Abiy’s June 2018 visit to Abu Dhabi appears to have reinvigorated its cooperation and relations with Ethiopia, and maintains close ties with both Puntland and Somaliland, could also help defuse tensions. An escalation would clearly be detrimental to Emirati interests, likely upsetting Abu Dhabi’s significant investments in both Somaliland and Puntland. For now, a visible Emirati role might not make sense, given friction between Abu Dhabi and Mogadishu (though relations may improve, as some reports suggest Abiy is mediating between the Emirati and Somali governments). Even now, though, the UAE and other states could discretely encourage Puntland and Somaliland leaders to accept UN mediation. The immediate goal of any mediation should be to quickly broker a truce. Parties should tone down provocative rhetoric, pull combat forces out of contested areas, particularly around Tukaraq, allow in humanitarian aid, and submit to a process of third-party mediation, without precondition, to find a longer-term solution to the dispute. One option for the latter might be the African Union Border Programme, which is part of the African Union (AU)’s Peace and Security Department and which has a full-fledged team that arbitrates and demarcates disputed borders. Though in principle this applies only to borders between states, AU officials have expressed a willingness to play a role. According to one senior AU official: “We have called on the Somali government and written a note verbale to appeal to them to utilise the AU Border Programme tool to resolve internal border disputes. If they give us a try we can turn that border into one of cooperation and not conflict.” Beside renewing its mediation efforts, the UN mission should initiate local peacebuilding efforts in both disputed areas. Such efforts should involve clerics and local clan leaders to initiate grassroots reconciliation efforts, which have helped bridge divisions and curb violence in other parts of Somalia. V. Conclusion Puntland and Somaliland are sliding toward a protracted conflict with enormously destabilising consequences for not only northern Somalia but the country as a whole. War is still avoidable, but to forestall it both sides need to take a step back, dial down their rhetoric and allow for mediation led by the UN. Their long-running dispute over Soog and Sanaag regions will inevitably take time to resolve. But the priority today is for the two sides to de-escalate, arrive at some modus vivendi and accept a mechanism for determining that status. The alternative is a war in northern Somalia that would be extremely costly to both sides, tarnish their international reputations, worsen an already grave humanitarian predicament and undercut efforts to counter Al-Shabaab and the small, but deadly ISIS branch in Puntland. ICG

