Anigu waan kuu sheegay not you, him and them baa xal soo wada ........ unless you stop accusations and sit together for the good of the country, people and humanity.

..... so norf is gona be assasinated ,,,

Waar niyow wuu kaa jaban yahay gabaygaasi caawa ,,,, Kudos to LST ............. u did good man.

DHALASHO WACAN DUQA ............. The same from Borama girls too . ..

The Somali Sections of VOA and BBC Radios sometimes hold political debates on Somaliland cause and its quest for diplomatic recognition. Some participants in the debates raise insincere arguments about the legitimacy of Somaliland national borders calling it “Colonial Borders.” These individuals are either ignorant of the historical origin of current borders of African States or purposefully mislead the listeners. The United Nations, African Union, and African States did not draw or make the current borders of African States. All the borders of African independent states had been drawn by the colonial powers of Europe in the 19th century, before or after The Partition of Africa in 1884, and the independence and recognition of each African State today depend upon its own colonial demarcations or borders. Likewise, all the borders of Asian and South American States also emerged from colonial boundaries drawn by Britain, France and Spain. It is hypocritical that these anti-Somaliland debaters recognize the legitimacy of the border between Somaliland and Djibouti but challenge the legitimacy of the border running between Somalia and Somaliland knowing that both borders were drawn by colonial powers. The borders of Somalia, Somaliland and Djibouti have the same status and legitimacy because they were all drawn by European Colonizers. Most of such debaters are easily overwhelmed by unattainable ambitions for tribal state that does not exist in Africa or elsewhere and their denial of the legitimacy of Somaliland borders is completely in contrary to the historical realities of African borders. Anyone who opposes the legitimacy of Somaliland borders, its independence and its diplomatic recognition is challenging the borders and sovereignty of all African independent states (54 states) whose borders rose from their colonial borders or demarcations. Some people confuse Somaliland with Puntland for either ignorance or for futile political reasons. Puntland is an integral part of Somalia because it is located within Somalia`s colonial borders (Italian-drawn borders) with which Somalia achieved independence on July 1st, 1960 and shares people and history with Somalia. Unlike Somaliland Republic, which has the rightful claim of independence and recognition for having its own, unique colonial borders with which it achieved independence and diplomatic recognition on June 26, 1960, Puntland can not be recognized as independent state because it is part of Somalia and because it does not have its own and unique colonial borders that promote independence and recognition in Africa, but it can be federal region within Somalia. If tribal boundaries or tribal states were recognized in Africa, the whole continent would collapse and be plunged into endless, devastating clan wars. That is why the Organization of African Unity solemnly declared in 1964 that all member states pledge themselves to respect the borders existing on their achievement of national independence. Here the borders existing on their achievement of national independence are the colonial borders on which Somaliland achieved independence on June 26, 1960. Another point to make, Somaliland Republic can not let Puntland Administration integrate with it because that would violate Somalia`s sovereignty and borders. Somaliland was the first of the five-Somali territories to achieve independence from the British Empire on June 26, 1960 based on its existing borders and, before the merger with Somalia on July 1st, 1960, the first Somali country to be recognized by the UN and 35 member nations immediately after independence like the rest of African States. Independent Somaliland was also the first to pioneer the unification between Somaliland and Somalia in quest for Greater Somalia in the Horn of Africa. The union was doomed after Somalia hijacked the governments for the thirty years of its existence (1960-1990) and then committed atrocities against Somaliland people when they rebelled against injustices perpetrated by Somalia. Injustices and atrocities were the major causes that forced Somaliland people to withdraw from the union with Somalia in 1991. The failure of the union does not alter or change the status of Somaliland for claiming legitimate borders, independence and diplomatic recognition. The Somaliland Congress held in Burao on May 18, 1991 unanimously proclaimed the withdrawal of the Somaliland from the union with Somalia and reclaimed its independence of June 26, 1960 renaming itself: Somaliland Republic. The referendum held in Somaliland on May 31st, 2001 reaffirmed Somaliland sovereignty from Somalia. Somaliland is not a secessionist or a breakaway region from Somalia as anti-Somaliland groups would like to portray it. It just withdrew from the union it joined as an independent state on July 1st, 1960 after it failed in the hands of Somalia. Djibouti, Somaliland and Somalia have the same status and legitimacy for independence and diplomatic recognition. Somaliland and Somalia are not the first two countries in this world whose union ceased to exist. The Soviet Union of 15 Socialist Republics and created by the Bolshevik Revolution led by Vladimir Lenin in 1917 broke up after social upheavals with deep political discontent and came to an end peacefully in 1989 with new countries emerging from it such as Georgia, Ukraine, Armenia, Uzbekistan, Lithuania, Estonia, Latvia etc. They are all recognized by the UN and international community on the basis of their original borders existing before the union. The federation of former Yugoslavia that had 8 countries broke up after bloody civil wars (1991-1995) and new countries such as Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Slovenia, Kosovo etc emerged from its ashes. All are recognized diplomatically too for their original borders