^Lol. Waw waw! Impressive knowledge in the field. But you know what? I would respond to you in length because maanta I haven't got the minutes. Fried Brain. Will do so in due time. Go to the other topic for a special song...just for you.

hallucinations hmm

Classic Dinner Rossiter at it.

Xiin and Paragon have between them the skills to put forward a stronger case for the TFG then they have done so far. Yes, you are right. Xiin has tried his best to reason with you, but I haven't and you know why. I won't be dishonest to myself and to anyone else and engage in an empty debate with you in SOL. Me, the two of us know each other very well in personal terms. If you remember well, it was I who was asking of you to be more accommodating of another friend's hardline stance towards what's going on in Somalia. And guess what that friend has ended up in Xamar with the group he supported verbally. Although him and I have shared a common vission (to some extent) for a peaceful Somalia, he swerved to the extreme. But at least one thing he hasn't done was show a volatility of ideas, and made clear from the start that he is what he supports. Fair enough. Thus, from that day on I have come to be cautious and maintain total silence/detachment with regards to whom I talk about reactive approaches to politics. For that reason, my debating will be on hold for sometime untill a chohesive common approach surfaces between those who want to see a peaceful Somalia. All that I have been doing - meetings and organising - were dangerous enough to make me a marked man for some old ghosts. So I'd rather be the one who bears the brunt of the consequences of any inevetability of not-so-rosy outcomes than my associates. Marka, I'll request of you one thing: NO BODY KNOWS OR UNDERSTANDS YOU WELL ENOUGH IN SOL, AND IN PERSON, to understand where your passion for a greater Somalia. I do. And I quite understand why you support Al-Shabaab. I am sure you have all your reasons for saying all you are saying now. And quite frankly I would rather have you continue than come out and condemn you for it. Just be honest with yourself. For now, I will reserve my comments to other trivial things.

Lol. I had to vote yes. I mean I vouched for you to be in SOL and it'll only be fitting to with-stand another 100 posts of 'opinionated bile'.

I wish you all the best... Especially my friend who's now back to Xianjing I should keep up celebreting Uyghur culture in defience of brutality.... This is about Uyghur music...not news as its initial purpose indicates...

Amazing poem.

^ You can't edit her out. She wont like it.

Lol.

^Lol@Cara. So easily red on the cheeks? Now now c'mon. It's all biological and can be a subject study for you. Lool@Siren. A toast to team work then. I am a very good team player. Hardworking at that. I can perform a great deal of initiative, and can remain in control even if the house is burning. Add to that, I am very good with manual handling and a natural with fitting tools into their right places. let's get to work, shall we?

Buuxo, lol. Sorry dear. Waan is xajin waayey. Afka afkuu eedey ma maqli jirtey. Laakiin hadaa qoftaas tahay ama u egtahay xataa, axyaa caleek! Waad kala xirantahay! Jidhidhico.com iga dheh

Loool@Siren. Qofyahay caadi ma ahid. I thought I'd be helpful to lovely Siren and get a subtitled one. Ofcourse the name of the song is very suggestive and I am sure you didn't mind. Thanks so much for the song.... but how did you know this was one of my favourite songs? Really? I based a whole novel (now paused) on it actually, where the girl sings 'dhabta aan kugu hayee' to a guy she fancies. The poor guy freaks out (and I am surely embarrassed now). Parts of the story are in SOL. Here: It's called: Fleeting moments and confessions Runtii it's a beauty. I mean the song. It shows how romantic you are. You made my day and I shan't push my luck any further. Now here's another one for you: http://www.youtube.c om/watch?v=FMXMPH03P P8 It's not me crying, got it?