In the Name of Allah, the Most Magnificent and the Most Benevolent: Thanks to Allah that made us possible to commemorate 58 years of Independence. I would like to extend warm greetings to the dignitaries from the embassies, neighboring countries, UN staff, and other distinguished guests. The chairman of the House of Elders(Guurti), the chairman of the House of Representatives, Chief Justice, Former vice presidents, top brass official of UCID and WADDANI and KULMIYE Parties, Ethiopian Ambassador to Somaliland, Turkey envoy, Djibouti envoy and EU officials: May the Peace, Mercy and Blessing of Allah be Upon You. I hereby extend my congratulatory message to the people of Somaliland on this occasion of commemorating 58 years of Independence from Britain on the 26th June, 1960. As a result, many countries recognized Somaliland as a state at that time. I am also indebted to the security forces that stood up to defend their country in the hardships. I would like to point out some few lines on this historic day – 26th June. Somaliland was under the British Protectorate whilst Somalia was colonized by the Italians. Then, our country, seeking the unity of all the Somali people, in the Horn of Africa, united with the Somalia under the colony of Italy on 1st July, 1960. I would like to remind you that Somaliland parliament carried out a debate on 27th June, 1960. They agreed upon the unification with Somalia unconditionally. Only two members – Mohamed H Ibrahim Egal and Garad Ali opposed that decision and suggested further consultations. On that day, zealous women and children were encouraging the unity as they also refuted against anyone who lambasted the unity. Consequently, 30 years of animosity and hostility started for Somaliland hailing people, but fortunately Somaliland reclaimed its sovereignty on May 18th, 1991. After the rebirth of Somaliland, Somalia perpetrated calumnious hostilities against the people of Somaliland. Apart from the defamatory animosities and interference, Somalia confronted the world in helping Somaliland. As you aware of, last week, the PM of Somalia wrote a letter requesting to suspend the aid of International Community over Somaliland. The regional state presidents all Somalia have also endorsed the decision and wrote the same letter to the world asking the same demand. We are mystified about the contradictory statements – Somali people must be united – unity is sacred and at the same time igniting fracas and skirmishes, writing up letters against donating Somaliland. Ladies and Gentlemen You have recently seen the incumbent president of Somalia Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo and his regional president Abdi Weli rejecting the borders demarcated by the colonialists. A defined border is what Africa is built on. Farmajo and his colleagues claim a country with one ethnic group – if each ethnic group rules his region, I cannot speculate the image of the Horn of Africa and how it will look like. Fresh chaotic wars will start. Ladies and Gentlemen, I want pose a pertinent question to President Farmajo and the president of Puntland region: if you want rule an ethnic group hailing from the same clan, are you eligible to rule Mogadisho or Somalia currently? Ladies and Gentlemen, The unity of greater Somalia failed and it is a place of no turn. The tentative solution is to live with peace and cooperate. Through good neighborhood and cooperation, both our countries will achieve tangible developments. Somaliland security forces are still inside 75 km within their borders. They experience fresh skirmishes – we are still asking why? The retort is that Abdi Wali is going to get a 2-year extension on election. That is not the right way of thinking and pondering – what about those losing their lives! Ladies and Gentlemen, We are altruistic about the residents of Lasanod, Garowe, Hargeisa, Qardho and Somali people at large – we are exhausted about war. We strongly believe that contentions are tackled through in-depth discussions and negotiations. Ladies and Gentlemen, Conflicts have been in existence since time immemorial – it is why a government is built – it is why security forces are recruited. I want to reveal you that the Grand Conference in Ga’an Libah is not threat to Somaliland – it will yield pleasant product for Somaliland. I was not a member and I have not seen the agenda, but due to my experience, the participants of that Conference are those who struggled and sacrificed themselves for the sake of the Republic of Somaliland. I reiterate; the yield will stress that the unity of Somaliland is of paramount, the independence is untouchable and that the controversial matters should be grappled with around the negotiating table. Ladies and Gentlemen, Another major in-wait issue is Eel-af-Weyn Peace Conference. We’ll dispatch from Hargeisa to participate the conference. We have experienced far greater contentions (vendettas) but we have successfully tackled with them. The conference will commence on 1st July, and we are very hopeful on the outcomes. Ladies and Gentlemen, Opposition parties eager the development of the country. We all like our country – we differ on ways to tackling tasks. Opposition parties do not come with slanderous and defamatory statements against their country and I appreciate that. I urge them to work out the unity of the people of Somaliland. The citizens should not also expect negative outcomes from the opposition parties. Ladies and Gentlemen, We have experienced natural disasters: prolonged drought, stormy cyclones, unemployment, and low economic income. We have done dramatic job to tackle those most pressing issues. On 1st December, we’ll embark on the expansion of Berbera Port and Berbera Corridor Project. The feasibility study of Berbera Corridor has been commenced on. Also, the surveys and pilot studies on the sea have been undertaken. Ladies and Gentlemen, The free zone in Berbera will also be put in place very soon. You – the people of Somaliland – should welcome the investors. Investors are very clever people. They want inject us robust investment. They want us stand by them. We want be civilized people to make use of these investments. We need to reach mutual benefit for both sides. We are in dire need to learn and discover ways of swapping interests and sharing common things with the outside world. Furthermore, investors need a free, vast land, quality roads, water, electricity, skilled labour, a legal license, a force that maintains its security. All these need consecutive trainings. Ladies and Gentlemen, We welcome the recently appointed PM for Ethiopia Dr Abby Ahmed and his dramatic changes in the Horn of Africa. The new PM has opened a new page for the history of Ethiopia after bolstering relations with most the rival countries. We condemn in the strongest terms for the terror attack that occurred during the rally of supporting the PM in Addis Ababa. The same condemnation goes to the barbaric attack in Las Anod town committed by a Garowe supported militia. Ladies and Gentlemen, I want also extend my congratulations to Djibouti people for their Independence Day which is dated on 27th June. To sum up, I am very grateful for the security forces. We must always stand up for them. We must combat them. We all know that security forces tighten the security of this country. At the moment, they are on the front line of the defense because Garowe administration is preparing fresh war to make use of this celebration. We support our troops morally and materially. They deserve to be respected and deemed as heroes. United We Stand Divided We Fall, Always Hands in Glove

