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Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar

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^ I remember creeping through Bar ayan ....... afraid for my life .... and this is a long time after the 4 months war

 

in xamar they call it 'dagaalkii afar biloodka' where did you guys get the three months from ?

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Gabbal   

Che, if you were in Mogadishu then do you know who fired the first shots, the north or the south?

 

I am told it was Aydiid who, unsatisfied in not being able to control Somalia, wanted to solely control Mogadishu.

 

Geeljire, I meant the four months.

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Gediid   

Ina Bare reer Burco maahmaah bey leeyihin caan ah waxey yidhaadan ala maxaa dhakh Nabiga baratey.

From now on sxb I will make sure in adiga in Gedo iyo Barre Hiraale oo qura laga wareysto.Apparently your immense knowledge is confined to that particular region and its off spring.

As a topic of interest Gedo imisa dameer baa ku nool sxb ma noo sheegi kartaa?

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Gabbal   

Burco-historian, learn from the people who were in Mogadishu at that time.

 

 

Originally posted by Che -Guevara:

Horn-It was Aiydid who started the war after the failures in Gedo and Galkayo.

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^I believe it was three. My folks flew out of the city just before that.

 

I remember creeping through Bar ayan

LooooooooooL....This was near NSS right?. The house we were staying in was right on laami that goess to Siinaay. That road was literally the greenline as Aidid's folks lived in If iyo Aakhiro and Ali Mahde's were on Suuq Bacaad side.

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Gediid   

Ina Barre

Caqli daraddadan bal eega.Aduunka warkiisa adoon joogin waad la socon kartaa.Right after Siad la jabiyey and Ali Mahdi declared himself President with Cumar Carte as prime minster that was when the flare up started.From there on USC was divided into 2 factions.Adeerkaa marku soo gadhey Afgooye they united briefly to kick some azz.Markey Kenya gaadhsiiyen sheekadii meesha ayey hadana ka bilaabeen.Taarikhdada soo baro intaanad afka dadka ku soo taagin sxb

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Originally posted by Che -Guevara:

^Actually USC in-fighting before 94, I was still in Mogadisho it started. Of course, it was less intense then.

Che, ma yaabantahay yourself as well how history is sliced, distorted, rewritten and fabricated history is now? Revisionism wey dhaaftay now, heerkaas ayee dhigtaa qabyaalad qurunkeeda. Dadkii Xamar ku sugnaa ayaa la leeyahay dagaalkii Caydiid iyo Cali Mahdi '94 ayuu bilowday. Been intaas la eg. :D

 

Dagaalkaas afarta bilood socday, hence loogu magacdaray since then "Dagaalkii Afarta Bilood" started Nofeembar of 1991 and sii xoogeystay early Janaayo, 1992. Kuwa badan skirmishes ka horeeye kaas, oo a few days socday. But that Afarta Bilood war was a complete non-stop battle of Xamar.

 

It eventually cooled down in Abriil of 1992. Anagaa xaadir ka ahayn meesha, oo u qaxnay first to Dayniile, then to Afgooye. We were at Afgooye until Maajo [May] of '92, markee Xamar safe enough noqotay lagu noqon karayna. Dad badan ku noqonaaye markaas. The inter-clan war wali ma istaagin, it only cooled off and it was unofficial ceasefire itself ku timid.

 

Until then ayuu Caydiid fursad moooryaantiisa ku habeeye bilaabay, oo intee isku mashquulsanayeen asaga iyo Cali Mahdi ka war helay haraagii Kacaanka oo kusoo dhawaaday Afgooye, whose forces were not fought really with until ay Afgooye usoo dhawaadeen.

 

Labadaas dhinac dhiiga maatida Soomaaliyeed daadinaaye waxba ma iga galin, wax ee kusoo faa'ideyeena ma jirin dalkeena iyo dadkeena. Laakiinse waxaa igu daran the sheer audacity of lying. A complete rewriting of factual history, a pure fabrication, a sheer distortion, falsification of facts ayaa igu daran. Anagee sheekadii kutiri kuteenta ee tolkaville again meesha noo keenayaan. Again, a dhibic of xishood kuma jirto miyaa, beenta maalin cad la wado. Eebboow heybada ha naga qaadin, oo beena hana barin. But then akhlaaq waa lagu dhashaa, not wax la iska dhigo.

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In Somali Capital, Shrapnel Reigns; Civilians Pay Heavy Price In Artillery Duel for Power

 

Aideed
:
We are seeking to arrest Ali Mahdi

 

Ali Mahdi
:
Aideed is no different from Siad Barre

-------------

 

Measured against the daily violence in this battle-scarred capital, Wednesday was a quiet day at Benadir hospital. One child arrived with his fingers blown off by a stray grenade. Two small children were burned over most of their bodies in an explosion. There was the usual assortment of torn abdomens from shrapnel.

