Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Sacad Xariiri oo ku dhawaaqay horraantii bishaan inuu iska casilayo xilka ra’iisal wasaaraha ayaa sheegay in ujeedkiisu ahaa inuu dalkiisa ka bixiyo aragto wanaagsan. Sacad Xariiri oo si weyn uga hadlay markii ugu horreysay go’aankii uu isku cesilay, ayaa waxa uu sheegay inuu ku laabanayo dalkiisa maalmaha soo socda si uu si rasmi ah istiqaaladiisa ugu gudbiyo mas’uuliyiinta Lubnaan. Wareysi uuu la yeeshay telefishinka Al-mustaqbal ee ku yaalla caasimada Riyad Sacudi Carabiya, ayaa Mr Xariiir waxa uu beeniyay wararka sheegaya inuu u dhaqmayo sida nin ku hoos jira maamulka Sacudi Carabiya. Waxa uu sidoo kale sheegay ra’iisal wasaaraha iscasilay in ay suuragal tahay inuu ka laabto go’aanka uu isku casilay. Balse waxa uu sheegay inay taasi ku xiran tahay haddi xisbiga uu taageero dowladda Iran ee Xisbulaah uu ogolaado inuu faraha kala baxo collaada uu ka hurinayo gobolka. Sacad alXariiri ayaa si kadis ah xilkii ra’iisal wasaaraha isaga casilay 4 bishaan Noveember, kaddib bayaan uu ka jeediyay idaacad ku taalla Sacudiga. BBC Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

ISLAMABAD: The Higher Education Commission (HEC) signed a Document of Understanding (DoU) with the Ministry of Education, Culture and Higher Education, Somalia to promote bilateral academic collaboration and develop cooperation in higher education and other fields of common interest. The DoU was signed by HEC Chairman Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed and Somalian Minister for Education, Culture and Higher Education Abdi Dahir Osman. Under the DoU, the two sides agreed to describe the guidelines for future agreements on specific activities by the institutions involved. Areas of cooperation will include development, strengthening and capacity building of higher education of Somalia, technical assistance in establishment of higher education body in Somalia, and assistance in establishment of quality assurance standards in academia in Somalia. The two sides have also agreed to offer assistance to visiting scholars and faculty. On this occasion, Dr. Mukhtar Ahmed shared that HEC is making strenuous efforts to increase equitable access to higher education across all regions of Pakistan. He said that HEC has made immense progress with regard to promotion of tertiary education and research culture in the country. The chairman said that the quality of higher education in Pakistan has earned international recognition owing to persistent efforts of HEC. While mentioning HEC’s collaboration with different countries for promotion of higher education and research, he said now HEC is in position to extend its services to other countries, hoping that HEC’s collaboration with Somalia will pave the way for strong higher education system in the brotherly country. News

Members of the Somali-Canadian community discuss the issue of gang violence at a recent town hall meeting hosted by VOA’s Somali Service, in Toronto, Canada. The Somali community that settled in Canada says poverty and a lack of access to jobs and academic opportunities are some of the factors behind deadly gang violence that has taken a toll on its youth. More than two dozen young Somali men have died in Alberta because of such violence in the past decade, with gang activity spreading to Toronto as well, officials say. The Somali-Canadian population discussed the issue of gang-related deaths recently at a town hall forum hosted in Toronto by VOA’s Somali Service. In attendance at the town hall were an Islamic preacher, a woman who lost a son to violence, and two people representing youth and parents in the community. More than 200 people attended, including parents, relatives and friends of the victims of gang violence. In 1991, a large number of Somalis fleeing war in their east African country settled in a group of residential towers in northwest Toronto. Cultural challenges The community has struggled to integrate into Canadian life, but several speakers said the largest impediments are cultural challenges, as well as poverty and a lack of opportunities for Somali youth, panel members said. Habiba Aden, a cofounder of a Somali group called Positive Change, lost her 26-year-old son Warsame Ali in a double homicide in September 2012 in Toronto. She said she believes cultural challenges and a loss of identity are major issues driving young Somalis toward gang activity. “Our sons lack paternal role model, and they do not speak their mother language, which forces them struggle with identity crisis,” Aden said. In Canada, “mothers take the leading role of the family while still struggling with raising more than half a dozen kids. They do not get the same help and cultural co-parenting they would get back home from other family members,” Aden said. She said she believes those challenges lead families to be less physically affectionate with one another, and eventually drive their sons to outside influences. Sidiq Ali Hashi, the youth representative on the panel said Somali youth are affected by the socioeconomic status of the community coupled with the influence of the poor neighborhoods they live in. “I think the reason is the environment where the Somali child is being raised. He grows up in the worst poverty-ridden neighborhoods of Toronto,” Hashi said. He said the neighborhoods where Somali youth live lack investments and good schools. Because of these challenges, some students drop out of school and fall in with drug dealers and gangs, Hashi said. Canada, parents blamed Panelist Sheikh Saeed Rageah, a religious scholar and Imam, said the education system in Canada has failed Somali youth, calling the schools “systematic racism.” “The education system in this country was designed to segregate us. When the Somali-Muslim child joins the school, he or she is labeled as a child with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD or ADD), which deprives them their rights for a fair teaching and homework support,” Rageah said. However, Saeed Mohamed Mohamud, a parent representative on the panel, said blame belonged not with Canada’s education system but with parents. “Whatever it is, I think the system in this country was not designed for Somalis. It has been the same since we came here. But I would put the primary blame on a bad parenting of many members within the community,” Mohamud said. “I am a parent. I always see young boys who went to school in the morning, and when they come out hanging out the streets of Toronto with their backpacks. Where are the parents of these boys?” Some family members had questions for Toronto police, saying many of the homicide cases of slain Somalis remain unsolved. Toronto police officials said about 40 percent of gang shootings in the city occur in the Toronto neighborhood where Somalis reside. “We have issues with regards to gang members, drug trade, poverty, lack of opportunity, lack of recreational facilities, inadequate … housing. We have issues with families themselves and the culture that is brought into the community,” Toronto police Superintendent Mario Di Tommaso told VOA. Di Tommaso said the gangs in Toronto, including those within the Somali community, are based on race, gender and ethnicity. Community involvement He said the Toronto police have spent resources to investigate the gang-related shootings and homicides, but he said some blame lies within the community and its lack of reporting such activity. “We will have many situations where the community at large, not necessarily the Somali community, will make observations, will witnesses something, and they are reluctant to call the police,” Di Tommaso said. “When that happens, you have a proliferation of crimes within that community, which breeds fear. “We need more witnesses from the community so that we can advance to our investigations,” he added. At least one parent, Mohamud agreed to a point. He said the community was not happy with how the police and law enforcement agencies handled cases involving the Somali youth, saying, “We have a right that government investigates and tells us who killed our kids, but we also need to collaborate with the law enforcement agencies as well.” Abdirahman Yabarow, chief of VOA’s Somali Service, said the forum was designed to give the Somali-Canadian community a chance to explore, brainstorm and find solutions behind the violence that is affecting their youth. At the conclusion of the two-hour discussion, panelists proposed an organization aimed at gathering and making available resources for the community. They also urged those in the audience to unite against the influences that are pushing the Somali youth to drug- and gang-related crimes. VOA

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Kooxda Al-Shabaab ayaa sii wadda inay dhaqaale ka hesho canshuurta sharci darrada ah ee ay ka qaado ganacsatada Soomaaliyeed, sida lagu sheegay warbixin ay soo saartay kooxda kormeerka cunqabateynta hubka ee Soomaaliya iyo Eritrea ee UN Monitoring Group. Kooxdan ayaa sheegtay inay wareysiyo ay la yeelatay ganacsatada Muqdisho lagu ogaaday in canshuurta Al-Shabaab ay bishii ka qaado ganacsatada ay u dhaxeyso 10 dollar oo laga qaado kuwa yaryar, illaa 70 kun oo dollar oo ay bixiyaan shirkadaha waa weyn. Warbixinta ayaa sidoo kale lagu sheegay in digniintii ay dowladda soo saartay 23-kii July ee sanadkan ee uga digtay ganacsatada inay lacag siiyaan Al-Shabaab ay u muuqato mid ku dhaceysa dhego aan wax maqal, sababtuna ay tahay awood yariada hay’adaha amniga dowladda. Waxa ay sidoo kale warbixintu sheegtay in Al-Shabaab ay si xooggan isugu haleyso kuna tiirsan tahay canshuurta ay saarto wax soo saarka beeraha, xoolaha iyo ganacsiga. Shabaab ayaa sidoo kale lacag ka qaadata baabuurta ay jidka u gasho, oo ay ku jiraan kuwa u socda Kenya, ayada oo mararka qaar halkii baabuur ee xamuul ah laga qaado 1000 dollar, ayada oo baabuurta la siiyo warqad caddeeneysa inay lacagta bixiyeen, si aan mar labaad meel kale lacag looga qaadin. Lacagta ay Al-Shabaab ka qaado ganacstada ayaa loogu yeeraa, cudur daarna looga dhigaa inay tahay Zako. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho caasimada@live.com

Asmara (Caasimada Online) – Koox khuboro ah oo ka tiran QM ayaa sadeed sano kadib caddeeyey inan wax caddeyn ah loo heli karin taageerada la sheego in Eritrea ay siiso kooxda Al-Shabaab ee dalka Soomaaliya. Warbixin ka kooban 60 bog, oo ay soo saartay kooxda kormeerka cunqabateynta hubka ee Soomaaliya iyo Eritrea ee UN Monitoring Group, ayaa sidaas darteed weydiisatay golaha ammaanka ee QM in xayiraadda hubka laga qaado Eritrea. “In kasta oo ay jirto eedeynta ah in Eritrea ay Al-Shabaab taageerto, haddana illaa hadda eedeyntaas wax caddeyn ah waa loo la’yahay” ayaa lagu yiri warbixinta. “Maadaama kooxda kormeerka cunqabateynta hubka ee Soomaaliya iyo Eritrea ee UN Monitoring Group ay awoodi weysay inay caddeyn u hesho taageerada Eritrea ee Al-Shabaab muddo afar sano oo xiriir ah oo aan raadineynay, waxaana golaha ammaanka ugu baaqeyna inuu xayiraadda ka qaado Eritrea” ayaa lagu yiri warbiixnta. Eedeynta ku saabsan in Eritrea ay taageerto Al-Shabaab, ayaa waxaa lagu sheegay qaraarkii golaha ammaanka ee QM uu soo saaray 2009, ee tirsigiisu ahaa 1907, kaasi oo xayiraadda saaray Eritrea. Qaraarkaasi ayaa waxaa ka dambeeyey dowladda Mareykanka oo Eitrea ku eedeysay inau taageero siiso Al-Shabaab oo xiriir la leh Al-Qacida. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Nairobi Caasimada@live.com

