Your silly airport stories aside, has Attaturk stopped prostitution even in Turkey? As for Somalia, its going through the worst period in its history. Remember only 50 years ago some world powers use to term China, as the sick man of Asia and now look where it is. There is no panacea, no magic pill, Somalia shall rise insha Allah.. Also for a self described enlightened Somali, your reliance on a single individual to lead us to the promise land is baffling. You present no solutions, lets here of these lad, and stop the fake crocodile tears.

^^^Peacenow, is prostitution a new thing ? And how will a strong leader stop this trade?

War goor dhow na soo gaaray ayaa sheegaya duqeymo xoogan oo saf ballaaran ay ka bilaabatay magaalada Muqdisho, kuwaasoo ku hoobanayay xaafado badan waxaana duqeymahan ay yihiin kuwo culus. Madaafiicda loo yaqaan BM-ka ayaa ku hoobanaya degmooyinka Dayniile, Hodan, H/wadaag, Yaaqshiid iyo Huriwaa, waxaana duqeyntan ay tahay tii u horeysay ee si isku mid ah u saameysay degmooyin badan. Wararka qaar ayaa sheegaya in Madaafiicda oo ahaa kuwa nus darsan hal mar uga dhacayay Qoriga BM-ka ayaa waxay ku dhaceen Suuqa Bakaaraha oo ah halka dad fara badan isugu tagaan oo ay ka ganacsadaan. Lama oga qasaaraha rasmiga ee ay geysteen duqeymahaas, waxaase wararka horu dhaca ay tilmaamayaan inuu jiro qasaare soo gaaray shacabka oo madaafiicda ay ugu tageen goobahooda. Duqeymahan ayaa muujineysa xiisadaha dagaal iyo isu hub uruursiga ka jira magaalada Muqdisho, kaasoo dhinacyada isku haaya ay maalmahan si xoogan u wadeen, waxaana dadka Muqdisho hadal hayaan dhaq dhaqaaqyada ciidan iyo dagaalka loo madlan yahay. La soco wixii ku soo kordha Hoyga wararka Somaliyed www.Jowhar.com Jowharcom@hotmail.com Jowharcom@gmail.com

Madaafiic sababtay dhimasho iyo dhaawac dad rayid ah oo galabta lagu garaacay Xaafado ka mid ah degmooyin badan oo ka tirsan Gobolka Banaadir. Posted: 2/10/2010 3:56:00 PM Shabelle: MUQDISHO Inkabadan 10 qof ayaa ku dhimatay ku dhawaad 40 kalana waa ay ku dhaawacmeen madaafiic galabta ku dhacday degmooyin ka mid ah gobolka Banaadir. Madaafiicda oo intooda badan ku dhacday wadada Wadnaha ee Magaalada Muqdisho ayaa waxaa ay saameysay inta badan ganacsigii ka jiray Suuqa Bakaaraha oo ay madaafiic qasaare geysatay ay ku dhaceen. Todobo qofood ayaa ku dhimatay in ka badan 8 kalana wey ku dhaawacmeen kadib markii madaafiic is xig xigtay ay ku dhaceen qeybo ka mid ah Suuqa Bakaaraha sida uu Shabelle u sheegay mid ka mid ah dad iyagu ku sugnaa agagaarka goobta ay madaafiicdu ku dhaceen. Sidoo kale mid ka mid ah madaafiicdii ku dhaceysay wadada Wadnaha ee Magaalada Muqdisho ayaa waxaa la sheegay in uu ku hubsaday gaadiid BL- ah oo taagnaa isgoyska Bakaaraha halkaasi oo la sheegay in ay ku geeriyootay qof haweenay ah qasaare kalana uu ka dhashay. Madaafiic kala oo aad u fara badan ayaa iyana waxaa ay ku dhaceen isgoyska Janaral Daa’uud kuwaasi oo ay ku dhaawacmeen ilaa sedax qofood waxaana madaafiic kale ay ku dhaceen Xaafado ka mid ah degmooyinka Hodon, Howlwadaag,Wardhiigley Huriwaa, Yaaqshiid, Shibis, Boondheere iyo qeybo ka mid ah degmooyinka C/casiis iyo Kaaraan kuwaasoo iyana aan la ogeyn qasaaraha ay gaysteen. Macadda qasaaraha dhabta ah ee ka dhashay madaafiicda galabta ku dhacday degmooyin ka mid ah gobolka Banaadir iyadoo wali si dhab ah aysan u cadeyn waxyaabaha dhaliyay madaafiicda galabta ku dhacday degmooyin ka mid ah gobolka Banaadir iyadoona maalmihii u dambeeyay ay jireen abaabulo iyo dhaq dhaqaaqyo ciidan oo ay samaynayeen dhinacyada isaga soo horjeeda magaalada Muqdisho.