 

The shelling was light that day, with only a few rounds of artillery exchanged around noon. Hospitals on both sides of the divided city reported fewer than the average number of wounded. In many ways, there was an eerie air of normality, with a few street vendors selling cigarettes, mangoes, bananas, even some meat.

 

The calm, however, was only a momentary respite from the orgy of brutality that has turned this once-quaint seaside capital of white villas into an urban nightmare of war, lawlessness and impending famine. People here talk of the shelling - now in its eighth week - like people elsewhere might discuss the rain: not too heavy today, but likely to pick up again tomorrow. No one thinks it will end anytime soon.

 

Two men are largely responsible for the death and destruction being rained on this city. One claims to be president, but he has no real power, he is confined to a few blocks of the city, and the country he supposedly rules, Somalia, has in many ways ceased to exist; the other is an army general seeking to oust him.

 

They are similar in many ways. Both claim to represent democracy and say they are trying to prevent Somalia from returning to the dark days of dictatorship. Both are stubborn and uncompromising. And since Nov. 17, when their war of words erupted into a war of artillery, the entire city has been caught in the middle.

 

On one side is Ali Mahdi Mohamed, the nominal president. In a small room laid out with a red Persian carpet, he described in an interview Wednesday the current state of chaos in the capital. His voice was being drowned out by the heavy thud of artillery shells outside, first in the distance, then growing closer.

 

"There is no economic entity prevailing in this country," he said over the explosions. "Everything has collapsed. . . . Anarchy is prevailing also. With no police or military, it is very difficult to run the country." His last sentence was punctuated by a burst of automatic weapons fire from just outside the window.

 

An aide told the president's visitors to relax. The villa was safe, he said, for the time being. Besides, at least some of the explosions were caused by outgoing artillery shells, headed across town. The president himself said he was not afraid. "As a Muslim," he said, "I know my fate is predestined."

 

On the other side of the city, across barricades of old tires and twisted metal - and a barren stretch of highway known locally as No Man's Land - the president's antagonist also entertained visitors, in a more spacious and heavily fortified villa that had the official air of a military command center. In a relaxed, soft-spoken voice, Gen. Mohamed Farah Aideed offered his explanation for the high level of violence in a city where it seems every male adult and child is armed.

 

"Traditionally, Somali people love three things," he said. "One is keeping small arms with them. Another is their camel. And finally their horse. Somalis love horses." He laughed at his own humor, and continued. Somalia, he said, did not need outside intervention to solve this ongoing conflict because he, the general, was "already taking action to solve our problem."

 

"We prefer to solve our own problems," he said.

 

Aideed sees Ali Mahdi as the "problem," and his solution has been a relentless artillery barrage on the northern section of the city called Karaan, where the president is clinging precariously to his position. And Ali Mahdi has responded in turn, shelling the areas controlled by the general - and hitting anything in the vicinity of the general's headquarters.

 

This week, the crowded Benadir hospital was hit, for which Ali Mahdi offered an apology. "Maybe we missed and killed some civilians," he said in the interview. "I'm very sorry about that."

 

Their personal duel has been brutally played out in the streets of the capital. They have carved up the city into warring camps. Artillery shells have wrecked streets and buildings. Burned-out and mangled cars litter largely empty highways. In the absence of any kind of authority, armed militias have taken to roaming the streets in jeeps outfitted with rockets, mortars and antiaircraft guns.

 

There has been no electricity in the city since anyone can remember, and the highway is marked by holes from which scavengers have removed underground cables. Water and fuel are scarce. An estimated 300,000 people have fled the capital to outlying areas to escape the carnage.

 

The city is also on the edge of famine, according to the few relief workers still here. Although some food was being sold by street vendors Wednesday, the aid workers said most people have no means to buy the few goods still being brought in. The last major relief agency foodstocks to arrive were reportedly looted from the warehouse before they could be distributed, and aid workers said bringing in food now without some kind of organized system to distribute it would lead to riots.

 

A relief worker for the international aid agency SOS-Kinderdorf said he was afraid he might lose his entire project in Mogadishu - a maternity care clinic and adjacent pediatrics clinic - because people were getting so desperate for food in the capital that he could not guarantee the safety of his facility from looters for much longer. In one incident already, a hungry woman with a gun came to the clinic gates demanding food.

 

Workers at the pediatrics clinic, in the area controlled by Aideed, said they can gauge the extent of the day's artillery barrages by the number of malnourished children who show up at the gates. When the shelling is light, the clinic receives about 450 new children every day, they said. During the heaviest shelling, in the week before Christmas, the figure dropped to about 60 a day. The number is back up to about 200 a day, workers said, reflecting a slight lull in the shelling.