1. What planning took place or is happening now that you have put all your eggs in Sharif Ahmed's basket? It seems to me that you have already resigned your believes and handed over your critical thinking to Sharif's TFG and downgraded yourself to a mere cheerleader. Me, I don't think you really understand much about the right time for the right project. I don't know whether you're intentionally deluding yourself or you sincerely don't have a sense of timing. Now, I will go over this once more. If you read carefully, what idea does my above paragraph give you? First, consider that the above paragraph was writen while Ethiopia was still occupying Somalia, while Ethiopia was promising it will leave Somalia soon or within 120 days. Second, if you rewind your mind back, those 120 days or the months before the deputure of Ethiopian troops have a crucial importance to us Somalis. Do you know why it was important to us? I will tell you why, even with some examples. Once more rewind your mind to the late 1990 and early 1991 during the off-set of Said Barre's overthrow. Do you remember the 'time' of the Manifesto group or the efforts of the 'Suluxyada'? Maybe you know of it or perhaps you were too young then. Just like the 10 year (for South and 3 years for the North) Trusteeship before independence, we Somalis have been given time for planning for/and working out a viable framework of governance through consultation and supervision, so as to be able to cope in post-colonisation and post-Said Barre. In the former, the opportunity was 'partly' appreciated but in the latter, it was completely wasted. Now during the time preceeding the Ethiopian depature, a whole lot of effort was put into 'reconciliation' and consultative grand meetings (in Djibouti), and all Somalis were invited to join and have their say as to how the country will be governed in post-Ethiopian occupation era. The whole purpose of these efforts was to avoid a repeat of what had happened during the overthrow of Said Barre, and Shariif being a reasonable man, recongnised the importance of timing and sensibility. He realised that it is not always enough to militantly want the occupiers to leave just like many Somalis simply wanted Ina Barre out, but also to think past all the pride and bravado that has come to symbolise the resistance movement. The Shariif thus, whatever impatient thrill-seekers call him, became the man with the interest of the people and country at heart, and was prepared to do whatever it takes to make sure there will be peace in Somalia when the Ethiopians leave Mogadishu. He swallowed his pride and went to every Somali to ask them to join him in this crucial time and to see the importance of timing in solving Somalia's crisis. Guess what happened though? The Al-Shabaab, being foreign-dominated, didn't want to hear the nonesense of Somali peoples' interests. The Al-Shabaab's foreign minders commanded their Somali mouth-pieces to bad mouth the Shariif and even call the Shariif 'an infidel'. I mean it was only good of the Shariif to do everything he could to save Somalia. But saving Somalia wasn't part of AS' minder's plans. And to be quite sincere, it was only obvious that a mercenary from Afghanistan/Pakistan or from the West, who has paid ticket fare and who has put his 9-5 career on hold for a bloody holiday to Somalia, not to want to be told by his fellow Somali friends 'no sorry my friend but you can't use our women and children for target practice'. Thus, the reason why hearing of the opportunity for PLANNING which is now possible again, infuriates the Al-Shabaab, and you are supporting them without knowing an ounce about it. So the time is now again for PLANNING, but can you see past all the bravado and the che guavara mentality? Most of the people have overcome this mentality long ago and became pragmatic. You should too. Perhaps you should start being critical of the AS and think through their agenda. We all did (I, theiry, A&T and others supported AS) but saw the flaws. Perhaps you should speak with people who have fought along side them too and ask them why they abandoned them. It will clear things for you. To the rest of the points, I haven't got the time and I am sure you can understand the answers to them are quite obvious. But I will comment on the principles/pragmatis m point you raised. No. You can be very pricipled and still be very pragmatic. People confuse principles with comradery. I hold my principles as firm as ever if not more but my comrades change at times, because I can see through them and pragmatically predict where their arguments will take us. Some comrades are a danger to themselves and to everyone else because of their belief that they have the right principles. When you look at it pragmatically, they don't have much principles but dreams and hubris. It's best to avoid them.

Ee goortuu dibiray xoolihii reerka kula dooday Kix kix kix it really sums up the whole issue in just one line.