Street Children in Somaliland: The Neglected and Unwanted To make matter worse, there are weak governmental institutions and other public agencies that are mandated to be responsive to the needs and priorities of street children. Somaliland has a wonderful history with great achievements in the profile of democracy and the dynamics of socio-economic and political development since 1991. With all these, as urbanization takes place, the number of street children have been increasing thus remain threatened, isolated and neglected in this contemporary society where every social problem is concerned but needs of street children are not addressed. Much of what we now know as street children in Somaliland was caused by family breakdown which weakened family functioning and the overall structure of the family. In other cases, children join street children when both families and children fail to fulfill socially and religiously constructed family roles in the society. Further, street children often face huge social, physical and emotional problems which not only affect the biological systems of the street children but also leave psychological consequences that take all their developmental stages. It is very common to see large number of street children is endangered by the society attacking them to harm since they are powerless and their voices are never heard. Moreover, they are weakened by the extreme weather conditions and it is because of these that some of them remain unhealthy, and die of different diseases. To make matter worse, there are weak governmental institutions and other public agencies that are mandated to be responsive to the needs and priorities of street children. As a result, the condition of street children is not considered as new and emerging social issue which can result the development of gang groups that can disturb peace and stability which is one of the foundations of Somaliland existence. Besides, young girls are also part of the street children that are more vulnerable and often face sexual and emotional violence from gang groups, men and sometimes are exploited in enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy and sexual slavery. In recent years, these children are used by gang groups and smugglers to rob and sell illegal drugs in the black matter. To address the growing risks of street children, transformative and collaborative approach to support street children which gathers together youth-led organizations working on the protection of children; government agencies aiming to safeguard children and youth; and child care and rehabilitation services. Programs encompassing education, health, social protection and child protection are regarded to be the most effective responses that can lower the stress of street children. Some voluntary youth networks like Save a Street Child Foundation and many others paid close attention to street children by distributing clothes, connecting them to rehabilitation centers and seeking further contributions for them. Mohamed Rashid Economy of Somaliland Source: African Exponent

Ministry of Transport and Roads Development, Roads Development Authority (RDA) and GIZ today launched Axle Load Control Act. The event was organized by SL Y-PEER. ALCA act implementation will start soon to enhance safety of roads and prevent damages to Somaliland highways.

HARGEISA– Ex-Minister of Information under President Silanyo’s administration, Hon. Osman Abdilahi Sahardid alias “Adani” has announced on Wednesday that he is vying for the chairman of ruling Kulmiye party. The former minister has made this revelation during a press conference held in Hargeisa. Mr. Adani has said that he has a political ambition which he is about to pursue and added that he can contribute to rebuilding of Somaliland if given a shot. Mr. Osman, the former minister has asserted that he does not want to challenge the incumbent party chairman, the president of the republic of Somaliland but said that once the sitting president relinquishes his political ambition then that there is a possibility for him to throw his name into the ring. Mr. Adani has stated that unless the president decided to transfer the chairmanship then he can run for the post. He made clear that he made many friends in the party and further said that he does not want to speak this issue at this time but stated firmly that he will speak when time comes.

A dispute between Puntland and Somaliland over the contested areas of Sool and Sanaag risks escalating into open war. The UN, supported by states with influence on the two sides, should renew diplomatic efforts to broker a ceasefire and press both to enter negotiations. Source: Hiiraan Online

The new Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s recent visit in Mogadishu marked unlikely shift in the two countries’ relations. In a joint communique statement issued by both President Farmajo and Prime Minister Ahmed have agreed to "strengthen their brotherly bilateral relations" and abolish trade barriers between the two countries, including investment of four major Somali ports. Source: Hiiraan Online