 

The human toll of the continuing violence can be seen at the city's hospitals and makeshift clinics, on both sides of the capital. So far, the war has left an estimated 5,000 people dead and twice as many wounded. Hundreds of victims, mostly women and children hit by shrapnel, take up most available bed and floor space each day. The city is suffering from an acute shortage of even the most basic medical supplies.

 

At Benadir hospital on the side of the city controlled by Aideed, about 50 people each day are treated for gunshot and shrapnel wounds, some of which were caused by bombs and grenades that litter the streets, said Omar Bile, a doctor. On Wednesday afternoon, two small boys were being treated for burns over their entire bodies after some kind of incendiary device they were playing near exploded. As they were being treated, two young girls, both with amputated arms, looked on curiously.

 

A makeshift hospital set up in a villa on the Ali Mahdi side has treated about 3,575 people since Nov. 17. Prof. Abdullahi Sheik Hussein, dean of medicine of the Somali National University, said the hospital receives about 40 victims on a day of light shelling, and about 100-a-day when the fighting is most intense.

 

"War should be between militaries," he said. "Shelling only hurts civilians. That's not war."

 

Like virtually all Somalis, the doctor has chosen sides in this conflict. He called Aideed "a psychopath" who would establish another military dictatorship like that of former U.S.-backed ruler Mohamed Siad Barre, who was ousted a year ago. "We have kicked out one general," Hussein said, referring to Siad Barre. "We don't want to put another dictator in. . . . This is a battle between dictatorship and democracy."

 

In the current tragedy of Mogadishu, it is difficult to tell between the president and the general who is the democrat and who the would-be dictator.

 

Ali Mahdi is 52, and Aideed 56. Both come from the same ****** clan, and claim the same political grouping, the United Somali Congress. Ali Mahdi is a businessman by profession, who ran a hotel (now destroyed) in the capital during the Siad Barre regime. Aideed is an Italian-trained officer who once served as ambassador to India.

 

Ali Mahdi claims he is the rightful ruler, since a group of clans meeting in Djibouti selected him interim president after Siad Barre fled the capital. Aideed, he said, "is no different from Siad Barre."

 

"There are two forces," Ali Mahdi said, "forces that want democracy and peace and free elections, and forces that want a return to military dictatorship." He called himself a reluctant ruler, a businessman who would just as soon step aside because "I don't like to be president."

 

Aideed called Ali Mahdi a "criminal" and said he is corrupt. He said he launched his campaign to oust Ali Mahdi because he considers him an illegitimate ruler who was enriching himself and his cronies. "They have committed a lot of crimes," Aideed said of Ali Mahdi and his administration. "We are seeking to arrest him."

 

Both men say they are ready to accept a cease-fire, and each accuses the other of rejecting the terms. Ali Mahdi said he will accept a United Nations peace-keeping force, since, in his view, such a force would help prop up his own, legally installed administration. Aideed rejects foreign intervention, saying he has the "problem" well in hand.

 

It is difficult to determine which side is winning, since they both claim to control the major portion of the city. From a one-day visit, however, it appeared that Aideed's forces controlled most of the capital, including the site of the now destroyed American Embassy compound, most hospitals and the international airport. Ali Mahdi appears confined to the Karaan section of the northeast.

 

Most of the few flights into and out of Mogadishu land on the Aideed side under his protection. As Nairobi-based journalists were leaving the city at dusk after their day-long visit, their van was met at the airport gate by a sentry with an automatic rifle strapped around his shoulder.

 

The sentry was a boy of no more than 10.

 

[
Janaayo 11, 1992
]

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Gabbal   

Che, waa yaabe maxaa barigaas Xamar kugu reebey?

 

Burco-historian, adeer isku maaweeli Cigaal baa Soomaalinimo koonfur geeyey iyo mala awaadkaas.

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AYOUB   

Hornafrique

I've deliberately used the word "allegation" so don't make a meal of it. Several people in the clip made the same allegation. Why would they have convinced themselves that their opponents were about to surrender if there were no "wadaads" who made that promise to them?

 

 

MMA

Your claim; "Wixii xiligaas bilowday meel la qabto la'dahay maanta" is as fictitious as anything Hornafrique or anyone else said in this thread. The anti/pro Siyaad violence started years before 1991. Get off the high horse, will you?

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Originally posted by HornAfrique:

[QB] Che, waa yaabe maxaa barigaas Xamar kugu reebey?

War ninyahow reer Gedo forget to send the memo about the entire family being ethnically cleansed from Xamer.They skipped town without giving us heads up.We figure In Barre will be toppled,and a new goverment will be sworn in, and life goes on :D

 

Ayoub...It started in 1991. We don't remember anything else :D

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