1987-ki illaa waqtigan aannu joogno ayuu Turkigu raadinayaa inuu kamid noqdo midowga Yurub walina ma naasa-cadda in qoyska lagu daro si ay quud iyo qaaraan ula wadaago. Haddii midowga lagu darana faa,iidooyin badan ayuu helayaa oo xag dhaqaale iyo xag awood diblomaasiyadeedba leh. Reer Yurub oo aan xoolahooda been-been lagu cunin, ayaa daraasad ka diyaariyey dhibaatada u imaan karto haddii Turki ku biro midowgooda. Natiijadi daraasadda waxaa ugu mhuiimsan odobadan. 1-Tiro badnaan ay la socoto Muslinimo: Turki hadda waa 75milyan, 2050-ka wuxuu noqon doonaa 91 milyan sidaana wuxuu ku noqonayaa wadanka ugu badan midowga Yurub, wuxuu yeelanayaa kuraasta ugu badan ee baarlamaanka midowga Yurub sidaana uu ka mid noqdo xubnaha ugu firfircoon barlamaanka. Waxayna qabaan cabsi ah maadamaa Turki muslim yahay inuu awood sharciyeed uu ku yeesho midowga Yurubna uu markaa ku qasbanaado udoodida arimaha islaamka oo uu difaaco qadiyadaha mulimiinta. 2- Cabsi dhaqaale: waxay qabaan in hadii lagu daro dad badan oo Turki ah ay u socdaalaan wadamada Yurub oo shaqada ay ku cariiriyaan dadka kale maadaama ay ka shaqaalo jaban yihiin, badeecada Turki soo saaro oo ay ka baqayaan in ay ku fatahaan suuqyada Yurub, sidoo kale in shirkadaha ree Yurub ay si weyn u maalgashadaan wadanka Turkiga sidaana uu ku noqdo suuqa Yurub ugu weyn maadamaa uu haysto 75 milyan oo halmeel wada dagan. 3-Dood xagga juqraafiga ah: Dalka Turkiga boqolkiiba 97 waxa uu ka tirsan yahay qaaradda Aasiya marka in boqolkiiba 3 uu yurubnimo ku helo inaysan sharci ahayn ayay ku doodayaan. 4- Cabsi dhinaca diinta iyo dhaqanka ah: Taariihkda, diinta, iyo hiddaha Turkiga waxa ay ku arooraan bartamaha Aasiya iyo Bariga Dhexe oo dadkoodu isaga dhow yihiin dadyow kasta oo dunida ku nool oo hiddo iyo dhaqan aysan dadyowga ree Yurun aysan la wadaagin. Sidoo kale wax badan oo ka dhexeeyo ree Yurub inaysan la wadaagin waaya aragnimada iyo sooyaalka taariikheed ee ay kamid yihiin dhaxalka dhaqan iyo aqooneed ee ay kala hareen casriyadii la baxay Ilayska iyo kor-ukaca, dhibaatadii iyo xanuunka ay wadaagaan dalalka hada midowga Yurub ku jiro ee kasoo gaartay dagaalkii labaad ee aduunka oo sabab u ahaaba dhalashada fikirka midnimada Yurub. Dadka Turkigana ay yihiin Muslim hidde iyo dhaqan ahaan si buuxda uga duwan dadka Yurub oo iyaga dhaqankoodu ku arooro Kiristaan. Waxaa intaas dheer, marka taariikhda Turkiga dib loo raaco, xiriirka ka dhexeeyo Yurub iyo Turkiga wuxuu ku aroora kuwii bilowday waqtigii dawladda Cusmaaniyiinta ee ay inta cudud ciidan ku qabsatay, muddo dheerna ay wadamo badan oo ree Yurub ah maamulaysay taasina ay ree Yurub ku reebtay boog aan wali bogsan. Waxay xeeldheerayaasha Ree Yurub ee cilmi-baarista sameeyay warka kusoo hooriyeen: In aanayba Turki isku cid ahayn. Waxaan ka qaadanaynaa cashirkaan in noloshu ubaahan tahay qorshayn ka duwan mida aan hadda ku noolahay oo la mid ah dad saaran doon aan lahayn naakhuude, dadka saarana aysan aqoon, darawal la’aanta ha joogtee, meel ay u socdeen markii horeba, arinkeenuna uu yahay bal waxa uu waa la baryo aan dhawrno. Sidoo kale waxaan ka fahmaynaa, aduunka inaan lagu eegin maanta waxa taagan ee la qorsheeyo sanado badan waxa soo socdo. Waxaan la yaabay in daraasadda ree Yurub ay qorshaha ku darsadeen Waxa 50sano kadib imaanayo. Waxaa kale oo baraarujin mudan sida reer Yurub uga fakerayaan ilaalinta dhaqankooda iyo diintooda oo ah sababta ugu muhiimsan ee ay Turki ood-afada isaga saareen. Waxaan aragnaa in aqoonyahkeenna ay cajabiso afkaarta dhaqan-dhaqaale ee ree galbeedka iyagoo ku doodayo Yurub waxay horumar ku gaartay inay diin iyo dhaqan meel iska dhigeen danahoodana aqoonsadeen. Sidaa awgeed waxaad arkaysaa in marka diin lasoo qaado, dhaqanka in lagu fara adaygo aad ka hadasho, ree galbeedku inay wax khaldayaan oo dahankeenna duullaan ku yihiin aad usheegto in lagugu tuhmo mintidnimo iyo mayal-adayk. Bal u fiirso waa ree Yurub waa raggaa hada aduunka haysto, waa 28 waddan waxa ayna ka baqayaan hal waddan hadii ay wax ku darsadaan waxa uga imanayo. Waxay walaac ka qabaan diintooda, dhaqankooda, iyo dhaqaalahooda inay wax soo gaaraan. Ugu danbayn waa in aqoonyahankeennu gartaa in aqoontu qiimo ku leedahay dhaqanka iyo diinta, waxa aqoonta loo yeeshana ay tahay in lagu ilaaliyo danaha dadkaada iyo qaayasoorkooda. Aqoon lagu dumiyay aasaaska jiritaankaada maahan mid qiimo leh. Horumar baabiyo sooyaalkaadi iyo taariikhdaadina horumar maahan. Taasina waa sababta ay reer Yurub si walba oo ay noloshooda u hormariyeen ay wali ugu faanaan inay yihiin kiristaan. W/Q: Maxamed Ibraahim Xasan

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Madaxwaynaha dalka Turkiga Recep Tayyip Erdoğan oo Telefashinka dowlada kala hadlaayay dadweynaha ayaa weerar dadban ku qaaday amiirka dhaxal sugaha Sucuudiga. Erdogan waxa uu sheegay in marka diinta loo weecdo ay maalmahaani soo ifbaxayeen amiiro ka tirsan sacuudiga oo is laheysiinaaya diinta islaamka. Waxa uu Erdogan u sheegay inuusan amiirka dhaxal sugaha Sucuudiga laheyn diinta Islaamka, balse ay tahay mid qof waliba oo muslim ah ay mas’uuliyad ka saaran tahay isla markaana laga doonaayo sida uu u ilaalin lahaa diinta. Erdogan waxa uu tilmaamay in dowladaha islaamka laga doonaayo in arrimaha ku xeeran maslaxadooda Siyaasadeed ay ka weeciyaan waxyaabaha khuseeya diinta suuban, maadaama uu farqi u dhexeeyo. Madaxweyne Erdogan ayaa sheegay in fikradda ah in ay jirto diinta islaamka mid dhexdhexaad ah iyo mid aan habooneyn ay tahay wax ay reer galbeedka abuureen si ay u wiiqaan iimaanka dadka islaamka ah. Amiirka dhaxal sugaha sacuudiga oo ka hadlayay shirkii maalgashiga ee lagu qabtay magaalada Riyadh, ayuu bin Salman wacad ku maray in uu ku soo celin doono Sacuudi Carabiya waxa loogu yeero (Islaam qunyar socod ah). Sidoo kale, Erdogaan oo sifeynaayay ereyga qunyar socod ‘moderate Islam’ ayaa waxa uu sheegay inay reer galbeedka iska leeyihiin. Erdogan waxa uu yiri ma jiro mid dhexdhexaad ah ama asal ah, Islaamku waa mid ujeedada isticmaalka ereyadaas waa in la wiiqo Islaamka. Sidoo kale, Erdogaan oo kusii fogaanayay erayada amiirka dhaxal sugaha ah ayaa yiri “waxaa laga yaabaa in qofku ku sharaxayo fikraddan islamka in ay u maleeyeen in ay iyaga iska leeyihiin diinta. maya, maaha mid adiga aad leedahay” ayuu yiri Erdogan. Dhinaca kale, Erdogaan ayaa madaxda dalalka Islaamka ah ku booriyay inay kala qaadan danaha Siyaasada iyo howlaha diiniga ah, maadaama diintu tahay mid muqadas ah, isla markaana khasab ah in la adeegsado ama lagu dhaqmo. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online) – Hogaamiyaha maamulka Jubbaland Axmed Madoobe oo ka hadlaayay amni darida ka jirta dalka iyo duulaanka ay qorsheyneyso dowlada Somalia, ayaa sheegay inay muhiim tahay in laga hortago amni darida weli taagan. Axmed Madoobe, waxa uu sheegay in dalka uu leeyahay ciidamo aad u xoogan, balse la doonayo in la dhameystiro xuquuqda ciidamada si ay ula dagaalamaan cadowga. Waxa uu Axmed Madoobe tilmaamay inay la socdaan in ciidamadu aysan heysan wax xuquuq ah, hase ahaatee waxa uu garwaaqsaday inay adag tahay in ciidamo ceynkaasi ah ay la dagaalamaan cadow, balse waxa uu rajo ka muujiyay in ciidamadu ay u dhabar adeegi doonaan difaaca dalka iyo dadkooda. Sidoo kale, Axmed Madoobe waxa uu Madaxda ugu sareysa Qaranka uga digay hal arrin oo ah inay ka dhabeyn waayan hanjabaadii aheyd inay qaadayaan duulaan ka dhan ah Alshabaab oo ay kula soo noqonayaan deegaanada ka maqan gacanta dowlada. Dhinaca kale, waxa uu Axmed Madoobe soo jeediyay in la dadajiyo duulaanka ka hor inta aysan maleeshiyaadka ku mashquulin amniga goobaha ay gacanta ku heyso dowlada. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Soomaaliya waxay Soo martay colaado fara badan ,laga soo bilaabo 1990 kii kadib markii ay meesha ka baday dawladii dhexe ee military ga ahayd oo iyada lafteeda ay rideen dagaalo kaga yimi gobolada qaar. xiligaas waxa laga joogaa 27 sano oo ilaa iyo hada xal buuxa looma helin nabadeynta dalka iyadoo hadba weji yeelanaysay sida ,Hogaamiye-kooxeedyo,Maxaakiim,Alshabaab, hadana ay Daacish soo ifbaxday. Hadaba sidee dalka loo nabadeyn karaa 1) Dib u heshiisiin dhab ah: sidaynu ognahay dagaalkii sokeeye wuxuu dhexmaray beelaha Soomaaliyeed ilaa reer reer jafi jafi wuu saameeyey sida darteed waa in laysa soo hor fadhiisiyaa cid alaale iyo cidii wax kala taba naysa looma dhameeya hadii ay hanti kala haystaana loo kala Ceshaa. 2)Dhisida Ciidan qaran: Dhisida Ciidan Qaran waa ugu mihiimsan iyadoo ciidan kaas laga keenayo 18 ka gobol ee Soomaaliya la iskuna la iskuna dhafayo ciidan kaas. 3)Hanuuninta Bulshada: waa in Bulshada lagu hanuuniyaa wadaniyada, bulshada Soomaaliyeed 70% waa dhalinyaro kuwaas oo badan kood dhashay wixii ka danbeeyey 1990 kii mana fahansana wadaniyadu waxay tahay sidaa darteed waa lagama maar maan in la baro wadanitada. 4)Hub ka dhigista shacabka: hubka dhigista shacabku tiir kale oo muhiimad u leh Nabada waxaa marag ma doonto ah in qaar ka mid ah Hogaamiye kooxeedyadii ay hub ku dhex wataan Magaalada Muqdisho , waa in hubka laga dhigaa dadkaas aan hore u sheegnay. 5)Ku wareejinta gacan dawlada Ciidamada ay dawladaha shisheeye tababarka siinayaan: waxaad maalin walba maqashaa intaas oo askari ayaa waxa tabaabaray dawlada hebel, Ciidamadaas oo ka amar qaata dawladihii tababaray Sida kuwa Ethiopia ay tababarto oo mesha ay joogaan ay ciidamada Ethiopia ka baxaan iyana ka baxa. Hada waxa jira kuwo Emirate ku tababareen oo ay mushahar siiso Safaarada Emirate ka ee Soomaaliya kana amar qaata. waana in la xadidaa ciidamaas shisheeyuhu tababarka tababarka tababarka siinayo.. W/Q: Mohamed Abdirizak Gaandi email:mohamed.abdirizak17@gmail.com