Masha Allah, a heart warming thread...

^^^Indeed, the author was wrong in this instances, a typo at worst, however what he was highlighting is the economic relationship between the two... The rest of the article is spot on and better than the usual Western view of Africa as a no hope basket case.

It's a zero sum game this, believe me Even if Sharif was to double the areas held by his government it would be no more than 4KM Squared...

Juje, adeer my advice to you is stay safe from this madness. As for Al Shabaab it is the folly that the man you work for created, thus your anger is aimed at the wrong individuals. I don’t much care for who “wins”, because they won’t have any impact on the final result. Sharif Hotel has failed, but lets watch the game. Again stay safe adeer, make sure you have an exit plan, because they, Al Shabaab may spare the big boys, Sakiin, Ibbi, Omar but will make an example of the little workers.

“We have to rise above our differences and combine our efforts to save our people” Mandela Insha Allah, the Somali civil war is coming to a close; it will end within the next few years as the grand folly in the south is finalized. This post is about looking towards the future and the important role the Diaspora has to play in rebuilding the ramshackle nation. The Duke, has a number plans in the works specifically dealing with capacity building, and small infrastructure in the Mudug/Nugaal regions of Puntland State. What role do you see yourself playing in coming years, in the new Somalia, and what ideas do you have with regards to kick starting the economy, creation of jobs, and healing the wounds of our long suffering people? Again lets be positive and share our ideas.

China to kick start consumer revolution in Africa Sean Carey Published 25 January 2010 Print version Email a friend Listen RSS China's economic might in Africa can develop the continent's consumption markets and reap the rewards Geely automobile factory in Zhejiang province, China. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images Africa is on the move. Over the last decade the sub-Saharan region grew at a rate not seen since the 1960s, improving on the 1 per cent growth for much of the intervening period to more than 5 per cent a year. Of course, this is not as good as China's progress. The country which started the decade as the world's seventh largest economy (excluding Hong Kong) is poised to overtake Japan and become second only to the US because its annual average growth has been running at over 10 per cent. But there is no question that the change in both countries' fortunes is linked. By buying up vast quantities of oil and other commodities like copper, iron ore and diamonds, China has been key to Africa's development as well as its own. In many respects it will be business as usual for China in Africa during the next decade. It will continue to make deals (often at the expense of Western companies) for the raw materials for its many refineries and factories. It will also maintain investment in a significant number of infrastructure projects like bridges, roads and airports as well as providing soft loans for its trading partners. But the most important new element in China's relationship with Africa is that it now has an eye on one of the world's largest untapped markets of around one billion people for its consumer products and services. Attempting to outflank Western and other companies who have ignored the business potential in Africa, dubbed 'the failed continent' by foreign investors in the 1980s, is a clever move. But will the strategy succeed? I think it can because despite some concerns about the quality of some exports, a growing number of Chinese companies have now acquired the minimum level of technological expertise to supply a range of goods and services to African markets at prices far below those available from companies operating in the advanced economies of North America, Europe and the Pacific Rim. China also has the potential and capacity to stimulate economic demand in Africa through engaging more with areas under its influence, effectively all sub-Saharan countries except for the very small number which recognise Taiwan, by hiring labour and sourcing more locally than it has done up to now. Such a strategy would not only strengthen economic and political ties but would also have a significant multiplier effect creating large pools of young, relatively affluent consumers very keen to try out the latest gadgets and services. It is worth noting, for example, that Africa is the world's fastest-growing market for mobile phones with subscriptions increasing from just 5 per cent of the population in 2003 to over 30 per cent today. Many of the consumer items available in advanced countries are already made by Chinese companies although unfortunately for them they don't own the intellectual property rights. Furthermore, the economic and political power that comes from owning and controlling the distribution of global brands, which is underpinned by a formidable capacity in design, technology and service delivery, should not be underestimated. This explains all the fuss made about the extensive counterfeiting and piracy carried out by Chinese operators. Manufacturing in the US and other advanced economies may well be in long-term decline but the strength of brands as diverse as Apple, Coca-Cola, eBay, Gillette, Gucci, Intel, Nike, Nintendo and Toyota continues to climb and makes the global economy go round. The Chinese authorities have been well aware of this problem for its economy for some time now and this is why they have flown in a small army of US and European marketing experts to help their companies develop their own range of branded products and services. But this kind of knowledge transfer has not been nearly as straightforward as the Chinese once thought because the brand and design expertise to be found in cities like Atlanta, Florence, London, Paris, Santa Clara, Seattle and Tokyo has been built up incrementally over many decades, knowledge which is geographically bounded for the most part because it is embedded in specific trading systems. This explains why the Chinese are now very keen to buy global brands, which may be deemed superfluous to requirements by some Western companies still feeling the effects of the credit crunch, but retain sufficient value and prestige to make them appear very good long-term investments for China. It is undoubtedly this logic that lies behind last month's $1.8 billion bid by Geely, the largest independent vehicle manufacturer in China, for Ford's Swedish carmaker Volvo. Significantly, the deal has the backing of the Chinese government who have defined the auto industry as a key sector of its economy. Volvo, which has a workforce of around 20,000, two-thirds of which is based in Sweden, has been promised by senior Geely executives that it will be well-positioned to access the Chinese and other new markets. Assuming the deal is finalised in May it looks like Volvo, which has built up an enviable reputation for the safety and sturdiness of its vehicles, as well as more recently for its oil-electric hybrid technology, will not only be visible in increasing numbers on Chinese roads but African ones as well. However, it will be the appearance of new, cheaper cars from Geely using Volvo's technology but without the Volvo brand that will undoubtedly come on stream a few years later that will herald the real Chinese-led consumer revolution in Africa. Dr Sean Carey is Research Fellow at the Centre for Research on Nationalism, Ethnicity and Multiculturalism (CRONEM) at Roehampton University