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Sarkaal ka tirsan maleeshiyaadka Al-Shabaab ayaa isku soo dhiibay ciidamada Dowlada Somalia ee ka howlgala deegaanka Baarsanguuni ee Gobolka Jubbada Hoose. Sarkaalkan isku soo dhiibay ciidamada dowlada oo howlo kala duwan soo qabtay ayaa magaciisa lagu sheegay Xuseen Maxamuud oo Shabaab dhexdeeda looga yaqaano Ramadaani. Sarkaalkan isa soo dhiibay ayaa sheegtay in maleeshiyada Al-Shabaab uu u qaabilsanaa aruurinta lacagaha Zakawaadka loo yaqaano oo Shabaab ay ka qaadaan dadka shacabka ah. Waxa uu Sarkaalkan sheegay inuu madax u ahaa qeyb ka mid ah raga amniyaadka ah ee fuliya dilalka qorsheysan. G/sare Ismaciil Shiikh Isxaaq oo ah Taliyaha howlgalinta Ciidanka Xoogga qeybta 43-aad oo la hadlay Idaacadda CXD ayaa sheegay in Xuseen Maxamuud Ramadaani isa soo dhiibistiisa ay timid, iyadoo Shabaab dhexdeeda uu ka jiro Khilaaf. Xuseen Maxamuud Ramadaani oo ah Sarkaalka isku soo dhiibay Ciidanka oo la hadlay Idaacadda Codka Ciidamada Qalabka Sida, ayaa sheegay in uu ka qeyb qaatay dagaalo badan, islamarkaana uu go’aansaday inuu isaga baxo Shabaab.

"All the years you put in, all the studying, then [new technology] comes along and your experience is worth nothing." Source: Hiiraan Online

In recent weeks, Hamdia Ahmed has been thinking a lot about her experience as a refugee. Her family escaped the civil war in Somalia in 1997 and crossed the border to settle into a camp in Kenya. She was just a few weeks old at the time. Source: Hiiraan Online

Ethiopia is to start extracting the first ever crude oil deposit from Ethio-Somali Region as of tomorrow, The Reporter learnt. Source: Hiiraan Online

Khadra Ibrahim Ahmed can see a new future opening up in front of her after a successful operation at Borame hospital in Somaliland this month to repair the obstetric fistula that has marred the last 14 years of her life. Source: Hiiraan Online

DAR ES SALAAM, June 27 (Xinhua) -- The World Bank has approved 350 million U.S. dollars credit to Tanzania for connecting water to more than 3 million people in rural areas, the bank said in a statement on Wednesday. Source: Hiiraan Online

Construction work has begun on a mixed-use twin tower development in Nairobi’s central business district that is set to become the tallest building in Africa. Source: Hiiraan Online

The identity of a young Adelaide woman, accused of being South Australia's first member of terror group Islamic State (ISIS), can be revealed for the first time. Source: Hiiraan Online

So, 41 years of freedom, respect for human dignity and development for the Djiboutian people? This is a relevant question today. Source: Hiiraan Online

Garoowe (Caasimada Online) – Warar soo baxaaya ayaa sheegaya in xaalad daro caafimaad ay soo foodsaartay Hogaamiyaha ugu sareeya Daacishta Somalia Sheekh Cabdulqaadir Muumin. Horjoogaha ayaa la xaqiijiyay inuu saaxiib u noqday da’ iyo xanuunada Sokorta iyo dhiigkar, waxaana jira warar hoose oo sheegaya inuu baralees ka noqday mid kamid ah labadiisa gacan. Illo dhanka amaanka ah ayaa xaqiijiyay in Sheekh Cabdulqaadir Muumin safar caafimaad oo dhanka Badda ah ay u qaaday Daacishta Yemen, balse iminka dib loogu soo celshay Puntland, gaar ahaan Buuraaleyda Galgala. Sheekh Cabdulqaadir Muumin, ayaa la xaqiijiyay in xiligan uu ku noolyahay xaalad caafimaad xumo, waxaana lasoo sheegayaa in 75% shaqooyinkiisa ay hayaan Horjoogayaasha kale ee ka hoos shaqeeya, sida laga soo xigtay illo dhanka amaanka ah oo ka tirsan Puntland. Saraakiisha amaanka Puntland ee ka howlgala Jiida buuraaleyda Galgala ayaa sheegay in macluumaadka ay helayaan uu tibaaxayo in Sheekh Cabdulqaadir Muumin uu howlgab noqday, isla markaana howsha Daacish ay sii wadaan Horjoogayaal kale. Saraakiisha ayaa sheegay in Sheekh Cabdulqaadir Muumin uu xanuunsan yahay ku dhawaad 4 bil, hase ahaatee xanuunada iminka isku biirsaday ay duldhigeen sariirta. Sidoo kale, Saraakiisha ayaa xaqiijiyay in isbedelka ku imaaday Daacish sida Qaraxyada iyo Dilalka kusoo kordhay shaqooyinkooda ay kamidtahay dadaalka ay lasoo baxeen Horjoogayaasha kale ee ka tirsan Daacish ee sida KMG ah usii haya howsha Sheekh Cabdulqaadir Muumin. Si kastaba ha ahaatee, xanuunada Sheekh Cabdulqaadir Muumin ayaa loo aaneynayaa inay sabab u tahay cimilada buuraha uu ku noolyahay oo aad u xun. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Garoowe Caasimada@live.com