existing before the federation. This shows that the unity among countries in a union is not sacred if they disagree but the unity within a country like Somaliland, Djibouti, Somalia, Tanzania, Uganda etc is sacred because each country is bound together by its own national borders inherited from colonial powers. Some Somalis believe that Somaliland should not withdraw from the union with Somalia claiming that all Somalis share language, religion, color, and culture. If this claim were true, the Arab World (Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iraq Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, Yemen and Sudan) which has 17 separate independent countries with the same language, religion, color, and culture would have one union today. They do not have any federal union for disagreeing to share one. Over 14 South American countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Peru, Uruguay, Paraguay, Chile, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Panama, Nicaragua, El Salvador etc) also share religion (Catholic Church), language (Spanish), culture, and color but they are not required to share union. Sharing language, religion, color, and culture is not convincing factors to share or remain in a union. Justice and fair power-sharing are the most important factors for a union to survive and that is what Somalia failed to understand in the years of the union. Islamic religion commends unity for enhancing strength and power but does not support one that brings death and destruction upon its partners like Somalia did to Somaliland in the decade of 1980-1990, particularly in the years 1988, 1989 and 1990. “Greater Somalia” is like “Greater Arab World” or “Greater South America” which no one knows when such dreams will come true. Some other Somalis believe that only Somaliland and Somalia constitute “Greater Somalia” excluding Djibouti and the occupied territories for opportunistic reasons. Somaliland will not be an easy target again as in the years of the old union. The occupied Somali territories are of different case. For being a devout Christian Kingdom, Ethiopia survived the European colonization and with the European approval and military support, it annexed the far Western Somalia in 1889 that includes Diridhaba, Harar, Hawas etc. The near region of Western Somalia, which is Hawd and Reserved Area, was colonized with Somaliland and then amalgamated to Ethiopia in 1954 by the Britain. The Somali Northeastern Region (N.F.D) was colonized by Britain too then amalgamated to Kenya in 1963 by Britain. Ethiopia and Kenyan governments are black colonizers in the Horn of Africa today. The peoples of these two regions have the right to struggle for their self-determination. The place is Africa where tribalism and localism are more important than nationalism and patriotism and where democracy, fair elections, and rule of law are not respected. Chronic tribalism, brutal dictatorships and crippling corruptions are common and normal practice of the day. Any federal government can be easily overthrown at any time by military coups, just like General Siad Barre did in 1969, with the immediate dissolution of elected parliament and constitution. No one can guarantee that this will not happen again in restive Africa. Neither Somaliland people nor the people of Somalia can afford to have another risky union that leads them to another military brutal dictatorship or to a government led by a despot turned-elected president that plunges both peoples into other violent, atrocious civil wars. After the departure of colonial powers from Africa (Between 1950-1970), it fell to brutal African dictators and leaders who killed all hopes and aspirations of African masses that liberated it from Europe, and there is no light at the end of the tunnel yet. Because of the past painful experiences, peoples of Somaliland and Somalia need to have separate, safe, prosperous sisterly states with mutual relations like the Arab countries. Both nations must reject blind patriotism for “Greater Somalia” which is not practical today. Somaliland Republic will only discuss future relations with a government of Somalia (Former Italian Territory) which is democratically elected and which represents and controls the entire people and territory of Somalia. Somaliland will not meet with a government or parliament that includes individuals claiming to represent Somaliland. Any meeting or discussions with Somalia without fulfilling these two conditions would violate the basics of Somaliland`s sovereignty. Somaliland, as any African state, has the right to be diplomatically recognized by the United Nations and international community for its current borders that rose from colonial borders. If the African countries do not recognize Somaliland Republic for its own colonial borders as soon as possible, they should know that they put their statehood and sovereignty based on their colonial borders in question. For faster diplomatic recognition, Somaliland needs good governance and fair elections held on time. Somaliland people do not bow to external threats or give up their sovereignty for outside pressure. Ibrahim Hassan Gagale

Originally posted by Libaax-Sankataabte: Che, in the last few years the bottleneck in the process of finding a "lasting peace" has been the presence of "foreign troops". The spat over “FP” was on-going even before Yeey was elected in Mbagathi and it will be here as long as other nations are sending troops to this failed nation. I am sure Ethiopia and AMISOM are the core catalysts fueling the current conflict even though there are major societal ills that may or may not be worked out once AMISOM boys vacate Mogadishu. It is my humble opinion that the sooner we put to rest that long debated issue of “foreign troops”, the closer this nation will be to attaining an enduring peace. The key word here is “closer”. Still, no gaurantees!! Well, I don't think there were foreign troops between 1991 and 1993 ,,, then between 1996 and 2006 ...... The whole foreign troops thing is just an excuse to continue the fighting. Yesterday it was Ethiopia, today it is Amisom and it they leave there will be still more excuses.