1- Sharif is a sensible man, and he has shown to be so. Even today after all the fights waged against him he's after reconciliation. Foreign help is pegged as he sees them. The foreign troops are necessary as long as they are not Ethiopians/Kenyans. And the Ethiopians will not be coming back as long as the Sharif is president. If you read current news, the Sharif has even asked the Americans to tell the Ethiopians to stay out of Somalia. America today made that clear to Ethiopia. So if your whole premise for argument was based on the Ethiopian-rally card, taas eeyaa cunay. 2- I think you've shown that your depth of understanding the issues surrounding the Memo of Understanding on disputed sea areas to be highly wanting. If anything your understanding seems to share a great deal with the illiterate local makhaaxi political pundits found all over London's cafes. Read the MoU first. One more thing, SomaliTalk and Dayniile are not intellectual portals but internet tabloids. 3 - The one I support now. 4- Yes. In the long run. Theiry's ideas on creating an Empire shows his determination for Somalia to rise and rise and rise untill it is a big and powerful as an Empire. It's his dream end result. And every human wants to achieve the best, if possible. On the your pitching Ethiopians comments: correction - it was Aadan Madoobe who called for the Ethiopians. Again as I said above, the Sharif stopped it. Read the news of America's call to Ethiopia. 5- When the Zaibatsu was dismantled after the Japanese war, it only become itself again but through Keiretsu and made sure that Japan rose again to what it is now. To you it may seem defeat but if one is clever enough he makes use of the worst difficulty, pragmatically. It's what we are trying to do. [edit] PS: US Warning To Ethiopia

The good news shocks and sad news from Somalia elates some. God bless their hearts.

Me, the strangest thing of all is that it was 2003 that I made that prediction. The was almost 3 years before Ethiopian tanks rolled into the centre of Mogadishu. And gues who who brought the Ethiopians into Mogadishu? Al-Shabaab! The very childish group you currently support! They brought the Ethiopians and one way or another we (Xiin, Theiry, North and I who support the Sharif) saw the departure of Ethiopia as the biggest price and opportunity for fruitful peace in Somalia. But the Al-Shabaab wanted Ethiopians to remain in Somalia forever. Their very existence and purpose depends on Ethiopian presence in Somalia. And the shame is you support them without knowing ounce about this truth. In 2003 I warned against Ethiopia. I was distressed with the potential of Somali elimination, and for the grace of Allah the Ethiopia were made to leave without implimenting their evil schemes. But they have done some damage and WE NEED TO REPAIR THIS DAMAGE without adding more damage to the one unleashed by the 20 year old civil war. However Al-Shabaab is thirsty for more blood. Blood is Al-Shabaab's very oxygen for survival. Blood specially when it's split while they can say we're fighting for Somalia. In truth they are killing Somalia. Waa 'daawac-tir'. Today, almost 5 years since the warning alarm I have sounded against Ethiopia, Al-Shabaab is calling for Ethiopians to come into Mogadishu. The AS are just boys who miss playing their nintendo games. And you, knowing not better are a victim of your mind's inability to adapt to new life-saving approaches to life, and somewhat handicaped to predict and choose the better option among many. To think only one way is truthfully most tragic, and at last a terminal project. What has happened has happened. What cannot happen cannot happen. You have only option: what can happen. Then if you are clever and shrewd enough you must focus on this last option and think wisely and make the best of what will inevetably happen, and make sure the end product is what you really think is best for the very people and country you claim you love so much. We are all spectators in all that is happening in Somalia but we have a choice on how we approach. We can either be sentimental about it or sensible. The choice is yours.

^It's hard to write the second part! There's mist in the horizon. But when that subsides I'll write in a flash.

People should listen to A&T when he says what he says. This is because the man is thinking of really what is necessary and what is unnecessary. Peace is necessary now and war isn't anymore. And a current wise thinking can either save Somalia or distroy it forever. And what happens if Somalia destroys itself? All else goes with it. Thus just like A&T has, after many days of looking at them, has come to understand, we all need to understand that this childish game dubbed a jihad is really unnecessary. It won't achieve anything and will never stop being childish. We need to grow up and think as adults and realize that by doing the unnecessary or supporting it we are really responsible for all the wasted lives in Somalia. Let's be mature boys.