Khalid Ali was carrying three knives when he was tackled by armed officers near Downing Street in April 2017 – and was just moments from being able to attack police, politicians or military personnel. But unknown to him, clues picked up from bomb parts recovered from Afghanistan more than four years earlier meant that police were watching his every move. Ali was one of seven children born to an Ethiopian mother and Somali father in Saudi Arabia, where the family moved to after escaping civil war in Ethiopia and from where – in 1992 – they came to the UK. He grew up in Edmonton and trained as a gas engineer and plumber after leaving school, but in his late teens became increasingly absorbed by religion and politics. Missing for five years In 2010, Ali travelled on an aid convoy to Gaza, appearing in news reports after a shipping dispute resulted in some of the travellers being forcibly taken to Greece. Kieran Turner, who helped organise the convoy, told the BBC: “At that point I thought ‘nice young man – this is going to be one of the people that’s fun to travel with’.” Ali “had a sense of humour” and “always smiled”, Mr Turner recalled. But Ali was a more complex figure than he appeared. In June 2011 he told family members he was moving to Birmingham for work. They would not hear from him for more than five years. He was reported missing and, during subsequent inquiries, a laptop from his bedroom was found to contain speeches by the al-Qaeda ideologue Anwar al-Awlaki encouraging people to engage in military jihad. In truth, Ali had gone to Afghanistan to join the Taliban. There, according to Deputy Assistant Commissioner Dean Haydon, senior national co-ordinator for counter-terrorism policing, he went to a “Taliban training camp affiliated to al-Qaeda where, for several years he helped terrorists make hundreds of bombs capable of mass murder”. In late October 2016, Ali suddenly appeared at the British consulate in Istanbul, Turkey, claiming to have lost his passport and seeking a temporary travel document in order to get home. Two days later, without luggage or possessions, he landed at Heathrow and was immediately questioned under terrorism laws. Ali claimed to have spent the preceding years travelling in northern Pakistan rediscovering himself and learning about different sects of Islam. Without lawful reason for further detention he was released but – crucially – only after his fingerprints were taken. These were shared with the FBI, which manages a vast database containing fingerprints found on bomb parts in various global conflict zones. Ali’s prints were matched to some found on improvised explosive device (IED) components from two large caches recovered by Afghan national security forces – the main targets and victims of such weapons – in South Kandahar Province more than four years earlier. Eventually, 42 prints from the Afghan IED components were positively matched to Ali. Detectives applied to the US for the evidence to be declassified so he could be prosecuted in the UK but permission was not instant. Final preparations In the meantime, Ali, unaware of these developments, appeared to resume normal life in London. He moved back to the family home in Edmonton, found work in a west London pizza takeaway and started retraining as a gas fitter. However, he was also quietly planning an attack and began researching targets. In March 2017 he was spotted at a march in central London, behaving suspiciously towards police officers outside Downing Street. Then in April he conducted reconnaissance of sites including the MI6 building and New Scotland Yard. From then on events moved quickly. On 25 April, near his workplace in Ealing, he bought a set of knives and a sharpener. The following day, officers observed him buying a mobile phone. That night, he was watched emerging from the family home and putting a plastic bag into a wheelie bin outside another house. When retrieved, it contained packaging for kitchen knives and a sharpener. While her son had been outside, Ali’s mother – concerned by his behaviour – went to his room and found four knives, which she took to a different part of the house. “I was shocked and upset” and “scared at what he’d do with them”, she said in a statement read at Ali’s trial. On his return an argument broke out when Ali realised the knives were missing. His mother called the police. Local officers attended and Ali left the property after midnight when his mother made it clear she wanted him to go. Armed with knives He then set about rearming himself. At daybreak he travelled across London, to Ealing, where he lingered for several hours before purchasing three kitchen knives and heading for Westminster – the location where, just weeks before, another attacker, Khalid Masood, had murdered five people, including a police officer. He walked around Parliament Square, dumping items in different locations, including a mobile phone in the River Thames that was later found to contain images of police officers in stab vests. When he walked towards Whitehall in the direction of Downing Street, armed police moved in. Knives were found in both jacket pockets and one tucked down the front of his trousers. Asked whether the public were in danger, Ali said he was not interested in them. Asked if anyone else was at risk, he told the officers: “You lot are carrying weapons, so you must know you are in danger.” Deputy Assistant Commissioner Haydon said: “Police and security services were managing any potential risk that he posed and he was arrested at the most appropriate time.” It was only in the hours after Ali’s arrest that permission was granted to use the evidence from the explosives in a British prosecution. During lengthy police interviews in the following days, Ali said he was armed only for his own protection and had not been planning an attack. He claimed to have been in Westminster to give a “message” to those in authority about his beliefs, which he had returned to the UK to deliver. Detectives were told the message was the same as one previously delivered by al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden. Ali said he was a soldier of the Taliban and that al-Qaeda was its military wing. He admitted constructing explosives in Afghanistan – and when asked whether he had also detonated them, Ali said: “I have pressed the button.” A detective asked: “How many times have you pressed the button to cause an explosion?” “Probably more than 300 times,” he replied. “I’ve been training and fighting against Western troops, be it American or British,” he told officers. He later added: “I’m sitting here in front of you as a mujahid, as classified under your country, the law, as a terrorist.” Ali was asked: “Did you kill any British troops while you were in Afghanistan?” “I will remain silent for now,” he replied. In court, Ali changed his account, telling the jury he had been held captive in Pakistan, near the Afghan border, and forced to bundle up components of explosive devices to prove he was not a British spy. He denied planning an attack in London to coincide with the start of the Taliban “spring offensive” the following day. Under cross-examination, he denied that the mobile phone purchased the night before his arrest – which has never been recovered – was used to contact the Taliban to get instructions to launch his attack. But he was found guilty of preparing terrorist acts and two counts of possession of an explosive substance with intent. Source: – BBC