Waxaan qormadi kowaad si kooban ooga hadalnay dhibaatooyinka haysto waxbarashada adduunka iyo sida caruur badan loo hafro. Tii xigtay waxaan ku eegnay meelaha uu farqiga balaaran ka jiro iyo sababaha qaar ka mid ah. Middaan waxaan ku eegi doonnaa mid ka mid xalalka ay warbixinti Bankiga Adduunku soo jeedisay oo ah Qiimayn (measurement/assessment). Maxay u jirtaa dhibaatada haysato waxbarashada adduunka? Maxaa keenay in ilmo afar sano iyo ka badan fasal fadhiyay wali u yahay ummi? Maxay bahda waxbarashadu mushkiladahaan xal ugu la’yihiin? Mid ka mid ah sababaha ugu weyn waa inta badan waddamada adduunku aysan lahayn nidaam lagu ogaado kan waxbaranayo iyo kaan baranayn. 121 dal oo xog-raadin lagu sameeyay, hal-sadexaad (40 dal) kaliya ayaa yeeshay keyd-xogeedka (data centre) waxbarashada dugsiayada hoose/dhexe. Si tani loo xalliyo, inkastoo aysan ku filnayn inay baabi’iso dhibka oo dhan, waa in helaa nidaam qiimayn oo sugan. Nidaamyada adduunka ka jiro hadda waxay soo gudbiyaan is-diiwaangalinta laakiin masoo gudbiyaan barashada. Maxaa yeelay barashadu kuma jirto xogta la hayo. Sidoo kale, tayada barashadu xisaabta uguma jirto siyaasiyiinta iyo shaqaalahooda . Taasi waxaad ka dheehan kartaa qaabka siyaasiyiintu ooga hadlaan waxbarashada. Waxay had iyo jeer cabbiraan tirada ee ma sheegaan tayada iyo barashada. Waxaad maqashaa siyaasiga oo leh waxaan dhisi iskoollo badan, fasallo ayaan kordhin, caruur badan ayaan iskool geyn, intaas oo macallin ayaan howl galin, waxaan kordhin mushaarka macallimiinta, laakiin maqli maysid iyagoo marna tilmaamayo waxa la barto iyo tayada waxbarashada (innaga booska siyaasiyiinta xagga ballanqaadka waxaa noo fadhiyo hayadaha samafalka). Haddii aysan jirin qiimayn sugan oo dadkoo dhan u furan, waligeed la ogaan mahayo tayada waxbarasho, siyaasiyiintuna sidaas ayay dadka u harowsan. Cilmi-baaris lagu sameeyay Kiinya ayaa tusisay in in ka yar kala bar ardayda dhigato fasallada afraad ay ka shaqayn karaan xisaabta ay ku qaateen casharada, saas oo ay tahay, sadex-meelood labo (2/3) waalidiintu waxay aaminsanyihiin in dowladdu waxbarsho tayo badan siiso warasadooda. Sabatu way iska caddahay; xogta kaliya ay helaan waxaa siiyo siyaasiyiinta. Si taasi looga gudbo loona ogaado gunta barashada waa in la sameeyaa qiimayn dhowr lakab ah. Qiimayn fasal: qiimayntaan waxaa samayn macalimiinta waxayna ka caawin inay ogaadaan ardayga fariidka fahamada badan ah iyo kan culaysku ku jiro ee u baahan gacan-qabasho. Waxaa badan in arday u dhashay fahmo culays uu qabbiro mid faahin ah si fududna meelo sare ku gaari lahaa. Baaritaan lagu sameeyay iskoollo ku yaal Delhi (Hindiya) ayaa laga helay fasal ay wada fadhiyaan arday qaarkood u qalanto lixaad, qaarna shanaad hadana isku cashar qaadanayo. Tani lagama wado kii dammiin loo arko ha la tuuro fariidkuna horay ha u socdo ee waxaa looga jeedaa caruurta ayaan la isu dabrin ee mid walba wax uu qaadi karo ha la siiyo iyagoo isla fadhiyo. Qiimaynta ceynkaan ah waxay anfici kan fahamada yar in ka badan kan famada badan waayo wuxuu heli gacan qabasho iyo taakulayn uusan heleen markii aan xogtiisa la hayn. Haddii iskoolladu qiimaynta ceynkaan ah sameeyaan, waxaa dhici inay si wacan u maareeyaan tas’hiilaadka ay heli karaan iyo inay xogta la wadaagaan waalidiinta si ay cawimaad dheeraad ah u siiyaan warasadooda. Qiimayn Dagmo: qiimayntaan waxay noqon mid lagu sameeyo iskoollada heer dagmo. Natiijada soo baxdo ayaa noqonayso midda go’aaminayso martadiisa. Tallaabadaan abuuri mayso tartan fayow oo iskoollada dhexdooda ah kaliya, balse sidoo kale waxay fursad doorasho siin waalidiinta oo warasadooda gaysan iskoolka qiimaha leh. hadda waxaan iskoollada ku dooranna qof aan qaraabo nahay ayaa macalin ka ah iyo qolo aan isku caqiido nahay ayaa maamusho. Sidoo kale, haddii ay jirto cid dhaqaale ku taageerto sida dowlad ama hayad, waxaa lagula xisaabtami waxqabadkooda. Haddii aysan waalidiintu hayn xogtaan lama xisaabtami karaan iskoolladooda, waxayna u haysan in kuwoodu aduunka ugu sarreeyaan. Baaritaan lagu sameeyay Yugaandha ayaa tilmaamay in sadex-afraad (¾) waalidiintu ku qanacsanyihiin tayada iskoolladooda iyadoo rubuc (¼) kaliya caruurta dhigato fasalka afraad ay ka shaqayn karaan xisaabta lagu qaato fasalka labaad. Qiimayn heer qaran ah: middaan aad ayay muhiim u tahay. Waa qiimaynta lagu jaangooyo miisaaniyadda dowladdu ku bixinayso waxbarashada iyo gobollada loo badinayo. Waa midda lagu dajiyo baahida waxbarsho ee uu dalku qabo iyo meelaha u baahan in xoogga la saaro. Waa midda tusayso in madaxdu fuliyeen ballanqaadyadoodi iyo in kale (innaga booska dowladda waxaa noo joogo hayadaha samafalka ciddii doontaba ha lahaatee). Waa midda adduunku arko laguna qiimeeyo heerka uu waddaankaas kaga jiro waxbarshada adduunka. Haddii aysan jirin wax xog heer qaran ah oo waddan laga hayo laguma daro qiimaynta adduunka. Waa sababta aadan marnaba ugu arkayn dalkeenna marki laga hadlayo martabooyinka waxbarasho ee caalamka. Haddaba soo tan dalkoo dhan imtixaanno laga qaado? Qiimaynta iyo imtixaannada hadda la qaado waa kuwo loo naqshadeeyay in caruurta lagu ciqaabo ama lagu abaal mariyo. Waxay kala saaraan ilmaha dhacay iyo kan baasay ee ma eegaan sababaha. Sidaa darteed waligeed wax lagama barto, waayo eedda waxaa la saaraa ardayda iyo waalidiintood. Canugii dhaco isagaa dadaali waayay ama waalidkii ayaa la haray oo aan siin wixii taageero uu u baahnaa ayaa lagu doodaa. Ma jirto cid hoos u dhugato sababta dhacniinka keentay iyo cidda ka masuulka ah. Ma jirto cid horay usii qiimaysay si loo ogaado baahidiisa iyo kartidiisa waxbarsho. Sidaa awgeed waxaa loo baahanyahay mid taasi ka duwan oo ujeedkeedu yahay cashar barasho iyo hagaajin. Intaas waxaa dheer ma jirto meel dhexe oo lagu kaydiyo imtixaanada la qaado lamana martabeeyo iskoollada ee waxaa lasoo qoraa kaliya ardaydu sideey u kala korreeyeen. Dabcan waxaa la iswaydiin karaa sida waalidiintu xogta ku heli maadaama aysan intooda badan wax akhrin? Jawaabtu ma cusla. Muhiim maahan in waalid walba warqarwarqad u arko warbixinnada soo baxo ee waxaa muhiim in inuu ogaado meesha wax marayaan. Taasi waxay ka ogaan karaan idaacadaha dalka. Marki la daabaco warbixin cusub iyo martabaynta iskoollada waxaa caadiyan laga sii daayaa dhamaan inta idaacad ah, dadkeennuna waa ku fiicanyahay war dhagaysiga sidaa darteed waxba seegi mahayaan. Dalkeennu ma yeelan karaa nidaam caynkaan ah waqtigaan? Nafta looma been sheego, waanadana waaqiciga ayaa lagu dhisaa. Duruufaha siyaasadeed, kuwa amni iyo kuwa dhaqaale ee hadda dalkeennu ku jiro dartood suura gal maahan inuu hadda yeesho qiimayn heer dagmo, gobal ama mid qaran ah. Laakiin waxaa sahlan in la sameeyo mid fasal, iyadaana hadda noogu daran oo caruurta u dan ah. Haddii maamulayaasha iyo madaxda iskoolladu ilaahay ka baqaan iskuna dayaan inay hagaajiyaan tayada iskoolka ay gacanta ku hayaan way samayn karaan, qiimayn fasal fasal ahna way u sahlantahay waqti iyo qarash dheeraad ahba ha u baahaatee. Waxaan kusoo xirayaa qormadaan, dhammaanteen masuuliyad ayaa innaga saaran in caruurteenu hesho waxbarsho tayo leh. Maahan inaan cid gooni ah ku hallayno mana ahan inaan ku aaminno macalimiinta iskoollada iyo maamulayaasha kaliya. Waalidiinta waxaa saaran inay booqdaan iskoollada ay warasadoodu dhigato, waxbixinna waydiistaan. Macalimiinta iyo milkiilayaasha iskoolada waxaa saaran inay xalaal ka dhigtaan kasabkooda oo ay hafaryada ka daayaan caruurta. Wixii tabar loo waayo cidna uma haysato laakiin eedda joogtada ah ee caruurta iyo waalidiinta la saaro qayb ha qaateen isbadalna ha isku dayeen. W/Q: Ibrahim Aden Shire Kala soco: https://ibrahim-shire.blogspot.co.uk/ Ishire86@gmail.com