Just one of our predictions of what may come to pass in Somalia if views didn't change. Over the years we've given out many other predictions that have come to happen. Let's hope our next 'indha-indhayn' into possible outcomes and which one to choose will find willing ears. ----- SENTIMENT AND SENSIBILITY: A REJOINDER TO (THIEIRY's) Vision to Reality (Post made in SOL before the 10th Oct. 08. Mysteriously missing) In line with our (Thierry, Xiin et al.) school of thought, and its alternative strategic propositions on the way forward out of Somalia's current quagmire, and also in honest support to our mutual friend (in the TFG's Ministry of Foreign Affairs Diplomatic corps), I herein intimate a rejoinder, which I hope will contain additional thoughts in the furtherance and advancement of brother Thierry's topic (entitled: Somali Empire (vision to reality , also posted in Somalia Online politics section). In his write-up, good Theirry has put forth noble ideas, and has sincerely advocated for the consideration of ONE fundamental need, which reasonable men and women of this forum must vitally recognize; that is, if they genuinely desire to undertake the monumental task of ensuring our beleaguered nation's survival, endurance, and potentially, its emergence as a formidable nation or empire in the future. That fundamental NEED which he has so ably highlighted, is that it is each and every Somali's national duty, and responsibility (not to partisan or sectarian politics/clan-ism but) to the transcendent welfare of our peoples, in whichever region they may inhabit. As such, he urges us all to be intelligent enough to differentiate between two important things: (1) pursuing a futile short-term war, destined for failure and informed by a super-ego that rejects all efforts of reconciliation at the aggrandizement of the nation, which, on the same token, has only achieved to create daily civilian carnage, suffering and mass displacement, all in the name of a supposed national interest, and; (2) a well considered and conciliatory, strategic plan, driven by the long-term desire to cleverly survive the tricky and dire situation we are in, and spare our nation from a divisive civil war, occupation, and possibly, the bleak reality of total non-existence. Thus, in a nutshell, our good Thierry envisions, and with quite a good qualification and validity, the opportunity beyond the potential hazards of the current political impasse and occupation, pointing us all to catch a hopeful glimpse of the bright horizon of a bigger picture. The BIGGER PICTURE I speak of, which takes a great deal of personal soul-searching to see, is one that animates the reasonable mind to question, interrogate the struggles it currently considers to be vital national interests, and finally PRIORITIZE them into two important categories: (A) risky, violent, fruitless and terminal national struggles that will cost us the very ethnic and territorial existence we seek to protect, which culminates in a Sentimental Struggle (B) opting for (while keeping in mind our current condition of severe limitation in political will, man-power and resources for waging an effective resistance), a long-term strategic plan, well thought out and carefully executed, that guarantees or ensures the nation's ethnic continuation and territorial integrity. Which, in other words, finds its strength in a Sensible Struggle. Category (A) The Hazards of Sentiment Defensive human impulses, have the natural tendency to react violently in resisting the evil of aggression of the other, especially that of occupation. The impulse to resist another's deliberate transgression, the moment we perceive his actions as an insult to our honour, come natural to every Somali man, and surely, both pride and patriotism lend him a righteous hand. Now, considering these natural entitlements to wage a decisive war against the current Ethiopian occupation, it is highly plausible that many well intentioned fighters (of religious and nationalist denominations) in the re-liberation movements, to insist that the only remedy to occupation is nothing but concerted war. These well intentioned brothers and sisters will also assert that the war for re-liberation, is not just merely another unwarranted internal war like others before, but in fact one deservedly justified by a majority national sentiment. And guess what? They are right and I wholeheartedly concur with this assertion. In fact, as everyone in SOL forum is aware of, I am an unflinching supporter of the re-liberation war not only when writing on Somalia, but also I have been, and still am, an active participant in many real life campaigns, demonstrations and organisation ,in an effort to get rid of the tragedy and indignity of occupation, which has been callously visited upon my nation. But I must honestly admit that all my activism, and that of many others, have been solely driven by an emotional, nationalistic and religious 'sentiment' and not much sense. Of course I acknowledge that sentiment is good, and very important at this junction of our history, but what is equally important is, that sentiment is only side of the coin when it comes to undertaking an effective and successful struggle. Especially in a struggle as important as the current one. The other side of the coin, I believe, is unmistakably 'sensibility'. While sentiment is crucial in uniting and emotionally motivating the entire populace to concerted action against injustice, without the guidance of sensibility on the part of leaders, sentiment is prone to short-sightedness, which would certainly lead us into pitfalls. Thus, what is currently needed is a presence of 'vision' in a leadership that sensibly plans for the country's long-term, strategic goals. There is absolutely nothing to be gained from sentimentally, which, although good in its own way, is insufficient in the face of many practical difficulties that hinder or reduce the effectiveness of the war for re-liberation. I believe these practical problems have been evolving for a long time, and not overcoming them means ineffectiveness and failure. What we must consider is that: Historically, we currently live in a period of time in which we have been severely weakened by a twenty year old civil, making us the most vulnerable nation of today's world. And Ethiopia, as a state that has always followed and monitored our general social conditions for centuries, waiting for the right opportunity to invade, has