Saber rattling from both sides nothing concrete yet.

Under pressure Last year, the current president, René Préval, who ostensibly governs this UN protectorate, agreed to renew its stabilisation mandate, to persevere with the privatisation of Haiti's remaining public assets, to veto a proposal to increase the minimum wage to $5 a day, and to bar Fanmi Lavalas, along with several other political parties, from participating in the next round of legislative elections. The decision taken by US and UN commanders in charge of the disaster relief effort, to prioritise military and security objectives over civilian-humanitarian ones, has already caused tens of thousands of preventable deaths. Plane after plane packed with essential emergency supplies was diverted away from the disaster zone, in order to allow for the build-up of a huge and entirely unnecessary US military force. Many thousands of people were left to die in the ruins of lower Port-au-Prince, while international rescue teams concentrated their efforts on a few locations (such as the Montana Hotel or the UN headquarters) that could also be enclosed within a "secure perimeter". For the same reason, throughout the first week of the disaster, desperately needed medical supplies were reserved for field hospitals set up near the US-controlled airport and other "secure zones". Hospitals in "insecure" Port-au-Prince itself, overwhelmed with dying patients, have had to perform untold numbers of amputations without anaesthetic or medication. Still more "insecure" areas such as Carrefour and Léogane -- the places closest to the earthquake's epicentre -- received no significant aid for at least ten days after the disaster struck. Unless prevented by renewed popular mobilisation in both Haiti and beyond, the perverse international emphasis on security will continue to distort the reconstruction effort, and with it the configuration of Haitian politics for some time to come. As reconstruction funds accumulate, pressure to expropriate what remains of Haiti's public services and collectively owned land is sure to be accompanied by pressure to speed up the growth of Haiti's booming security industry, and perhaps to restore -- no doubt in close co-operation with the current occupying power -- the army that Aristide managed to demobilise in 1995. What is already certain is that if further militarisation proceeds unchecked, the victims of the January earthquake won't be the only avoidable casualties of 2010. Peter Hallward teaches philosophy at Middlesex University and is the author of "Damming the Flood: Haiti, Aristide and the Politics of Containment" (Verso, £16.99)