Shirkii u socday Madaxweynaha Puntland Gaas, Madaxweyne ku Xigeenka puntland Camey, Gudoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Puntland Axmed Cali Xaashi iyo xubno Baarlamaanka Puntland katirsan ayaa burbur ku dhamaaday maanta. Madaxweyne Gaas ayaa intii uu Moqdisho ku maqnaa waxaa shiray xildhibaanada Baarlamaanka Puntland ee kasoo jeeda Sool iyo Sanaag, waxayna Gudoomiyaha Baarlamaanka Puntland iyo Madaxweyne ku-xigeenka Puntland Eng. Camey kula heshiiyeen in Baarlamaanku amar soo saaro kadibna Camey fuliyo oo dhulka ay matalaan xoreystaan wax doorasho Somaliland ahina aanay ka dhicin. Madaxweyne Gaas markuu Moqdisho kasoo noqday ayaa loo sheegay in go’aankii Baarlamaanka la fulinayo oo ay tahay lagama maarmaan. Madaxweyne Gaas ayaa ka soo horjeestay arintaas. Baarlamaanka Puntland ayaa balan qaaday haddaan go’aankoodii ku aadanaa Somaliland doorashooyinkeeda la fulin in Xukuumada iyo Madaxweyne Gaas ay ridayaan. Xaalad qasnaan iyo Jahwareer ayaa maanta ka taagan Madaxtooyada Puntland, xilli ay Somaliland bilaabayso doorashooyinkeedii. Xigasho: Widhwidh.com

Somaliland’s presidential elections next week offer the self-declared Horn of Africa nation an opportunity to re-examine its foreign policy. Until now, it has sought to engage all its neighbours – except Somalia. But the nation seems keen to take sides in conflicts in the Middle East. Somaliland needs to engage, but not to create opponents in, the international system. After delays, on November 13 Somaliland will elect its fifth president since 1991 when it declared independence from Somalia. One month later, the new president will be sworn and inaugurated in the presidential palace, according to the constitution of Somaliland. A recent report published by Mohamed Farah Hersi from the Academy of Peace and Development (APD) and Omar S. Mahmood from the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) mentioned that the 2017 presidential election ‘could strengthen Somaliland’s bid for recognition’ while it solidifies ‘the nation’s democratic credentials’. Still a de facto state in terms of international law, Somaliland is struggling to gain a de jure status in order to receive a seat in the United Nations and other important international and regional bodies including the African Union. During the last 26 years, Somaliland has been peaceful in a region of instability, terror, piracy, chaos and violence. Somaliland has conducted a new foreign policy of engagement with the neighbouring countries, although relations with Somalia were all time ‘low’ due to the fact that Somaliland declared independence, while Somalia claims that Somaliland is still part and parcel of Somalia. The ruling party presidential candidate Musa Bihi recently argued that Somaliland’s neighbourins are separated into ‘allies and adversaries’. Somaliland-Ethiopia relations in terms of security will remain after the election; trade relations will be boosted as the two countries will sign new trade deals. Omar S. Mahmood from the Institute of Security Studies recently mentioned in an interview that as Berbera is developed, the economies of Somaliland and Ethiopia will be more ‘linked’ and this can provide a strong ‘basis for cooperation’. Ethiopian interdependence with Somaliland can in turn be ‘leveraged’ by Somaliland and potentially may receive support within IGAD and AU for Somaliland’s recognition, Mahmood argued. Although there is a trade deficit that needs to be addressed, in general Ethiopians are interested in maintaining a good cooperation with Somaliland. Recently, the Ethiopian Prime Minister Haile Mariam Desalegn met with the presidential candidates in order to discuss relations between the two states, the future relations after the election, and also some regional issues that matter to both countries. While Ethiopia sees Somaliland as an important ally in terms of security and trade, Somaliland is thinking about a new approach to its relations with Ethiopia, especially in terms of trade. The UCID party presented a new policy of creating a trade deal between the two countries in the ‘first hundred days’ of their presidency if elected. Although there is on going talk on trade, there is no doubt that the security relations between Somaliland and Ethiopia will even grow stronger, based on the interest of the two countries and as regional challenges increase. For Djibouti, the two countries now enjoy good cooperation in terms of security since Djibouti suffered a horrible terrorist attack in 2014. Djibouti also has good trade links with Somaliland, although analysts disagree about the extent of the trade relations. Kulmiye and Waddani both agree that they will work closely with Djibouti in matters of security and trade, while UCID argue that they will work to build the confidence of Djibouti in their trade relations with Somaliland. Djibouti is not happy about the deals between Somaliland and the UAE in terms of developing the Berbera port as it seems to them a potential economic challenge in the future. The next government in Somaliland must focus on security cooperation with Djibouti while creating a ‘united front and common understanding’ about the importance of the relations between the two states, as Mahmood, again, pointed out. As a potential competitor, there is no doubt that relations between the two states will suffer if the leaders of the two states don’t focus on their common interest rather than their differences. On Somalia, the issue is different. Relations between Somaliland and Somalia are all-time hostile. President Silanyo announced a new policy of engagement (seeking cooperation and promoting reconciliation is the foundation of this policy), but the new policy has failed as Somalia hasn’t implemented the agreements reached. Before President Silanyo, President Rayale was a hardliner when it came to relations with Somalia. His foreign minister Abdilahi Dualeh recently mentioned that their government was ‘not against a dialogue with Somalia’ but they believe that there is ‘not a possible way to reach a deal’ with Somalia. Future relations between Somaliland and Somalia were discussed in a recent debate between the presidential candidates, while the ruling party candidate Muse Bihi, a hardliner, took a fanatical stand on Somalia. He presented his policy towards the neighbouring countries and mentioned that he is ready for a dialogue that the international community ‘is mediating’, not ‘facilitating’. A totally different stand from President Silanyo’s policy towards Somalia, which he was negotiating while seeking a ‘facilitating role’ from the world. Although all the candidates agree that the dialogue has failed, the UCID candidate presented a new policy; a new ‘interventionist policy’ which will be a win-win for both Somaliland and Somalia as the party thinks. Faisal Ali Warabe said he would work with Somalia to gain peace and stability while creating allies in the political circles of Somalia within two years. Although it is a new strategy, it will need time to discuss and examine its future. But it seems impossible for Somaliland and Somalia to agree in two years. Abdirahman Irro from Waddani Party agreed that the dialogue has failed, but needs to resume under ‘possible conditions’. Beyond the region, there is a need for a new approach towards the Gulf Peninsula and the Middle East in general. The Middle East is in an unstable situation. While efforts of the international coalition to defeat ISIS in Syria and Iraq are doubled, there is a geopolitical challenge between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which some refer to as ‘the Cold War in the Middle East’, and this has affected a number of countries most notably Iraq, Lebanon and Yemen. Africa has also become a new ‘competing arena’ for the Saudis and the Iranians as Gerald M. Feierstein, a former US Ambassador and director of Gulf affairs at the Middle East Institute, stated. While the Arab countries were clearly against the independence of Somaliland since 1991, President Silanyo tried to engage with the Arab countries by asking them to support Somaliland economically. This resulted in the Kuwaiti investment of Hargeisa and Berbera airports while the UAE and Somaliland recently signed an agreement in order to invest Berbera Port. These new projects have shifted Somaliland’s policy towards the Middle East from a position of ‘non-alignment’ to alignment with the Arab countries. For example, in 2015 when the Saudi-led coalition attacked Yemen in order to support the internationally recognized government of Hadi, President Silanyo announced in a speech to parliament that Somaliland is ‘fully aligned’ with the Saudi-led coalition, instead of encouraging different factions in Yemen to negotiate. Yemen is one of the victims of the geopolitical rivalry between the Riyadh and Tehran. Furthermore, after the Gulf Crisis erupted, the government of Somaliland stated its position to ‘fully support the AQT position towards Qatar’. These new moves are not welcomed by observers as they argue it may not be a good idea for a non-recognized state to create new foes, but to take a neutral position and engage both sides in the conflict, rather than siding with one. As Ambassador David Shinn, a former US ambassador to Ethiopia and an adjunct Professor of International Affairs at the George Washington University’s Elliot School of International Affairs, noted in our recent interview, Somaliland has to make ‘every effort’ possible to ‘avoid taking sides’ in the Gulf conflicts. He listed the Yemen Civil War and the Saudi-Iranian rivalry. He said that Somaliland has to encourage ‘foreign investment’ from the states across the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, but also warned that aligning politically with one or more countries in the region could prove to be ‘short-sighted’ a couple of years from now. Shinn described the Middle Eastern powers’ interest in Africa as ‘transitory’. Omar S. Mahmood, from the Institute for Security Studies, recently stated in an interview that Middle East conflicts, in general, are ‘internal’, and there will be ‘little benefit’ for Somaliland to pick sides on the conflict. Alternatively, Somaliland is in a need of designing a new foreign policy that clearly safeguards its national interest. In order to maintain a good cooperation with the international community, Somaliland should be ‘more transparent’ than it is now, especially with the deals signed by the government as Mahmood reported. Besides the new foreign policy, Somaliland should set up a new policy of engaging the world in general, particularly the powerful states of Europe, US and Asia. The world is in a new, unpredictable order which combines new challenges and opportunities and these need to be considered. At this stage, Somaliland needs to engage, not to create opponents in the international system. * YACQUB ISMAIL from Somaliland is a student of politics and economics at the University of Bristol. He can be reached on Twitter @yacqubismial, or email: yacqubismial@gmail.com.