used our self-inflicted vulnerability and occupied us. Additionally, our long-standing clan hatred and antagonisms have given Ethiopia the golden opportunity to territorially dismantle our country into fiefdoms. Thus, fighting Ethiopia, while the country is in this dire state, becomes that much more difficult and even the sentiment of 99% of our people now seems to be in vein. And it is for this reason that we must now critically plan for an alternative route to re-liberation. - The other difficulty that also faces us is in nature global, in that were we to hope that global sentiment would be sympathetic to our cause for we are the wronged party, that doesn't seems to be the case. If anything, global sentiment appears to be working in our disadvantage. Why? Because the United States and Ethiopia have made sure of that. - The third obstacle we must contend with is internal to us as Somalis, in that there already exist many irreparable splits within the movement of the re-liberation front. As brother Thierry has already touched on in one of his posts, there are multiple fronts in the re-liberation movement, some of which (Khalid Bin Walid) coming into existence as recent as three weeks ago. These fronts now total 10, and we are still counting. The older fronts include the different wings of Al-Shabaab (Mogadishu and the Jubbas group), the former UIC (Asmara and Djibouti group), The Jubba Islamic Brotherhood Movement, various Nationalist groupings and so on and so forth. And what is now common knowledge is that these groups or wings follow very different and conflicting approaches in their fight for re-liberation. The main religious wings, such as the UIC and Al-Shabaab, see each other as sworn enemies, let alone their views towards other non-religious and nationalist fronts. These religious wings are increasingly becoming hostile to each other, and further splits or division within them cannot be ruled out. A case in point is the recent creation of Khalid Bin Walid group, whose very aim of formation is said to be a rejection of Al-Shabaab's unilateral closure of Mogadishu Airport. The Khalid Bin Walid group have recently declared that their main objective is to fight, not against Ethiopian occupiers, but to counter Al-Shabaab's monopoly on command and, possibly, violence. So, if that is all it takes another group or front to form, then I must ask you, isn't the situation becoming so chaotic as to expect more catastrophic wars all over again? I hope not. - Another equally serious problem is related to the above point (3), and concerns the future consequences of ever increasing fronts making impossible the joint agreement to table alternative rule of law in post-occupation Somalia. If Ethiopia is successfully defeated and driven out of the country, then the question is, what awaits Somalia that will find itself under multiple factional controls within compartmentalized territories? Another bout of twenty or fourty year old ideological civil way? Such a future is what worries me most, even more than the current TFG and Ethiopian occupiers. Now, at the present time, what we must start planning for is the sort of structural frameworks for stability and governance will be in place in post-occupation Somalia. I strong hold the view that it was our failure to plan ahead is what has led us into civil war, before even Siad Bare was ousted from power. And surely, that mistake has precipitated current Ethiopian occupation. Do we wish to repeat the same mistake? I hope not. As someone who has put a great deal of thought and effort into gaining some insight into our current condition, and the prospects of the future that awaits our nation, my advice is this: be visionary, think beyond today in order to catch a glimpse of the bigger picture while still paying attention to history. - Another dangerous precedent that flows from our previous failures or mistakes of thinking ahead, concerns what I would call the 'lost generation of the war'. this means, the thousands of youths that were born in Somalia during the years of 1991 to the present, who, their short lifetimes, have not known only war and its strife. This generation, which has no tangible social knowledge or social school and semblance of governance structures, have previously fallen prey to warlords and we used to fan the flame of clan-based war. The fact that this generation was a major factor in the continuation of the civil war is not their fault; the fault lies elsewhere I believe. However, during the rise of the UIC and, subsequently, the Al-Shabaab, the radical indoctrination of these youths has dramatically increased, taking a different religious orientation. Thus, this marks the advent of mass radicalization in the fight ( previously) against the warlords, (and now) the TFG and Ethiopian occupiers. Personally, I don't see such radicalization as a problem, if these youths will at later times be institutionalized and absorbed into a future post-occupation state apparatus. But such an institutionalization can not altogether be guaranteed, as there exist future strategic plans to do so. Thus, if such plans are not quickly put in place, then in post-occupation Somalia, we will certainly be in for the continuation of civil. What makes that likely is that it is presently observable that some religiously radicalized youths, and their minders, seem apprehensive toward comprise in reconciling with their fellow freedom fighters, even when peace may solely depend on reconciliation. So, what if these youths and their minders insist that, having sacrificed life and limp in liberating Somalia, they will not share the victory with the rest of the re-liberation movements? Should we then expect another face-off between what before use to be 'freedom fighters' at the expense of an already weary nation? - Last but not least, granted that we overcome all the difficulties I touched on in the above five points, will there a future post-occupation Somalia that is able to survive, for long, the overtures of and interventions of neighbouring countries, and the international community (especially the US)? I hope that we survive and prosper into strong and promising Somalia, amen. But then again, what if it doesn't? Will it not be wise to complete ways to make sure Somalia outlives all its enemies? Think about it. Certainly this is why I and brother Thierry are proposing the acceptance of the Djibouti Reconciliations. CATEGORY (B) The Fortunes of 'Sensibility'