Saraakiisha ka kala tirsan Xarakada Alshabaab iyo Xisbul Islaam oo ku xadreeyay goobihii ay dib ula wareegeen I didn't know inay Alshabaab xadreeyaan ,,,,,,

waa rag laga adkaaday taahood Waxbaan is lahaa dheh laakiin halkaasaan ku dhaafay arinka. lool

and i thought "Somaliland Ma jirto" .......

Do u know who wrote the report ??? ,,,

Originally posted by Abtigiis &Tolka: War anagaa wax aragnay! War ninkii General Duke ahaa ma dawlad-diid buu isu badalay in a span of months. Halkaa kaga hay Duke, waa meeshaan kal hore marayey!! Ma maqashay "Cadow ama ku cunay ama ku ciideeyay" ?

Waddaniyadda markay taagan tahay you should not tolerate deee ....... Wixii kele yeah i know

iga walla waa raggeedii .......

naga daa waanu kugu fahanaye ,,

i'm always balanced ,,

waar gabadhaa ma la qabaa tolow ? ,,

Delayed Somaliland polls threaten stability: group NAIROBI (Reuters) - A delay in Somaliland's presidential poll threatens the breakaway enclave's stability and democratic credentials, and the government continues to ignore its own laws, Human Rights Watch said on Monday. Somaliland has enjoyed relative peace compared with other parts of Somalia since the Horn of Africa nation plunged into anarchy in 1991. It has held elections before, but officials say new polls have been put off since 2007 due to technical issues. "Somaliland has spent 18 years trying to build stability and democracy, but all its gains are at risk if the government continues to undermine the rule of law," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director for the group. "The electoral crisis has laid bare the need to create functioning government institutions that will respect human rights," she said in a statement. The polls are seen as an acid test for the former British protectorate, which has been clamouring for international recognition since declaring independence after dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown. The enclave in northwest Somalia is governed by an opposition-led house of representatives elected directly by the people and an upper chamber, or Guurti, consisting of traditional elders representing different clans and sub-clans. The rights group said that President Dahir Riyale Kahin has used the Guurti to extend his rule beyond its limit and that claims the poll was delayed for issues like inadequate voter registration and planning time were "disingenuous". "A further delay of elections, now slated for September 2009, could prove disastrous for democratic rule in Somaliland," the group said in a 56-page report entitled "Hostages to Peace". "REAL PUBLIC ANGER" The New York-based organisation said that Riyale's administration was flagrantly acting outside laws established by the constitution and restricting civil society and the media. "The most important caveat to everything Somaliland has achieved -- and the one thing that threatens those gains in the short term -- is the presidency's consistent and brazen refusal to abide by the rule of law," the group said. "Perhaps the most glaring example of the government's extralegal practises is its use of security committees to usurp the role of the courts." The committees, comprising of government officials and security officers, flout due process and routinely sentence suspects en masse, it said. Riyale, who was in Siad Barre's dreaded security apparatus, won the presidency in 2003 in the first multi-party elections. Somaliland was briefly independent in the 1960s, but then chose to join the rest of Somalia. Its capital, Hargeisa, was devastated in the 1980s when the then dictator battled an insurgent group there. Since 1991, the region -- about the size of England and Wales -- has failed to gain recognition, which some analysts say is due to fears that rewriting colonial borders may open a Pandora's Box of other secession claims. HRW argued in its report that much of Somaliland's stability was due to its consensus-driven approach to resolving conflict. "The president and his party have successfully exploited this widespread aversion to direct confrontation to occupy a space well past the legal limits of their power, but short of what would trigger real public anger."