Conrad Heine, Media Coordinator, International Election Observation Mission to Somaliland Q: Could you please introduce your team and your observation mission? International Observers: The international election observation mission (EOM) has been invited by Somaliland’s National Electoral Commission (NEC) and is funded by the British government. The EOM will conduct its observation activities in accordance with the Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation, emphasising the impartiality and independence of that observation. The EOM is led by the Development Planning Unit (DPU) at University College London (UCL), and Somaliland Focus UK. This EOM marks the fourth election in Somaliland observed and reported on by DPU and Somaliland Focus since 2005. Q: How many international observers are working in this observing Mission and where from? International Observers: 60 observers from 27 countries including: Argentina,Austria,Brazil,Canada,Denmark,Egypt,Ethiopia,Finland,Germany,Ireland,ItalyMalaysia,Netherlands,New Zealand, Poland, Portugal, Senegal, South Africa,Spain,Uganda,UK,USA,Sweden,Switzerland,Zambia,Kenya,Estonia,Sudan. Q: What is the selection process of the international observing members? International Observers: The observers were selected by a process advertised openly around relevant organisations and networks, and via social media. Observers have been selected with a mix of election observation experience, Somaliland experience, and other relevant skills, with a good balance in terms of countries of origin and gender. Q: There are 1,642 polling stations across the country and the international observers are only 60 in number, how are planning to reach the polling stations? International Observers :We have observers in all six regions. We hope to cover as many polling stations as possible with our 30 teams (of two observers each team), including rural areas, but will obviously need to strike a balance – it would be a poor use of time to spend hours driving to a single rural polling station when we could otherwise observe several closer to a town. The observation is a snapshot, not an exhaustive and complete exercise. Q: You have been here for the last two or three elections of Somaliland what was the experience and outcome of those elections? International Observers :I have observed three elections before this personally – 2005, 2010, 2012. The outcomes of those observations are here in the official reports: Do you favor to having new observers in each election of the vice versa? International Observers : We have people in this mission who have observed before in Somaliland, and many who have not. It is great to have continuity, but also very good to have new skills on board and fresh perspectives. All team members have something valuable to offer the observation. Q: How does the observation task is carried about; Pre-election, during the election, Post-election? International Observers : There is much detail, but broadly, the core team comes to observe the campaign, meet stakeholders etc, and develop techniques for the observation. Then the main team arrives for orientation and training before polling day itself and is deployed to the various regions. They observe and report back to the core team who compile the reports and reach conclusions in stages – after polling day, the aftermath, reaching of results, reaction to results, etc. Q: How are the assessments made? International Observers : The observers fill out forms developed for this observation process and report back – assessments are made by a complex and detailed methodology by the core team. There is too much detail to describe more than briefly, but I think safe to say it is a rigorous process. Q: What are your views on the legislative electoral process? International Observers : We cannot comment on this at this stage – as we are observing the process of the election as a whole. We are strictly impartial and such views are for our final report. Q: The shortcomings pinpointed by the observers during the last election included attempts at double voting. Do you see the registration of voters as a prerequisite for voting? International Observers : We are yet to judge and have to see how it works on polling day, but can certainly say that the voter registration process is an attempt to address some of the problems of past polls. See the official report on the registration process below, which is co-authored by the mission chief, Dr Michael Walls: Q: With who does the observing mission cooperate? International Observers : In Somaliland we are helped by many stakeholders – civil society, media, security, etc – as we plan our mission and inform ourselves. Our official invitation is from the National Electoral Commission and they accredit observers – but it must be stressed our finding are independent of NEC and any of Somaliland’s authorities. Our impartiality and independence is fundamental to our mission. Q: When will the finalized report publish? International Observers : The final report should publish by mid-2018, all going well and to plan. Q: What is your finale message to Somaliland Political Parties, Electoral Commission, People of Somaliland and International Community? International Observers : I can only speak personally here, and to Somaliland in general. I say to Somaliland: enjoy this process, and make it a peaceful and positive one. Somaliland has taken great democratic steps and I hope this will continue. I am always pleased to be in Somaliland and I consider it an honour to be invited to serve on the observation team. Horn Diplomat

Ciidanka Maraykanka ayaa sheegay in diyaaradahooda drones-ka ay saddex weerar ka fuliyeen Soomaaliya 24 saac ee la soo dhaafay,iyagoo sare u qaaday ol-olahooda ka dhanka ah mintidiinta xagjirka ah ee Al-shabaab iyo Daacish. Af-hayeen u hadashay Taliska Ciidanka maraykanka ee Afrika ayaa caawo Wakaaladda Wararka AP u sheegtay in saddexda weerar ee ay qaadeen drones-ka ay ku dhinteen xubno ka tirsan dagaallamayaasha xagjirka,waxayn intaasi raacisay in sannadkaan 26 weerar oo dhanka cirka Maraykanku ka fuliyey Soomaaliya. Duqeymahan u dambeeyey ayaa lala kaashaday dowladda Soomaaliya,sida ay tilmaantay Af-hayeenka. Weerarkii ugu horreeyey ayaa galabnimadii Sabtida 4:30PM ka dhacay degaanka Gaduud oo qiyaastii 250 mile koonfur galbeed kaga beegan caasimadda Soomaaliya ee Muqdisho,waxaana ku dhintay dagaallame ka tirsan Al-shabaab. Duqeyntaas ayaa timid kadib markii Al-shabaab weerareen kolonyo ciidamo Maraykan iyo Somali ah. Af-hayeenka ayaa tiri’waxaan qiimeynay inaan halkaas wax rayid ah ka dhoweyn”,iyadoo raacisay”waxaan qaadaynaa dhammaan tallaabooyinka ku habboon si aan u hubin inaan khasaare gaarin rayidka iyo burbur,waxaana ilaalinaynaa xeerarka dagaalka”. weerarka labaad ee lagu beegsaday Al-shabaab,ayaa laga fuliyey gobolka Shabeellaha Hoose degaan qiyaastii 50mile galbeed uga beegan caasimadda Soomaaliya ee Muqdisho, subaxnimadii Axadda 3a.m. Al-shabaab oo ah, urur xagjir ah oo dilaaya,ayaa lagu eedeeyey qaraxii weynaa ee gaariga ee Muqdisho ka dhacay bishii hore,kaasoo ay ku dhinten in ka badan 350 ruux.Weerarkaas ayaa ahaa kii ugu xumaa ee soo mara Soomaaliya iyo mid kamid ah weeraradii ugu darnaa ee caalamka ka dhacay muddo sannado ah. Weerarka saddexaad oo lagu beegsaday Daacish,ayaa laga fuliyey Puntland subaxnimadii Axadda 9.00a.m,wuxuuna ahaa kii labaad ee Maraykanku la’ beegsado Daacishta Soomaaliya,iyadoo bilowgii bishaan kii ugu horreeyey lagu duqeeyey. Ururka Daacish ayaa labadii sano ee la soo dhaafay ka jiray Soomaaliya,waxaana tiro kamid ah dagaal-yahannadeedu ay horay uga soo goosteen Al-shabaab. Xigasho/Wakaaladda Wararka Associated Press PUNTLAND POST Cabdiraxmaan Ciise Cumar The post War deg deg:Diyaaradaha drones-ka Maraykanka oo duqeyn ka fuliyey Puntland. appeared first on Puntland Post.