Ethiopia’s prime minister appointed a new police commissioner for the capital in the wake of a grenade attack at a political rally in the city at the weekend that killed two people and wounded about 150 others. Premier Abiy Ahmed named Brigadier-General Degfe Bedi to the post, the ruling party-funded Fana Broadcasting Corp. reported Tuesday. His appointment follows the appearance in court Monday of 26 suspects in Saturday’s attack, including a deputy commissioner of Addis Ababa’s police. Abiy, who took office in April amid sporadic unrest in Ethiopia’s regions, has made a raft of changes, naming new leaders to one of Africa’s largest armies and replacing his intelligence chief. The ruling coalition has vowed to continue its reforms, including improving relations with neighboring Eritrea and partially liberalizing the state telecommunications monopoly, despite the blast in Addis Ababa’s Meskel Square that it blamed on “anti-peace forces.” Two new deputy police commissioners, Hassen Negash and Zelalem Mengiste, were also appointed, Fana said. Eritrean and Ethiopian government officials held talks about a stalled peace deal for the first time since a conflict between the two countries ended almost two decades ago. Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is seeking to normalize relations with neighboring Eritrea as part of a broader program of reforms he’s initiated since taking office two months ago. He’s also announced plans to open up the Africa’s fastest-growing economy to foreign investors and also lifted a state of emergency imposed after the snap resignation of his predecessor, Hailemariam Desalegn, in February. “The new developments in Ethiopia augur well for the resolution of the frozen boundary conflict and durable peace between Eritrea and Ethiopia,” Andebrhan Welde Giorgis, a former member of Eritrea’s ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice and now an independent analyst, said by phone from Brussels. “At the same time, the winds of change blowing in Ethiopia could also cross over and usher in a new democratic dispensation in Eritrea.” Officials including Yemane Ghebreab, an adviser to Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, and Foreign Minister Osman Saleh, arrived in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, on Tuesday afternoon, Shamble Tillahun, a spokesman for the Ethiopian government communications office, said by phone from the city. Images published by the Fana Broadcasting Corp. showed the officials holding talks with Abiy. 100,000 Killed Ethiopia’s highest governing body said on June 5 it would fully implement the so-called Algiers Agreement signed in 2000 to formally end a two-year war between the two Horn of African nations that killed about 100,000 people. The deal was never implemented, with Ethiopia refusing to recognize a monitor’s findings on ownership of the disputed border town of Badme. Eritrea, a one-party state that sits on a key shipping strait linking the Red Sea and Suez Canal, has been under United Nations sanctions since 2009, after allegations that Isaias’s government supports al-Qaeda-linked rebels in Somalia. The former rebel leader has ruled Eritrea since 1993, when it gained independence from Ethiopia. Source: – Bloomberg