.... I heard they are so romantic dee even during the war ,,, hehehehe

Maya kolayba nin aad xidid tihiin ama xagaa aynu isla naqaanay ah baa meesha ku jira ee naga daa xayaysiiska niyow ...... hadii kele nin waliba ceesaantiisa ceel keen bay noqon doontaa oo xaaji xunjufna wax buu keeniye

Most balanced eh ?? ,,,,, waar hoy ka joog yaanan ku arkin adigoo berri sheeko kele akhriyayee ... why do i have the feeling that nin reer Badhan ahi inuu ka shaqeeyo meeshaas ? ,,

Wardheernews is not better either ,,, they're just cleverer than Dayniile ,,,

HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH

(Hargeisa, Somaliland) - The Somaliland government's disregard for the law and democratic processes threatens the territory's nascent democracy, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today. The administration of President Dahir Riyale Kahin has committed human rights violations and generated a dangerous electoral crisis. The 56-page report, "‘Hostages to Peace': Threats to Human Rights and Democracy in Somaliland," says that Somaliland's government has helped create a measure of stability and democratic governance even as Somalia has remained mired in armed conflict. But Somaliland's gains are fragile and currently under threat. The administration of President Riyale has regularly flouted Somaliland's laws and has twice delayed elections that were originally scheduled for April 2008, through processes of questionable legality. A further delay of elections, now slated for September 2009, could prove disastrous for democratic rule in Somaliland. "Somaliland has spent 18 years trying to build stability and democracy, but all its gains are at risk if the government continues to undermine the rule of law," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "The electoral crisis has laid bare the need to create functioning government institutions that will respect human rights." The Human Rights Watch report is based primarily on a two week visit to Somaliland in March 2009 in which researchers interviewed government officials, opposition leaders, civil society activists, local analysts, and victims of human rights abuses. Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in 1991 after the demise of Somalia's last functioning government. No country has recognized Somaliland's claim of statehood. Human Rights Watch takes no position on whether Somaliland should be internationally recognized as an independent country. But international actors should engage more deeply with Somaliland, press Somaliland's government to respect human rights and the territory's emerging democratic norms, and provide assistance tailored to bolster key government institutions, the media, and civil society. In recent years the Riyale administration has regularly treated the opposition-controlle d legislature as an irritant, refusing to respect its role in the legislative process or in overseeing opaque government expenditures. Little has been done to build the capacity of the nominally independent judiciary; the lower courts are often incapable of applying the law while the Supreme Court has acted as though it is entirely beholden to the president. Government actions in violation of domestic and international law have directly infringed upon the rights of Somalilanders, Human Rights Watch said. The Riyale administration has circumvented the courts and trampled on the rights of criminal defendants by relying on "security committees" that are entirely under the control of the executive and that have no legal basis under Somaliland law. The security committees sentence and imprison Somalilanders, including people accused of common crimes and juveniles, without any pretense of due process. They regularly sentence defendants en masse on the basis of little or no evidence after truncated hearings in which the accused are given no right to speak. When Human Rights Watch visited Mandhera prison outside of Hargeisa in March, over half of the prisoners there had been sentenced by the security committees, not the courts. The government has also engaged in other repressive practices that are common in the region, but relatively rare in Somaliland. A former driver for the president's family was imprisoned after publicly accusing the first family of corruption, and only released after photos surfaced of the man lying shackled to a hospital bed, gravely ill. The leaders of a dissident political association called Qaran, which challenged the existing three parties' legal monopoly of electoral politics, were sentenced to prison terms and banned from political activity, though they were released before serving their full terms. And Somaliland's leading independent human rights group was dismantled during a leadership struggle in which government officials blatantly intervened. But patterns of low-level harassment targeting journalists, opposition activists, and others are the most common. On numerous occasions government officials have detained, usually for brief periods, individuals who have publicly criticized the government or provided press coverage deemed to be unfavorable. Somaliland's precarious situation in the region has deterred Somalilanders from protesting loudly when their rights are abused for fear of damaging their territory's hard-won stability and its quest for international recognition. Many people told Human Rights Watch that they are effectively "hostages to peace" - unable to confront Somaliland's deepest problems effectively for fear of upsetting the fragile balance that has kept the territory from going the way of Somalia and other countries in the region. The repeated delay of Somaliland's presidential election threatens the foundations of its emerging democratic system. President Riyale has twice been granted lengthy extensions of his term by Somaliland's unelected House of Elders. The election is currently scheduled for September 29, but there is considerable uncertainty whether it will take place and under what circumstances. "Somaliland is at a dangerous crossroads," Gagnon said. "Eighteen years of progress towards democratic governance and general respect for human rights will either be consolidated or endangered, depending on President Riyale's next moves."

A Victory Over empty demolished buildings .....