Grotesque inequalities That refusal remains the key to understanding the course of Haitian politics ever since. Haiti isn't only the most impoverished country in the western hemisphere; it is now also the most unequal in terms of its division of wealth and power. A tiny minority lives in paranoid luxury, surrounded by millions of the poorest people on earth. From the perspective of its elite, Haiti's main political problem is very simple: how, once the door to democracy has been prised open, might it be possible to preserve such a grotesquely inequitable distribution of property and privilege? When Aristide was first elected, it was still possible to solve the problem in the usual way, by slamming the door shut. In September 1991, another US-backed military coup cut short Haiti's "transition to democracy". When the US eventually allowed a hamstrung Aristide to return in late 1994, he still managed to transform Haitian politics overnight, by abolishing the army that had deposed him. A central priority for the businessmen and sweatshop owners whose interests were previously protected by the army has, understandably, been to restore or replace it. The need to do so became still more acute when Aristide was re-elected in 2000 with an even bigger share of the vote, backed up for the first time by a political organisation, Fanmi Lavalas, which won roughly 90 per cent of the seats in parliament. The subsequent ten years of struggle in Haiti are best understood in terms of this basic alternative: Lavalas or the army. As the conflicts of the past decade confirm, there is no better way for political elites to deflect awkward questions than by redefining them in terms of crime, security and stability -- terms, in other words, that allow soldiers rather than people to resolve them. Ruthless application of this strategy after the Lavalas election victory in 2000 led to the internationally sponsored coup of early 2004, just in time to squash any celebration of the bicentenary of Haitian independence. Since they could no longer rely on Haiti's own army, in order to overthrow a duly elected government for the second time, US troops were obliged to lever Aristide out of Port-au-Prince themselves. In mid-2004, a large United Nations "stabilisation" force took over the job of pacifying a resentful population from soldiers sent by the US, France and Canada, and by the end of 2006 another several thousand of Aristide's supporters were dead.

"Death plan" Such downtreading was the precondition for international imposition of the neoliberal policies that began to reshape Haiti's economy when Jean-Claude Duvalier inherited his father's office as "president-for-life" in 1971. These policies were designed to turn the country into the kind of place international investors tend to like; Haitians soon started to refer to them as the "death plan". This plan has stifled public spending and forced the privatisation of Haiti's (often highly lucrative) public assets, while accelerating the reorientation of the country's economy away from agrarian autonomy and towards urban hyperexploitation. The case of rice production -- the staple food for most of the population -- is especially significant. In the mid-1980s, local farmers were still able to produce almost all the rice Haitians consumed, but the last tariffs protecting Haitian farmers were removed in the mid-1990s and imports now account for two-thirds of consumption. Domestic production is now further undercut by the vast amounts of additional "free" rice that are dumped on Haiti every year through the ministry of USAID grantees, in particular the Baptist, Seventh-Day Adventist and other like-minded churches. Increases in the garment and light manufacturing sector were supposed to compensate for agricultural collapse. For a while, the lowest wages in the hemisphere encouraged mainly American companies or contractors to employ roughly 80,000 people in this area, while military and paramilitary coercion kept the threat of organised labour safely at bay. By the end of the 1990s, however, a combination of international competition and local "instability" had reduced the number of people employed in sweatshops to barely 20,000, and their wages (averaging $2 a day) had fallen to less than 20 per cent of 1980 levels. Bitter experience has forced the Haitian poor to improvise robust ways of defending themselves against their oppressors. Over the course of the 1980s, opposition to both Duvalierist repression and neoliberal economic policies inspired a powerful popular mobilisation. This was able first to "uproot" Duvalier fils and his Macoutes in 1986 and then, in 1990, after an army crackdown that killed another thousand people or so, to overcome direct military rule. It forced the army's international backers reluctantly to sanction Haiti's first ever round of genuine democratic elections, which in early 1991 brought the liberation theologian Aristide to power on an anti-capitalist, anti-army agenda. Haiti was the first country in Latin America to dare choose a liberation theologian as its president (twice), and this is a crucial but often neglected aspect of its recent history. The Catholic Church had long been a solid pillar of the status quo, and its partial conversion in the 1970s into a well-organised vehicle for the "self-emancipation of the oppressed" reverberated throughout the region. Pentagon officials were quick to realise, as one American military figure put it, that "the most serious threat to US interests was not secular Marxist-Leninism or organised labour, but liberation theology". Pope Jean-Paul II and his successor, Joseph Ratzinger, reached the same conclusion as their American counterparts on the religious right. Thirty years ago, in Haiti, there was only a tiny handful of small evangelical churches preaching political resignation and passive reliance on God's grace; today there are more than 500 of them. Yet Aristide's election in 1990 changed the balance of power in Haiti for ever. Political violence came to an abrupt and exceptional stop. "We have become the subjects of our own history," Aristide said, a couple of years before his election, and "we refuse from now on to be the objects of that history".