Representatives of Minnesota’s Muslim community gathered Tuesday to condemn the U.S. Supreme Court ruling upholding President Donald Trump’s travel ban. The ban would affect travel from several mostly Muslim countries. Members of the Minnesota chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations and other community groups called for increased public activism in response to the ruling. Mustafa Diriye of St. Paul joined CAIR-MN executive director Jaylani Hussein and U.S. Rep. Keith Ellison at a Tuesday morning news conference protesting the ruling. A community organizer, Diriye worries for a cousin and her daughter in a refugee camp on the border of Ethiopia and Somalia. They are effectively trapped there now, Diriye said. Diriye’s cousin has a life-threatening heart defect, and her daughter suffered a stroke as a result of her own heart defect. Without proper medical attention or the ability to travel freely, Diriye said they may die in the camp. On Tuesday evening, more than 200 demonstrators rallied in front of the federal courthouse in downtown Minneapolis to protest the ruling, chanting, “Say it loud; say it clear. Muslims are welcome here!” and “When Muslims are under attack, what do we do? Stand up fight back!” Minnesota state Rep. Ilhan Omar, whose native Somalia is one of the seven countries affected by the ban, was one of a handful of local politicians and activists to address the crowd before it left the courthouse plaza to march through the city’s streets. “When people make these decisions … they forget the human lives it touches,” Omar said. “They forget the real people that are going to be impacted by it.” Ellison, the first Muslim elected to Congress and a Minnesota attorney general candidate, also spoke at the rally, telling the crowd, “Today, we are all Muslims.” “Don’t let anybody tell you this is not a Muslim ban,” Ellison said. “I call this a Muslim ban because Donald Trump called it a Muslim ban. … This is the way democratic societies are pushed into becoming totalitarian societies.” The crowd at the hour-long rally also included members of Muslim, Jewish and Christian clergy. Other Minnesota politicians were quick to respond in statements issued earlier Tuesday. State Sen. Karin Housley, a Republican running for Tina Smith’s U.S. Senate seat, supports the ruling as a national security measure. “At this critical juncture in our nation’s history, adherence to our Constitution has never been more important; our freedoms, our safety, and our security as a nation depends on it,” she said in a statement. Smith, a Democrat, condemned the decision, saying it contradicts historic American values. “This is not who we have been, and it’s not who we should be. We must keep working to help all people demand respect, freedom and dignity in the same spirit on which our country was founded,” she said in a statement. Source: – Twin Cities