CAIRO: There are fears that a unilateral attempt by Ethiopia to begin filling a huge new dam on the Nile will lead to the failure of technical discussions with Egypt and Sudan. Disagreements between Ethiopia and Egypt on filling the reservoir and generating power within a few months on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), which will be the largest in Africa, could not be resolved during the Tripartite National Technical Committee’s meeting, which brought together the Egyptian, Sudanese and Ethiopian ministers of water and was held in Addis Ababa on Oct. 19. The day before the meeting, Ethiopia’s Communication and Information Technology Minister Debretsion Gebremichael announced that the construction of the dam had reached 62 percent and generating power would start this Ethiopian year and before construction is complete. The new Ethiopian year started on Sept. 11 and ends in October 2018. “The remaining 38 percent of the construction will be done while the dam is generating hydroelectric power,” Gebremichael had told the Ethiopian News Agency. Considering the slow pace at which the French consulting firms BRL and Artelia are preparing technical studies, it is speculated that before Ethiopia begins storing the Nile’s water in the dam, studies necessary for reaching a final agreement between Egypt, Ethiopia and Sudan on the rules of filling and operating the dam will be completed. If no agreement takes place between the three countries, Ethiopia’s next step would be considered a clear violation of the tripartite Declaration of Principles on Ethiopia’s Renaissance Dam signed by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi, Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn in Khartoum on March 23, 2015. “Any unilateral attempt made by Ethiopia to initiate filling the dam would lead to the failure of the current technical discussions between the three countries,” said Dr. Ayman Shabana, professor of political science at the Institute of African Studies, Cairo University. However, Hani Raslan, an expert on the Nile basin and Sudanese affairs at Al-Ahram Center for Strategic Studies, believes the declaration of principles does not provide a legally binding framework for Ethiopia since it obliges the three countries only to “respect” the terms and not “adhere” to them. “Respect can mean a different thing for each country,” he said. “There are also controversial terms in the declaration of principles, especially the one that says filling the GERD reservoir is linked to completing joint technical studies,” he added, explaining that Ethiopia adopted “an elusive interpretation of this term.” “Ethiopia has named two phases of the filling process: ‘The first filling,’ which it targets during the current stage in order to start generating power, and ‘the complete filling,’ which means filling the dam reservoir to its full capacity of 74 billion cubic meters,” he continued, “And it only associates the completion of technical studies and the filling and operation rules with the complete filling and not the first filling.” Frozen negotiations Egypt is increasingly concerned about Ethiopia’s intention to start storing water in the GERD reservoir before completing the technical studies and reaching a final agreement on filling and operation rules. Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry discussed what he called the “frozen negotiations” of the tripartite technical committee. During a meeting with his Ethiopian counterpart, Workneh Gebeyehu, on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly on Sept. 21, Shoukry complained of the delay in issuing technical studies on the dam’s impact on Egypt and Sudan. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi also pointed out the urgency of the speedy implementation of the declaration of principles on Ethiopia’s dam in his speech to the General Assembly on Sept. 19. Shoukri explained that the reason behind the “slowdown” of issuing technical studies on the dam’s impact was the presence of obstacles that none of the three countries could overcome at technical or political levels. “These obstacles are a threat to the foundations of the Declaration of Principles agreement,” he said in an interview with Al-Ahram newspaper, published on Oct. 4. He then added: “Not completing the technical studies prior to completing the dam’s construction and launching the filling process would make everyone suspect negotiations are being stalled to impede the report’s issuance.” In spite of this, unofficial Egyptian sources acquainted with water management suggested that, to avoid the discussions failing, Egypt agree to the first filling of the GERD reservoir under three conditions: First, the filling must be for trial purposes and not part of the actual filling process that leads to the dam’s official operation. Second, the target water level of the first filling must be only enough for operating the two turbines installed by Ethiopia at the dam’s lower part, provided filling stops immediately after reaching this level and is resumed only after the completion of technical studies and reaching a final tripartite agreement on the rules of filling and operation. Egyptian sources estimated the amount of water needed for this purpose would be around 15 billion cubic meters. Third, the first filling must be completed over two years, according to the same unofficial Egyptian sources, and not one year or less as planned by Ethiopia. Dr. Shabana, of the Institute of African Studies at Cairo University, agrees with the above insight, stressing that “any step taken by Ethiopia toward initiating the filling process must be for trial purposes only and in full coordination with Egypt, as required by the declaration of principles.” In Raslan’s opinion, Egypt currently lacks the tools for pressuring Ethiopia, which means it has to accept Ethiopia’s unilateral filling approach. He also pointed out that the time at which the Ethiopian government announced its unilateral intention to start filling the GERD reservoir, which coincided with the tripartite technical committee’s meeting in Addis Ababa, confirms Ethiopia’s approach of refusing legal commitment as well as negotiations about its construction of GERD and development of its filling and operation rules. “Ethiopia refused to discuss the matter. Instead, it unilaterally announced it,” he said. “In practice, Ethiopia does not respect the declaration of principles nor the technical discussions, but uses them as a façade to show goodwill and an alleged desire to cooperate with Egypt and Sudan and not harm them,” he continued. “Ethiopia’s ultimate and strategic goal is to completely and unilaterally control the Nile’s revenue, which is 48-50 billion cubic meters of water annually and accounts for most of Egypt’s annual allocation of the Nile’s water.” Arab News sought a comment on this information from the Egyptian Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation, but the ministry’s spokesperson declined to comment. Technical committee Technical matters associated with the best mechanism for filling and operating the Renaissance Dam without affecting the two downstream countries, Egypt and Sudan, are still being debated after the Tripartite National Technical Committee, composed of 12 experts from Sudan, Egypt and Ethiopia, held 16 rounds of negotiations, the latest of which was on Oct. 15 in Addis Ababa, to reach an agreement on the initial technical report submitted by the two French consulting firms, BRL and Artelia, in late March 2017. On Sept. 20, 2016 in the Sudanese capital Khartoum, the three countries signed the contracts for the technical studies with the two French firms, marking the preparation for a technical file on the Renaissance Dam and its effect on downstream countries. The studies were supposed to be finalized by the two French firms last August according to the time frame of 11 months defined by the declaration of principles agreement, followed by the Khartoum Document, which was signed by the three countries’ foreign ministers in December 2015, in addition to a period of four months dedicated for the technical committee’s members to reach consensus on how to implement the studies’ outcomes. “Ethiopia’s strategy is to either impose its views during the technical discussions or withdraw from all agreements and restart negotiations from scratch,” Raslan said. “Faced with this approach, Egypt had no decisive negotiation strategy and relied instead on successive concessions in hopes of mellowing Ethiopia, which never happened.” Egypt’s Water Resources and Irrigation Minister Mohamed Abdel Ati predicted earlier that Ethiopia would start storing water in the GERD reservoir next year. On Sept. 28, 2017, Misr News Agency quoted the minister saying: “The impact of the Renaissance Dam has not yet been experienced because the flow of water into Egypt is no different from that experienced during previous years, but it is very likely that part of the dam will be filled next year.” He also stressed the importance of consensus on the method of filling and operating the dam. In a press statement published on Oct. 18, 2017, the Ministry of Water Resources and Irrigation said that Egypt confirmed no water had been stored behind GERD this year and nothing was impeding the flow of water into the country until now. The press statement was released a day after an Egyptian delegation, headed by Abdel Ati, on Oct. 17 visited the dam in Benishangul, which is 20 km from the Sudanese border, and “the visit was the first of its kind for an Egyptian government official.” Complete filling In addition to the dispute over Ethiopia’s intention to start the unilateral filling of the GERD reservoir as part of what it calls “the first filling,” what Ethiopia calls “the complete filling” poses a greater danger, said Hani Raslan, Nile basin and Sudanese affairs expert. “Ethiopia insists on filling the reservoir within three years, which will deprive Egypt of around 25 billion cubic meters of water every year — almost half of its annual allocation of the Nile’s water,” Raslan explained. “Egypt, on the other hand, demanded filling the reservoir over a period of nine years.” “If we take into account the annual loss of water caused by leakage and evaporation, the complete filling is expected to drain almost 90 billion cubic meters of water, not 74 billion cubic meters, which represents the final storage volume,” he added. In the context of a strategic approach supported by several international and regional parties to reshape and strengthen Ethiopia’s influence and turn it into the greatest power in East Africa and the Nile basin, Addis Ababa has plans to export hydroelectric power. Arab News

2017 has most certainly been an eventful year for the self-declared nation of Somaliland. From battling with severe drought which had extinguished the lives of more than half of the country’s livestock (an estimate of over 8 million heads). Along with numerous human lives that were also taken at the start of the year. But from a tragic start to the year, the near year’s end brings about hope and bouts of colour through the advent of the upcoming Presidential elections this November 13th. The past few weeks have been filled with the loud roars of campaign throughout the streets of Hargeisa. Colourful, vibrant and dynamic, these presidential campaigns were also held not only in the capital city but also, all throughout the country. The campaigning went on for three whole weeks with a set division (agreed upon by the heads of each party) for each party to hold their campaign rallies per their day. The campaign schedule began with a day for Ucid, followed by another for Kulmiye and lastly Wadani and so on it went for three whole weeks. On Friday, the rallies finally came to a halt after lighting up the streets both day and night with the citrusy colours of each parties’ flag. Ordinary people — young and old, came together from all the corners of the country,took to the streets walking in masses of men, women and children. Each and everyone waving their party’s flag while singing and shouting their words of support. This was by far noticed and seen as a one of a kind occurrence and display of patriotic loyalty within the Somali region. The campaigns also showed flamboyant levels of nationalism and unity which also spoke volumes of a fledgling democracy in action, in all its unkempt, colourful, and chaotic glory. This process is unique only to Somaliland, the best kept secret of Africa. And not all Somalis are given this outstandingly unique opportunity to vote for their future leader in this wonderfully creative manner. Young and old, everyone was involved with the campaigning. However, the youth of Somaliland were by far the most engaged when it came to proudly showing off their party affiliation all throughout the past twenty days. BY:DR.AMAL A.YASSIN:GLOBAL NOMAD, MEDICAL DOCTOR, RESEARCHER, ADVOCATE, WRITER. A LOVER OF BEAUTY WITH AN ARTIST’S SOUL.

When the central government of Somalia collapsed in 1991, everything collapsed with it. Infrastructure was destroyed. Basic services, such as electricity and clean water, were no longer provided. Government institutions were looted. As a result, the economy disintegrated and the Somali people’s contract with the State became void. In the following years, the civil war and recurrent droughts forced many people to migrate or join extremist groups. In recent years, however, the situation has gradually changed for the better. Government institutions are slowly recovering and becoming stronger, people are enjoying relative peace, and the economy is being revitalized by capital from the diaspora. Nonetheless, many challenges remain, including the most chronic one: youth unemployment. How can we create job opportunities for the youth? One possible solution is establishing Small Production Businesses (SPB) in the country. Production businesses are scarce in Somalia. Almost all the commodities used in the country are imported, including most of the processed food. Goods that could easily be manufactured locally are imported. Many of these commodities could be produced and processed, and create thousands of jobs for young people. Production Needed Production businesses would provide the platform for establishing small-scale factories, using local, raw materials. The creation of such businesses would bring two benefits: creating jobs and producing cheaper goods for local consumption. One example is poultry: In Somalia, most food items, except for meat and milk, are imported. Many Somalis consume chicken and other poultry products, yet those goods are all imported. Poultry farms are cost-effective and relatively easy to establish, and provide skills training and employment opportunities for young people. Similarly, leather is mostly imported. Somalia’s main export is livestock. Processing livestock hides to produce leather domestically would create more jobs and revenue, and slash prices for Somali consumers. A similar argument can be made for shoes, which are often made of leather and produced elsewhere. With these possible small-scale solutions in mind, where would investment come from? First, the private sector can play a big role in this regard. The Somali private sector is vibrant and provided many public services when the government could not. In that same spirit, the private sector is able to invest in job-creation in ways the government is currently unable to. But the government can play a role in protecting the Somali consumer from the dumping of imported goods and other methods of undermining domestic businesses, and also in encouraging Foreign Direct Investments that would create Somali jobs and Somali goods. By: Mohamed Maqadin