SENTIMENT AND SENSIBILITY: A REJOINDER TO (THIEIRY's) Vision to Reality (Post made in SOL before the 10th Oct. 08) In line with our (Thierry, Xiin et al.) school of thought, and its alternative strategic propositions on the way forward out of Somalia's current quagmire, and also in honest support to our mutual friend (in the TFG's Ministry of Foreign Affairs Diplomatic corps), I herein intimate a rejoinder, which I hope will contain additional thoughts in the furtherance and advancement of brother Thierry's topic (entitled: Somali Empire (vision to reality , also posted in Somalia Online politics section). In his write-up, good Theirry has put forth noble ideas, and has sincerely advocated for the consideration of ONE fundamental need, which reasonable men and women of this forum must vitally recognize; that is, if they genuinely desire to undertake the monumental task of ensuring our beleaguered nation's survival, endurance, and potentially, its emergence as a formidable nation or empire in the future. That fundamental NEED which he has so ably highlighted, is that it is each and every Somali's national duty, and responsibility (not to partisan or sectarian politics/clan-ism but) to the transcendent welfare of our peoples, in whichever region they may inhabit. As such, he urges us all to be intelligent enough to differentiate between two important things: (1) pursuing a futile short-term war, destined for failure and informed by a super-ego that rejects all efforts of reconciliation at the aggrandizement of the nation, which, on the same token, has only achieved to create daily civilian carnage, suffering and mass displacement, all in the name of a supposed national interest, and; (2) a well considered and conciliatory, strategic plan, driven by the long-term desire to cleverly survive the tricky and dire situation we are in, and spare our nation from a divisive civil war, occupation, and possibly, the bleak reality of total non-existence. Thus, in a nutshell, our good Thierry envisions, and with quite a good qualification and validity, the opportunity beyond the potential hazards of the current political impasse and occupation, pointing us all to catch a hopeful glimpse of the bright horizon of a bigger picture. The BIGGER PICTURE I speak of, which takes a great deal of personal soul-searching to see, is one that animates the reasonable mind to question, interrogate the struggles it currently considers to be vital national interests, and finally PRIORITIZE them into two important categories: (A) risky, violent, fruitless and terminal national struggles that will cost us the very ethnic and territorial existence we seek to protect, which culminates in a Sentimental Struggle (B) opting for (while keeping in mind our current condition of severe limitation in political will, man-power and resources for waging an effective resistance), a long-term strategic plan, well thought out and carefully executed, that guarantees or ensures the nation's ethnic continuation and territorial integrity. Which, in other words, finds its strength in a Sensible Struggle. Category (A) The Hazards of Sentiment Defensive human impulses, have the natural tendency to react violently in resisting the evil of aggression of the other, especially that of occupation. The impulse to resist another's deliberate transgression, the moment we perceive his actions as an insult to our honour, come natural to every Somali man, and surely, both pride and patriotism lend him a righteous hand. Now, considering these natural entitlements to wage a decisive war against the current Ethiopian occupation, it is highly plausible that many well intentioned fighters (of religious and nationalist denominations) in the re-liberation movements, to insist that the only remedy to occupation is nothing but concerted war. These well intentioned brothers and sisters will also assert that the war for re-liberation, is not just merely another unwarranted internal war like others before, but in fact one deservedly justified by a majority national sentiment. And guess what? They are right and I wholeheartedly concur with this assertion. In fact, as everyone in SOL forum is aware of, I am an unflinching supporter of the re-liberation war not only when writing on Somalia, but also I have been, and still am, an active participant in many real life campaigns, demonstrations and organisation ,in an effort to get rid of the