On Saturday, June 23, hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians rallied in the famous Meskel Square, located at the heart of the capital city Addis Ababa. Citizen groups and human rights activists had organized the event to show support for Ethiopia’s reformist leader, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed — to recognize Ahmed’s commitment for democratic reforms and encourage implementation. The demonstration was colorful. Many wore t-shirts bearing pictures of Ahmed and his right-hand men. Others carried banners thanking Ahmed for his agenda of togetherness. The prime minister wore a t-shirt with a picture of Nelson Mandela, which read, “We are not free until we all are free.” Ahmed gave a rousing speech calling for national unity, and preaching love, co-existence, and democratic values. Minutes after he spoke, a grenade exploded. A rally organizer told the Washington Post that the attacker had aimed at the stage, but a demonstrator grabbed his hand and changed the grenade’s direction. If that’s accurate, this may have been an attempt to assassinate a reformer who, since taking office two months ago, has lifted the state of emergency declared in February by the previous administration. So far, the explosion has killed two and injured an estimated 150. Here’s what these events mean for Ethiopia’s governance – and for the EPRDF, the four-party coalition that has tightly controlled Ethiopian politics for the last 27 years. Background on Ethiopia’s protests and political reforms over the past three years Since 2015, the country’s two largest ethnic groups have been protesting their political marginalization, rights violations and economic injustices. More recently, Ethiopians have been protesting against repressive treatment of the media and civil society, as embodied in Ethiopia’s anti-terrorism laws. All this boiled over in mass protests earlier this year as citizens chanted for the release of political prisoners and voiced concerns over deteriorating ethnic relations. Many criticized Ethiopia’s ethnic federal arrangement, which divides the nation into regions governed by particular ethnic groups – although the Tigrayan minority has run national politics, as I explained here at TMC in February, dominating the ruling coalition EPRDF. Since protests began in 2015, Human Rights Watch reports, security forces have killed hundreds; in 2017, the Ethiopian government admitted that hundreds had been killed. Hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians have been internally displaced. Ethnic violence and local evictions of ethnic groups from regions governed by different groups are covered regularly by the daily news. This year, on January 3, the governing ERPDF regime finally acceded to protesters’ demands. Under former prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn, EPRDF announced political reforms that included releasing thousands of political prisoners. But on February 15, Desalegn announced his resignation – followed by jockeying within EPRDF over who would replace him. Until now, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front – representing the minority ethnic group that helped end an earlier civil war – has effectively dominated EPRDF, making other parties within the coalition less relevant. But Oromo Peoples Democratic Organization (OPDO) and Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), two of four parties that make up the ruling coalition, had been pushing for changes. The two parties won the coalition’s chairmanship for Abiy Ahmed, who chairs OPDO, effectively making him the new prime minister as of April 2. His election is now viewed as the end of the TPLF’s dominance of EPRDF — and therefore of the country. Despite being part of the establishment, Ahmed had been pushing for a new political direction. In his inaugural speech, Ahmed called for reconciliation and apologized that peaceful protestors had been killed. Reforms have been speedy, which may have upset EPRDF’s old guard Since taking charge, Ahmed has freed most of Ethiopia’s remaining political prisoners. He has attempted to reform the security sector, which remains controlled by the TPLF. Ahmed forced out long-serving EPRDF elites, and enabled young public servants and technocrats to rise into key posts within his administration. In an attempt to improve relations between the government and the people, Ahmed has also traveled throughout the country, listening to grievances. As a longtime critic of the practice of evicting ethnic groups from different parts of the country, Ahmed has suggested establishing a council of experts to study the federal arrangement, which is designed according to ethnic and linguistic lines. My research has shown that this federal arrangement has ensured EPRDF’s survival as an authoritarian party. Beyond Ethiopia’s borders, Ahmed has been trying to mend relations with neighboring countries in the hopes of facilitating trade and economic integration. The old guard aren’t happy, however. In a parliamentary session called by TPLF and its allies, parliamentarians representing the unhappy elites accused the prime minister of releasing “terrorists.” In a surprising response, Ahmed acknowledged the terrorist acts committed by the government itself – and insisted that only through coming together and forgiveness could Ethiopia move forward. That brings us to the grenade attack After the explosion, the prime minister addressed the nation, saying, “Those of you who planned and executed such an attack against your own people have failed yesterday, failed today and will fail tomorrow.” Immediately after Ahmed spoke, state television announced that the government had arrested Addis Ababa’s deputy police commissioner, as well as other high officials within the federal police and intelligence services, so far charging more than 30 people related to the attacks. The U.S. government has sent FBI experts to help Ethiopian authorities investigation of the blast. Ahmed now has the ammunition he needs to reform the security sector. Observers expect to see old guard elites purged from the governing coalition and Ahmed’s opponents driven out of the police and military institutions. Yohannes Gedamu ( @yohanethio ) is a lecturer in political science at Georgia Gwinnett College, and is working on a book titled “Ethnic Federalism and Authoritarian Survival in Ethiopia.” Source: The Washington post