Ibrahim Abdullahi said government soldiers were rounding up men of fighting age in Hargeisa to prevent them from joining the SNM rebel group [Matthew Vickery/Al Jazeera] It was June 2, 1988 and Hargeisa was under attack. The rat-a-tat-tat of nearby artillery rose above the city and filled Ibrahim Abdullahi’s ears, but the battle was in the north and hadn’t reached his government-controlled southern district – at least not yet. As he nervously ventured outside, Abdullahi’s mind raced. He had already sent his wife and eight children to safety in Ethiopia, but he felt a longing to stay in Hargeisa, a need to protect his modest mud-brick home and keep it occupied in order to deter looters and to defend the product of years of his own hard work. Everything had happened so quickly. Just days before, Somali National Movement (SNM) rebels had captured nearby Burao city from Somalia’s national army, and Hargeisa was now in their sights. But it seemed that government soldiers were determined to stop that at any cost. Within the last two days Abdullahi had heard that killings had begun. “I’ll take it day by day,” Abdullahi thought to himself. “If the situation gets worse and there’s an opportunity to run – then I’ll go.” Government soldiers were rounding up men of fighting age in Hargeisa to prevent them from joining the SNM. Crouched down outside his home, Abdullahi’s mind wandered to the thought of fleeing again. Rumours were circulating that women and children were also being targeted, but he had no way to know for sure. Some people had even said government bombers were pursuing fleeing families as they tried to escape. He thought of his wife and kids and prayed the rumours were untrue. Then, out of nowhere, he heard his name. “Ibrahim Abdullahi?!” The noise of gunfire hung in the air, but it remained at least a couple of kilometres away. But here, as he looked up, tens of metres from him, was a small group of government soldiers. Abdullahi’s mind raced again. Civilian or not, he was of fighting age. “Yes, that’s me,” he murmured, trying not to let the fear in his head spill into his words. “Come!” the commander barked, several soldiers standing menacingly beside him, guns cocked and ready. “We need you.” Walking towards what he assumed was certain death, Abdullahi took one deep breath, and ventured forward. Using an intricately carved wooden cane to help his ageing legs, 75-year-old Abdullahi stands tall and proud, albeit a little unsteady before lowering himself into a black leather swivel chair in the unassuming office building in Hargeisa. It’s 2017 and the walls of the office are dotted with photos of men in masks working meticulously, digging at dusty ground and carefully brushing away dirt from skeletons that haven’t seen the light of day in decades. “I remember burying bodies in that grave,” Abdullahi says gesturing towards one of the photos on the wall in front of him, “and that one”, he adds, his eyes slowly tracing the room. “Some days I must have buried hundreds, some days just dozens,” he continues. “People were being killed everywhere in the town. They didn’t see a difference between men, women, or children – everybody was to be killed.” Abdullahi’s story precedes the man in Hargeisa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland that announced its separation from Somalia after the government of Siad Barre collapsed in 1991. His weathered face – one that seems to have as many wrinkles as years he’s had in his life – may not be well-known in the city, but in every corner of the capital his story is legendary, some regarding it as truth, others as myth. But in the office of the War Crimes Commissioner, Abdullahi’s story has been confirmed again and again -over the years, he’s been the key to reuniting distraught families with the remains of their loved ones. “Those were black days, black black days,” Abdullahi repeats as he recalls memories that have stayed fresh in his mind three decades later. Resting his cane on the table in front of him, Abdullahi begins to tell his story, his eyes darting from side to side as his mind rewinds back through the years to 1988 and the 28 days of his life that have defined him ever since. ‘I’m only alive to do this job’ The city was a ghost town. Buildings lay abandoned, dead bodies were scattered in the streets, and the smell of death lingered in the air. As Abdullahi walked, everything started to become familiar. He wasn’t walking to a military barracks like he first thought; he was on his way to the Ministry of Public Services where he was employed handling heavy machinery like tractors and diggers. “Go and get one of the machines that can dig,” the commander said abruptly when they arrived outside the complex. “Be quick, we have to go – there are bodies waiting.” Abdullahi did as he was told. Within an hour he was at Malko Durduro, a valley area in western Hargeisa, digging into the soft soil. Several government soldiers stood around his digger with 10 bodies tied together lying beside them, blood still seeping through clothes and staining the sandy earth below them. As he listened to the soldiers speaking amongst themselves it became apparent to Abdullahi that the army didn’t want the bodies buried in an effort to cover their crimes – they were fed up of the smell. His job, as their new prisoner, was to get rid of it. The corpses were unrecognisable. Pieces of flesh ripped off their bodies from head to toe, shot to pieces by an anti-aircraft gun that sat nearby. “If I didn’t know how to operate this equipment they would kill me, I would be lying there as well,” Abdullahi realised as he dug. “There’s no one else in the town, I’m only alive because they need me to do this job.” To survive, he would have to dig. Guarded day and night, Abdullahi dug to save his life. Barely allowed time to rest, he buried hundreds of bodies a day in that first week. At first, the dead were men, mostly in fatigues – rebels. After a few days, the fatigues disappeared, and women started appearing, then children. All killed in the same way – tied together in groups of 10, shot, their faces sometimes slashed with knifes and mutilated. The soldiers may maim and deface them, they may chuck the bodies on the ground like pieces of rotten meat as though they were never humans with emotions, dreams, wants and desires – but he knew otherwise. They were fathers and sons, mothers and daughters, and even in death they deserved respect. In those first few days, Abdullahi swore to himself that he would at least give them that. The most important thing to him was to get everyone buried before nightfall, before wild animals would come out of the bush and claw away at the bodies. If he could just do that, he thought, it would be some way at least to give the dead some dignity after such a violent and unjust end. It was how he could show respect, his own silent rebellion against his captors. For days on end he worked from dawn till dusk, burying the war crimes of a regime that wanted him and his people dead. He did what he could to blank his mind. He thought of his family, and daydreamed about where they could be, safe and away from the living hell that their hometown had become. He trained himself to concentrate on digging, to distance himself from what was happening. That’s the only way he would survive. Then, after two weeks, one of the bodies spoke. Ibrahim Abdullahi returns to Malko Durduro and the mass graves he dug three decades ago. [Matthew Vickery/Al Jazeera] ‘I still can’t sleep at night’ The ground slips a little below Abdullahi’s feet after a night of heavy rain turned the bone-dry dirt in Malko Durduro into mud. “It’s important we teach what happened in the past so it never happens again,” Abdullahi says using his cane to steady himself as Al Jazeera takes the 75-year-old back to the mass graves he dug three decades ago at the notorious execution site of Malko Durduro. “My biggest fear is that what happened here will be forgotten.” Plagued by a deadly and devastating drought all year, the night’s rain was the proverbial drop in the ocean, bringing more joy to the residents of the Somali city than water. But it was still something to a region that has been battling extreme weather conditions throughout 2017. “Every year when there’s heavy rain more skeletons appear,” Abdullahi says, scanning every inch of the area as he meanders from side to side. “It brings all the memories flooding back.” To Abdullahi’s left, imposing cliffs of dirt stretch several metres up, small trees and cacti clinging onto the edge – just another rainy night away from succumbing to erosion and joining Abdullahi on the valley floor. Returning to Malko Durduro three decades after he was forced to bury thousands of bodies here, it doesn’t take long before Abdullahi’s mind takes him back to those dark days. “I still can’t sleep at night remembering him,” Abdullahi says, recalling the one body – the only body – which looked up to him from amongst the dead and spoke. It was two weeks into his captivity when Abdullahi came across a miracle. A man who had somehow survived the firing squad and then played dead as soldiers piled the executed into a grave. The miracle was short lived. Facing being buried alive, there was only one thing the survivor could do. He spoke. “He was supposed to be dead,” Abdullahi says pausing. “He talked to me, pleaded with me, ‘please untie me’, but the soldiers heard him speaking. They untied him from the corpses, forced him to stand up and they shot everywhere at him, all around him, even at the trees.” “I had to do this job to survive,” he adds, looking for understanding. Digging his cane into the soft ground, Abdullahi walks the valley floor for several minutes, his eyes wandering the surroundings as his memories take him back to that time. He can’t prevent them, even if he wanted to. Stopping in his tracks and using the cane as an extension of himself, Abdullahi motions towards the cliff side. Within seconds, and without words, it’s clear what he’s trying to draw attention to. Exposed by the rain and protruding from the wet cliffside is the unmistakable bone-white colour of a skull, almost waiting for the right moment to drop to the ground and join its burier on the floor below. To the right of the skull the tips of ribs stick out at differing angles sandwiched between greenish brown fabrics – fatigues. “He was a rebel,” Abdullahi says, filling the silence. “I remember burying there.” A skeleton of a rebel lies in a shallow grave at Malko Durduro, now exposed after a night of heavy rain [Matthew Vickery/Al Jazeera] Panning the area, just tens of metres away from the newly exposed skeleton more bones stick out – this time there are no fatigues. The bones of a civilian killed by the army, and then buried by Abdullahi. “I remember being taken to this valley and a military vehicle pulled up with an official inside it,” he recalls. “They pushed 12 bodies out of it, bodies of school children – they were still in their shirts and dresses. They had no noticeable gunshot wounds. A soldier told me all of their blood had been drained from them so it could be used for the national army. That soldier cried as he told me, he cried for almost five minutes.” “Those were the worst days of my life.” As he speaks, the faint sound of playing children carries through the air from a school less than 100 meters away. Throughout the land surrounding the school, more bodies are scattered, waiting to be exposed, identified by forensics, and eventually returned to their waiting families decades later. For Abdullahi, the memories of the people he buried will never leave him. But he counts himself lucky he survived. As the bodies reduced from hundreds a day at the beginning of Abdullahi’s captivity, to just a few per day after three weeks, he knew his time was running out. Soon he would be surplus to requirements, and if he didn’t find a way to escape, he would be killed too. But on the 28th day – for the very first time – he found himself alone. Abdullahi didn’t need a second opportunity. “The guards were getting more relaxed with me as I hadn’t tried to escape, but on the 28th day I was out in the valley and realised there was no one watching me – I ran,” he says, describing his bid for freedom. Hiding until nightfall, Abdullahi smuggled himself out of Hargeisa. Within days, he had gathered information about the whereabouts of his wife and kids – they had survived the bombers and were still alive. After two days and three nights of walking, he made it to their refugee camp in Ethiopia. Walking into the camp on the morning of the third day, Abdullahi saw his family in the distance and for the briefest of moments, the memories of the dead left him. “At that moment, when I saw them again – I felt reborn.” The 75-year-old says he’s lived a good life as a husband and a father to twelve children – he had four more after returning to Hargeisa after the war. He’s come to terms with what he witnessed and became a part all those years ago, and has found some comfort in helping the Somaliland authorities to recover the dead – 2,000 of whom remain buried. “My children, to this day, call me ‘the walking dead’ when they see me,” he says, laughing a little to himself. “They couldn’t believe I survived. They still can’t.” SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

