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Alpha Blondy

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because of my need to be ''peculiar'' and ''different'', I've ordered my new swatch watch online. of course, i don't have a credit card but someone else is paying for it. the only issue now will i get it, here in the abyss.....



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you don't get into much, ma istidhi?


so what you didn't watch it, miyaa?


No, I'm saying you'll enjoy it if you can handle sodomy and shower rape lol

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at home. it's Saturday aka ADMIN DAY. so much to do. so little time. so many calls and so many folks wasting my time. decisions, decisions, decisions, abti.


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No, I'm saying you'll enjoy it if you can handle sodomy and shower rape lol


you're a liar. this much we've already established.


this is just another one of your lame attempts to get my attention. bloody attention fiend.



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Seven shocking facts about the police in Brazil that will SHOCK you.....




Photo by Luiz Morier


In Brazil there is no death penalty, except in cases of declared war, however, we have elaborated on some data that will make you reflect on the role of police in Brazil.


In Brazil there is no death penalty, except in cases of declared war, however, we have elaborated on some data that will make you reflect on the role of police in Brazil. It is important to remember that all reported data below are underestimated, since they depend on the cooperation of agencies linked to the state and the police.


1. Police action kills five people per day


Police action kills five people per day in Brazil. The Civil and Military Police of the country killed at least 1,890 people last year, an average of five deaths per day, according to the 7th Anuário de Segurança Pública (Annual Public Safety) report disclosed in São Paulo (SP).


2. Only the Military Police (MP) in Rio and SP only kill more than countries with the death penalty


In 2011, Amnesty International data showed that MP in Rio and SP killed more people than countries with the death penalty. The data show that across the planet 20 countries executed 676 people in 2011, but in Brazil, in only these two states 961 people were killed.


3. Two out of three people killed by the MP, is preta (black) or parda (brown)


Two of every three people killed by military police officers on duty in the city of São Paulo are parda or preta, according to research conducted by DIÁRIO. The proportion is higher than that of negros (pretas + pardas) in the São Paulo population (38%) and also among the state’s imprisoned population (54%).


4. The MP in SP kill more than all US police, despite having a population almost eight times smaller.


Analyzing the rate of deaths per 100 thousand inhabitants, a rate that is usually used to measure criminality and compare crimes in different regions, it appears that in the state of São Paulo, with a population of 41 million, the rate is 5.51. In the US where the population is 313 million, the rate is 0.63. Between 2006 and 2010, 2,262 people were killed after “supostos confronto (supposed confrontations)” with Military Police in São Paulo. In the US, in the same period, according to FBI data, 1,963 were “justifiable homicide”, the equivalent of resistance followed by death recorded in São Paulo.


5. In Brazil, the risk of police dying is three times higher than in other countries


The other side: Research by same agency responsible for the first fact reveals that 23 Military Police officers were killed in 2012 during service and 22 died outside of work. In the Civil Police, the balance was 5 on duty and 8 outside of duty. In other words, the police are killing a lot and also dying a lot. The institution is failing, we are not protecting the police and we are not protecting the population,” said the person responsible for the research.


6. Over 70% of the population does not trust the police


Research conducted by the Fundação Getúlio Vargas (FGV or Getúlio Vargas Foundation) reports that over 70% of the population does not trust the police, superseded only by political parties, which is rejected by 95% of Brazilians. In the United States, 88% of the population trusts their police (1) while in England this figure is 82%.


7. In about ten years in Rio, ten thousand people died or disappeared after alleged confrontations with police.


In 2013 the OAB/RJ (Ordem dos Advogados or Lawyers Guild of Rio de Janeiro) launched the “Desaparecidos da Democracia (Disappeared of Democracy)” campaign, whose results show that more than ten thousand people were killed on suspicion of confrontation with the police in the state of Rio between the years 2001 and 2011 (2). According to the organizer of the campaign, sociologist Michel Misse, Rio state police kill more than many countries. In the United States, where police are known for their brutality, an average of 300 people are killed annually in police confrontation in a population of 313 million (one death for every 1,050,000 people). On the other hand in Rio de Janeiro there are a thousand deaths for 16 million people (one death for every 16,000 people).


Source: Folha Social




that's shocking.

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Brazilian police are engaged in population control of the undesirable underclasses who happen to be blacks and browns mainly, tough luck for them. Eugenics ftw.

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Don’t be ungrateful

Jah love for you is kind

Even though you trod it through test of time

Walk straight and be wise

It no pretty out deh

Inna everything just improvise

Give thanks for the little Jah provide

Take what is rightfully yours,

without compromise

Di world is fulla tricks and bribe

What no concern you -Just leave it

And what is for Ceasar - Mek him keep it

Your skills and your talent is

your best kept secret - Use it, nah lose it, believe it


real talk. JAH Bless.


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Decoupling immigration and race in Britain


Statistics show that attitudes towards immigration and race in Britain have changed.