Evidently, Somaliland faces both internal and external diabolical traps—insidious booby traps. Both powerful and treacherous, terrorism and tribalism will not only derail the upcoming presidential election but will also evaporate the hope of winning recognition after September 2009 successful election. As terrorism takes its toll on innocent civilians and tribal feuds rage unabated in Gibbilley region, fear and apprehension creep into the minds of many citizens. Fearful and uncertain about the future, many citizens question the authority’s response to simmering conflicts on the verge of erupting like volcanoes but rarely receive answers. First, always give credit where credit is due. That is, the Somaliland government deserves a pat on the back when it comes to defending the country from invaders. Time and time again, our armed forces cripple the invading Puntland militias. For instance, Somaliland forces round up hundreds of Puntland militias like wild horses. More important, Somaliland intelligent agencies repeatedly snatch terrorists from their dens and foil sophisticated terrorist attacks. In the end, many of them face justice and go to trials. Second, the government’s iron-fist rule—far from condoned—resembles an autocratic system. For example, Somaliland police forces do an astounding job to arrest, harass, and disperse opposition party supporters who venomously protest against election scandals. Similarly, the authority knows what every single journalist in the country is up to, and barely before the public reads his/her provocative article that expose corruptions and mismanagements the author is already having a picnic inside the notorious Mandheera prison near Berbera city, in Somaliland. Third, the authority has a powerful eavesdropping program that will transmit to its Criminal Investigation Department’s CID headquarters the slightest whispers from phone conversations between local citizens. Additionally, the government knows before Somaliland Diasporas arrive to the country and when they depart. Sophisticate system, isn’t? So sophisticated that in fact the system fails miserably to stamp out local land disputes in the farming Gibbilley region in which a handful of gangs are now terrorizing the communities in that area at will. Land disputes are part of the norm in Africa. But why the government of Somaliland could not crush these tribal gangs hacking innocent civilians to death right under its nose is the question that every Somaliland citizen is asking. Somaliland government could round up hundreds of heavily-armed Puntland militias with very little bloodshed, and so could Hargeisa (Somaliland capital) crush these tribal thugs spurring mayhem in the country. Or is there is more to the conflict than we know? Conspiracy theory 101 indicates that the government of Somaliland may be ignoring the tribal feuds and hoping they will brew up into a full-scale ware. And once the Hutus and Tutsis of Gibbilley region go on wild rampage and slaughter one another, the government will have no choice but postpone the upcoming presidential election for the fifth time. Equally dangerous: terrorism—a curse as well as a blessing in disguise for brutal regimes in the world—may play its roll in the possible upcoming election fiasco. In the last election delays, as predicted Somaliland used the terrorist attacks in October 2008 as one of the reasons for the delays. Now, in the recent terrorist attacks against four well-respected business men from Awdal regions bordering Gibbilley, Alshabaab terrorists could be the culprits or at least they may have encouraged some revengeful locals to carry out the shocking murder. The heartless killings rightly infuriated the Somaliland population in general and in particularly those in Awdal region. Again, the government may drag its feet to capture the murderers, and such a lack of quick action could provoke revenges from the victims’ tribes which could lead to a full-scale tribal skirmishing. So, again the government will have a choice to delay the election. As shown in the following link, outraged Awdal people, some even waving Somali flag, not Somaliland’s, because they lost faith in Somaliland government took to the streets of Boorame city, Awdal provincial capital. Such Somali flag-waving protesters in the heart of Somaliland territory may give Alshabaab the boost that it needs and more terror attacks may be impending. http://hiiraan.com/n ews/2009/July/warark a_maanta12-6965.htm (Also read about Somali MPs flocking to Somaliland freely: http://www.americanc hronicle.com/article s/view/109651) Surely, the government signed a treaty with the local elders to diffuse the conflict, but what about putting a leash on the thugs that have been terrorizing the farming communities of Gibbilley and its environs. The government must crush these murderers from both warring tribes, and those found guilt should face justice immediately. Whether Somaliland perceives the dangerous mixture of tribalism and terrorism or not, one thing is indisputable: if land disputes are not resolved and murderers aren’t brought to justices before September 2009—in two months time—election will be postponed. Similarly, the opposition parties will—understandably— scream their lungs out. Their supporters could take to the streets with massive protests. Hence, normally peaceful streets of Somaliland cities could turn into a battle ground. And even if the election is not delayed, terrorists could exploit the tragedy—the tribal feuds—in Gibbilley and send voters’ limbs flying over rooftops, and of course blame local tribes. To top it up, the long-waited Somaliland recognition which many people hope that after fair and transparent election, the nation will be on the verge of receiving a full diplomatic recognition faces uncertainty. Therefore, the government of Somaliland unless its part of the conspiracy—raging tribal feuds—to derail the election, must crush the local machete-wielding thugs mercilessly and maintain law and order through Gibbilley region. Dalmar Kaahin