Dubai (Caasimada Online) – Warbixin ay soo saartay kooxda kormeerka cunqabateynta hubka ee Soomaaliya ee UN Monitoring Group ayaa lagu sheegay in dhoofka dhuxusha ee sharci-darrada ah ee Soomaaliya uu weli ka socdo koonfurta Soomaaliya. Warbixinta oo sheegtay in dhuxusha badankeed laga dhoofiyo magaalada Kismaayo, ay kooxda Al-Shabaab canshuur badan ka qaadato, ayada oo jidgooyo dhigatay inta u dhaxeysa Buur Gaabo iyo Kismaayo. Warbixinta waxa ay sheegtay in tani ay tahay il dhaqaale oo kooxda Al-Shabaab ay sanadkii ka hesho 10 milyan oo dollar. Warbixinta ayaa sidoo kale shaaca ka qaaday in magaalada Dubai ee dalka Isu-tagga Imaaraadka Carabta ay tahay halka ugu badan ee dhuxushan la geeyo, ayna xarun u tahay shabakado dambiileyaal ah oo ku xadgudba cunaqabateynta dhoofka dhuxusha Soomaaliya saaran. Marka laga reebo dalka Kuwait, ayay sheegtay warbixinta, in fulinta joojinta dhoofka dhuxusha ay tahay mid aad u liidata, gaar ahaan maamulka Jubbaland, Amisom iyo dowladda Imaaraadka Carabta, oo ah tan ugu badan ee dhuxusha soo dhoofsata. Shaac ka qaadista warbixintan ayaa si yaab leh u tilmaameysa in Imaaraadka si dadban u maal-gelinayaan kooxda Al-Shabaab, maadaama 10-ka milyan ee sanadkii dhuxusha ay ka hesho badankeed ay ka imaneyso Imaaraadka. Warbixinta QM ayaa sheegtay in u hoggaansanaan la’aanta xayiraadda dhoofka dhuxusha Soomaaliya ay caqabad ku tahay dadaallada dowladda Soomaaliya ay kula dagaalameyso xagjiriinta Soomaaliya. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Madaxweynaha Dowlad Goboleedka Jubbaland Mudane Axmed Maxamed Islaam ayaa manta shir gudoomiyay kulan aan caadi ahayn oo ay isugu yimaadeen golaha wasiirada Jubbaland. Kulankaan waxaa lagaga hadlay dar dar galinta hawlgalada amaanka iyo dagaalka ka dhanka ah Al-Shabaab. Ugu horayn Madaxweyne Axmed Maxamed Islaam ayaa golaha u sharaxay Safarkii dhawaan uu ku tagay Magaalada Muqdisho iyo heshiiskii madaxda Soomaalidu ay ku gaareen in meel looga soo wada jeesto dagaalka Al-Shabaab. Madaxweynahu wuxuu sheegay in cadawga kaliyah ee Nolosha u diidan umada ay lama dhaafan tahay in lala diriro oo la iska dulqaado. Waxaa uu sheegay in uu socdo abaabul xoog leh oo lagu bilaabayo hawlgal kama danbays ah oo dalka oo dhan laga samayn doono si Argagixisada loo wiiqo. Dhinaca kale Wasiirka Amniga Mudane Cabdirashiid Janan oo waayadan hawlo shaqo ugu maqnaa gobolka Gedo ayaa faah faahiyay sida ay tahay xaalada gobolka gaar ahaan diyaar garoowga la xiriira hawlgalada dhawaan bilaabanaya. Wasiirku wuxuu hoosta ka xariiqay in shacabka ay diyaar u yihiin in ay qaybtooda ka qaatan nabadaynta wadanka isla markana ay ka go’antahay sidii nabad waarta lagu heli lahaa. Golahu wuxuu amaanay Shacabka deegaanka ee garab taagan Ciidamada isla markana diyaarka u ah in ay naftooda u huraan xoraynta dalkooda. Taliyayaasha Ciidamada ayuu golahu ku booriyay in ay laban laaban adkaynta nabadgalyada Magaalooyinka mudada hawlgaladu ay socdaan.

Muqdisho (Caasimada Online)-Wasiirka Arrimaha Gudaha ee Xukuumadda Somalia Cabdi Faarax Juxa ayaa tilmaamay in degaanadda qaar aysan suurto gal aheyn in laga sameeyo Gole Deegaanka Xaalad Amni awgeed balse Deganada kale sida ugu dhaqsiyah badan looga hirgalin doono. Waxa uu Juxa caqabad adag ku sheegay in deegaanada qaar ay ka dhaqan galiyaan Golaha, iyadoo la wada ogyahay inay ku dhex nool yihiin kuwo quuta dhiiga oo uu ula jeedo cadowga al-Shabaab ee u taagan dhibaateynta kuwa ka shaqeeya maamul wanaaga. Wasiir Juxa waxaa uu sheegay in maamul Goboleedyada looga baahan yahay inay qeyb ka qaataan in lameel mariyo Sharciga Gobolaha Deegaanka si dhaqso loo helo Gole Deegaan. Wuxuu sheegay in qorshaha socda uu yahay dhismaha golaha deegaanka, meelaha qaar suuragal ay ka noqotay in la dhiso, halka meelaha qaarna weli caqabad dhanka ammaanka ay ka taagan tahay. Waxa uu sheegay in Golaha Deegaanka ay sameysteen kaliya dhamaan Degmooyimka Somalia Degmadda Xudur ee Gobolka Bakool oo kaliya waxaana ay ka kooban yihiin 27 Qof. Sidoo kale, waxa uu qiray in maleeshiyada al-Shabaab ay caqabad muuqda ku tahay horumaro kala duwan oo dalka laga hirgelin lahaa, iyadoo Magaalooyinka qaar ee Koonfurta Somaliya ay go’doomiyeen Shabaab. Dhinaca kale, Juxa ayaa sheegay in intooda badaan meel wanaagsan u marayo dhisitaanka Golaha Deegaanka iyo dhameystirka Sharciga Golaha Deegaanka balse ay muhiim tahay in leysla ogaado caqabadaha jira. Caasimada Online Xafiiska Muqdisho Caasimada@live.com

Warbaahinta PUNTLAND POST ayaa dadweynaha usoo gudbinaysa hordhaca warbixin xiiso leh oo ku saabsan sahanka barwaaqadda dayrta ee deegaano ka tirsan Gobolladda Mudug iyo Nugaal ka dib socdaal saddex cisho qaatey oo uu ku tagey Tafatiraha PUNTLAND POST Abshir Dhiirane Waxaa daba socda hordhacaan, barnaamij maqal iyo muuqaal ah oo ay PUNTLAND POST kasoo gudbin doonto sida ay dhulka u maasheesay raxmadda Eebe ee roobabka deyrta iyo nolosha dadka reer guuraaga. Daawo muuqaalka hordhaca. Abshir Dhiirane PUNTLAND POST The post Hordhaca barnaamij ku saabsan sahanka baadiyaha ee PUNTLAND POST. appeared first on Puntland Post.

The United Nations and African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) held a joint meeting here on Saturday to discuss a comprehensive approach to improving security in Somalia. The meeting drew participants from key federal ministries, member states and international partners, as the government has launched a major offensive against Al-Shabaab militants in southern region. Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary-General for Somalia, Michael Keating, said terrorist groups remained the main threat to peace and stability in Somalia. “The core issue before us is how we can continue to stabilize Somalia and preserve the many gains that have been made,” Keating was quoted as saying in a statement issued by the U.N. Assistance Mission in Somalia (UNSOM). He stressed the need to protect the political space so that the Somalis can continue constructing the state, building peace and resolving various challenges on social economy, politics, constitutional review, job creation and service delivery. “There is a need to develop a strategy led by the government in conjunction with the AU, securing populations’ centers, main supply routes, joint operations and a plan for strengthening Somali security forces’ capability,” he added. Francisco Madeira, special representative of the African Union Chairperson for Somalia, emphasized concerted efforts to address the security challenges, appealing for enhanced information sharing and intelligence capabilities on the terrorists. “Once we know the enemy, once we know our capabilities, we know what needs to be done. And once we know what needs to be done, we need resources. We need to sit down together and see how we mobilize these resources,” Madeira said. Somali Prime Minister Hassan Ali Khaire noted that a comprehensive approach in dealing with Somalia’s security situation is critical, as the government readies itself to completely neutralize the militants in order to restore peace and order in the country. “Maintaining security is not just about offensive action. We remain cognizant that we require a comprehensive approach that has been well articulated by our president, who is keen on engaging our population in good governance, fighting corruption, reconciliation and healing the wounds of the past,” Khaire said. Source: – Xinhua

Somali security Forces have killed more than 80 members of Al Shabaab militants and destroyed cache of weapons in an offensive in Jilib town which is about 98km (61 miles) north of Somalia’s port town Kismayu. The militants were targeted in a special operation by the forces, Somali information ministry said on Saturday. Number of vehicles fitted with machine guns was also destroyed in Somalia’s middle Jubba region. “Somali security forces have conducted an operation in Jilib district and destroyed an Alshabaab camp where terrorists were regrouping to launch attacks on Gedo region area. 81 militants killed number of vehicles and heavy weapons were destroyed,” Somali information minister, Abdirahman Yariisow has said in a twitter post. The spokesman of Alshabaab, Abdulaziz Abu Musab has denied the reported attack, saying there was no attacks been taken on Al-shabaab camps in Jilib town. “The statement which claims that there was an attack on Jilib town is baseless, we have not heard even any attacks in whole the region,” said Musab in an statement posted on pro-Alshabaab website. The operation came barely two days after several Alshabaab militants killed in U.S. airstrike in Bay region, about 100 miles west of Somali capital Mogadiishu. In October, a truck bomb at a busy intersection in Mogadishu killed over 358 people; the Shabab were blamed for the deadly attack.