In the hue and cry in Britain - and indeed to some extent, in other EU countries - over the impending arrival of migrants from the new accession states of Bulgaria and Romania, one factor that has historically been closely associated with immigration is thankfully missing - that of race. This has been one consequence of the arrival of large numbers of East Europeans since 2004 when eight former Eastern bloc countries (whose populations are almost entirely white) were given full EU membership. It follows that opposition to more migrants from Eastern Europe stems from other factors.


Contrast this with the situation in the first three decades of immigration post-World War II when most migrants were non-whites from colonies and former colonies in the Caribbean, South Asia, and East Africa. It is important to remember that migrants from the Caribbean colonies - who were often enticed to work in the booming post-war economy - were British subjects so had the right to enter Britain without restriction. Hostility to what was then described as "coloured immigration" was clearly a manifestation of racism and discussed as the "colour" or "race relations problem".


It was not until the 1980s - and the outbreak of riots throughout that decade by young urban West Indians - that there was finally agreement among mainstream political parties that it was no longer appropriate to deem settlers and their children from the former colonies as "coloured immigrants" but rather to regard them as "Black British" or "British Asian" and consider them as fellow citizens.


Though racism still exists, great progress has been made: In practically all walks of life, non-whites are now very much part of the landscape of British society. And this has also applied to more recent settlers: Mo Farah's achievements on the athletic track have been warmly embraced, so much that he became one of the foremost symbols of the London 2012 Olympics. Born in Somalia, he was celebrated as a great British sporting hero, no less than Bradley Wiggins or Ben Ainslie. Similarly, the fact that many other Team GB members were black or had a black parent was of little import.


But while it is fair to say that the present opposition to immigration is largely devoid of the poisonous racism of yesteryear, nevertheless the level of opposition is very high. In a 2007 Ipsos-MORI poll - the year before the financial crisis began - 64 percent said that immigration controls should be much tougher and a further 12 percent said it should be stopped altogether, while 68 percent agreed that there were already too many immigrants in Britain.


Indeed, it appears that opposition to immigration has increased further in the intervening years. The current British Social Attitudes Survey (highlighted by a BBC 2 programme "The truth about immigration" in January) suggests that 77 percent of Britons want to see a cut in immigration - and 56 percent want to see a major crackdown. Moreover, 47 percent thought immigration was bad for the economy, and among the 31 percent of respondents who said it was good for the economy, half wanted to see immigration reduced.


What is interesting and perhaps counter-intuitive is that there is also substantial opposition to immigration from ethnic and religious minorities. In data compiled by Birkbeck College academics Eric Kaufman and Gareth Harris from Citizenship Surveys for 2007-2011 for the Demos think-tank, 77 percent of UK-born Sikhs, 65 percent of UK-born Hindus and 55 percent of UK-born Muslims want to reduce immigration; though these are significant majorities, they are lower than the 83 percent of UK-born white British who want to reduce immigration. There was no significant difference along class lines.


The Demos project "Mapping Integration" (whose steering committee is chaired by former head of the Equality and Human Rights Commission Trevor Phillips and on which I also sit) seeks to understand the core reasons for this quite extraordinary unease with immigration - an issue that was of minimal concern in the early 1990s. It is such poll findings that are having a profound political impact: from Labour to the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), clamping down hard on immigration seems to be the settled political will. It is this issue that is driving the possibility of UKIP gaining the highest votes in this year's EU elections and, moreover, it might also result in a "No" vote in the promised referendum on Britain's membership of the EU.


A key contributory factor for the widespread opposition to immigration is that the host population has serious concerns from the impact of large-scale, sudden inflows of new settlers not only on economic factors such as jobs and wages, together with pressure on public services, but also on the impact on communities. The latter has been an issue that has historically been neglected. But evidence is likely to show that where the character of a neighbourhood undergoes rapid change by newcomers, many of the indigenous population, apart from voicing opposition to this change, simply vote with their feet; this phenomenon is commonly referred to as "white flight". It appears to be particularly acute in London whose white British population fell from 58 percent in 2001 to 45 percent in 2011 - as 600,000 White Londoners left the capital city.


Nevertheless, given the firm desire to implement even stricter immigration controls on the part of both white and ethnic minority British citizens, the old refrain that hostility to immigration was code for racism no longer holds; to a significant extent, immigration and race have been decoupled.


Attention now needs to turn with much vigour on the part of national and local governments to the task of integrating well the large numbers of immigrants who have settled in the country. If this is done properly, there is every reason to hope that the issue of immigration will subside in importance to the levels obtained in the early 1990s, and Britain will be the better for it. The findings of the Demos project should aid in not only providing solid evidence but also in suggesting pointers to efficacious policies in this regard, not just in Britain but also in other developed countries with large immigrant communities.


Rumy Hasan is a Senior Lecturer at the University of Sussex and author of Multiculturalism: Some Inconvenient Truths.






interesting article.

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