tragedy and indignity of occupation, which has been callously visited upon my nation. But I must honestly admit that all my activism, and that of many others, have been solely driven by an emotional, nationalistic and religious 'sentiment' and not much sense. Of course I acknowledge that sentiment is good, and very important at this junction of our history, but what is equally important is, that sentiment is only side of the coin when it comes to undertaking an effective and successful struggle. Especially in a struggle as important as the current one. The other side of the coin, I believe, is unmistakably 'sensibility'. While sentiment is crucial in uniting and emotionally motivating the entire populace to concerted action against injustice, without the guidance of sensibility on the part of leaders, sentiment is prone to short-sightedness, which would certainly lead us into pitfalls. Thus, what is currently needed is a presence of 'vision' in a leadership that sensibly plans for the country's long-term, strategic goals. There is absolutely nothing to be gained from sentimentally, which, although good in its own way, is insufficient in the face of many practical difficulties that hinder or reduce the effectiveness of the war for re-liberation. I believe these practical problems have been evolving for a long time, and not overcoming them means ineffectiveness and failure. What we must consider is that: Historically, we currently live in a period of time in which we have been severely weakened by a twenty year old civil, making us the most vulnerable nation of today's world. And Ethiopia, as a state that has always followed and monitored our general social conditions for centuries, waiting for the right opportunity to invade, has used our self-inflicted vulnerability and occupied us. Additionally, our long-standing clan hatred and antagonisms have given Ethiopia the golden opportunity to territorially dismantle our country into fiefdoms. Thus, fighting Ethiopia, while the country is in this dire state, becomes that much more difficult and even the sentiment of 99% of our people now seems to be in vein. And it is for this reason that we must now critically plan for an alternative route to re-liberation. - The other difficulty that also faces us is in nature global, in that were we to hope that global sentiment would be sympathetic to our cause for we are the wronged party, that doesn't seems to be the case. If anything, global sentiment appears to be working in our disadvantage. Why? Because the United States and Ethiopia have made sure of that. - The third obstacle we must contend with is internal to us as Somalis, in that there already exist many irreparable splits within the movement of the re-liberation front. As brother Thierry has already touched on in one of his posts, there are multiple fronts in the re-liberation movement, some of which (Khalid Bin Walid) coming into existence as recent as three weeks ago. These fronts now total 10, and we are still counting. The older fronts include the different wings of Al-Shabaab (Mogadishu and the Jubbas group), the former UIC (Asmara and Djibouti group), The Jubba Islamic Brotherhood Movement, various Nationalist groupings and so on and so forth. And what is now common knowledge is that these groups or wings follow very different and conflicting approaches in their fight for re-liberation. The main religious wings, such as the UIC and Al-Shabaab, see each other as sworn enemies, let alone their views towards other non-religious and nationalist fronts. These religious wings are increasingly becoming hostile to each other, and further splits or division within them cannot be ruled out. A case in point is the recent creation of Khalid Bin Walid group, whose very aim of formation is said to be a rejection of Al-Shabaab's unilateral closure of Mogadishu Airport. The Khalid Bin Walid group have recently declared that their main objective is to fight, not against Ethiopian occupiers, but to counter Al-Shabaab's monopoly on command and, possibly, violence. So, if that is all it takes another group or front to form, then I must ask you, isn't the situation becoming so chaotic as to expect more catastrophic wars all over again? I hope not. - Another equally serious problem is related to the above point (3), and concerns the future consequences of ever increasing fronts making impossible the joint agreement to table alternative rule of law in post-occupation Somalia. If Ethiopia is successfully defeated and driven out of the country, then the question is, what awaits Somalia that will find itself under multiple factional controls within compartmentalized territories? Another bout of twenty or fourty year old ideological civil way? Such a future is what worries me most, even more than the current TFG and Ethiopian occupiers. Now, at the present time, what we must start planning for is the sort of structural frameworks for stability and governance will be in place in post-occupation Somalia. I strong hold the view that it was our failure to plan ahead is what has led us into civil war, before even Siad Bare was ousted from power. And surely, that mistake has precipitated current Ethiopian occupation. Do we wish to repeat the same mistake? I hope not. As someone who has put a great deal of thought and effort into gaining some insight into our current condition, and the prospects of the future that awaits our nation, my advice is this: be visionary, think beyond today in order to catch a glimpse of the bigger picture while still paying attention to history. - Another dangerous precedent that flows from our previous failures or mistakes of thinking ahead, concerns what I would call the 'lost generation of the war'. this means, the thousands of youths that were born in Somalia during the years of 1991 to the present, who, their short lifetimes, have not known only war and its strife. This generation, which has no tangible social knowledge or social school and semblance of governance structures, have previously fallen prey to warlords and we used to fan the flame of clan-based war. The fact that this generation was a major factor in the continuation of the civil war is not their fault; the fault lies elsewhere I believe. However, during the rise of the UIC and, subsequently, the Al-Shabaab, the radical indoctrination of these youths has dramatically increased, taking a different religious orientation. Thus, this marks the advent of mass radicalization in the fight ( previously) against the warlords, (and now) the TFG and Ethiopian occupiers. Personally, I don't see such radicalization as a problem, if these youths will at later times be institutionalized and absorbed into a future post-occupation state apparatus. But such an institutionalization can not altogether be guaranteed, as there exist future strategic plans to do so. Thus, if such plans are not quickly put in place, then in post-occupation Somalia, we will certainly be in for the continuation of civil. What makes that likely is that it is presently observable that some religiously radicalized youths, and their minders, seem apprehensive toward comprise in reconciling with their fellow freedom fighters, even when peace may solely depend on reconciliation. So, what if these youths and their minders insist that, having sacrificed life and limp in liberating Somalia, they will not share the victory with the rest of the re-liberation movements? Should we then expect another face-off between what before use to be 'freedom fighters' at the expense of an already weary nation? - Last but not least, granted that we overcome all the difficulties I touched on in the above five points, will there a future post-occupation Somalia that is able to survive, for long, the overtures of and interventions of neighbouring countries, and the international community (especially the US)? I hope that we survive and prosper into strong and promising Somalia, amen. But then again, what if it doesn't? Will it not be wise to complete ways to make sure Somalia outlives all its enemies? Think about it. Certainly this is why I and brother Thierry are proposing the acceptance of the Djibouti Reconciliations. CATEGORY (B) The Fortunes of 'Sensibility'

Theiry, perhaps I should reproduced my deleted rejoinder topic so as to highlight the predictions we've made and the reason why we thought reconciliation and sharif must be supported to get Somalia out of this quagmire. It follows next.

They make noises and ambushes, that's all. Remember how long ago it was when they said they are less than a mile away from Villa Somalia? Months ago. These are boys with no brains. And they can't do jack shyt let alone get near the perimeters of Villa Somalia's compound. Bluffmasters.

Lol. Adiga dee!

War waa iga kaftan anba sxboow. Che iyo anigu xittaa qaraabaan nahay...not tol yaah?