New plantations The slaves who won the war against the French were determined, above all, to avoid any return to a plantation economy or its industrial equivalent. Over the course of the 19th century, large parts of Latin America, as well as much of Europe and Europe's colonies, were ravaged by the systematic expropriation of peasant farms, and of collectively or indigenously owned land and resources. In Haiti, however, there was significant resistance to such trends, nourished by exceptionally resilient forms of communal solidarity and popular culture -- for instance, a reliance on collective work (konbits), widely shared religious affiliations and a rich tradition of oral history. This resistance in turn solicited powerful countermeasures, including, from 1915 until 1934, the first and most damaging of an apparently unstoppable series of US military occupations. The Americans abolished an irritating clause in Haiti's constitution that had barred foreigners from owning Haitian property, took over the national bank, reorganised the economy to ensure more regular payments of foreign debt, imposed forced labour on the peasantry, and expropriated swaths of land for the benefit of new plantations, such as those operated by the US-owned Haitian American Sugar Company. As many as 50,000 peasants were dispossessed in northern Haiti alone. Most importantly, the Americans transformed Haiti's army into an instrument capable of overcoming popular opposition to these developments. By 1918, peasant resistance gave rise to a full-scale insurgency, led by Charlemagne Péralte; US troops responded with what one worried commander described as the "practically indiscriminate killing of natives", "the most startling thing of its kind that has ever taken place in the Marine Corps". The next phase in the "modernisation" of the Haitian economy was contracted out to the noiriste dictator François "Papa Doc" Duvalier, who came to power in 1957 through a rigged election in which he won only a quarter of the votes garnered by his main rival. Four years later, Duvalier ripped up the last shreds of the constitution when he arranged for his re-election, winning 1,320,748 votes to zero. Duvalier's determination to gain complete control over the country encountered resistance not only among the rural poor, but also among more cosmopolitan sections of the elite. He overcame both problems by supplementing the army he inherited from its US patrons with a more home-grown paramilitary force, nicknamed the "Tontons Macoutes" after a child-snatching bogeyman from Creole mythology. The paranoid ferocity of Duvalier's regime has long been the stuff of legend. In the autumn of 1964, for instance, after a dozen young men in the south-western city of Jérémie launched a reckless insurgency, Duvalier's militia publicly slaughtered hundreds of their kin. By the mid-1960s, nearly 80 per cent of Haiti's professionals and intellectuals had fled to safety abroad, and most of them never returned. Estimates of the total number of people killed under Duvalier vary between 30,000 and 50,000. "Never has terror had so bare and ignoble an object," reflected Graham Greene (whose 1966 novel, The Comedians, is set in Duvalier's Haiti). The CIA was impressed with the result, noting that by the 1970s "most Haitians [were] so completely downtrodden as to be politically inert".

The land that wouldn't lie Peter Hallward Published 28 January 2010 toussaint l'ouverture The Haitian people overthrew slavery, uprooted dictators and foreign military rule, and elected a liberation theologian as president. The west has made them pay for their audacity. After weeks of intense media attention, some of the causes of Haiti's glaring poverty are obvious: years of chronic underinvestment, disadvantageous terms of trade, deforestation, soil erosion. What is less well understood is that -- natural disasters aside -- the fundamental reasons for Haiti's current destitution originate as responses to Haitian strength, rather than as the result of Haitian weakness, corruption or incompetence. Haiti is the only place in the world where colonial slavery was abolished by the slaves themselves, in the face of implacable violence. As historians of the revolution that began there in 1791 have often pointed out, there is good reason to consider it the most subversive event in modern history. Independent Haiti was surrounded by slave colonies in the Caribbean and flanked by slave-owning economies in northern, central and southern America. The three great imperial powers of the day -- France, Spain and Britain -- sent all the troops at their disposal to try to crush the uprising; incredibly, Haitian armies led by Toussaint l'Ouverture and then Jean-Jacques Dessalines defeated them one after the other. By late 1803, to the astonishment of contemporary observers, Haitian armies had managed to break the chains of colonial slavery not at their weakest link, but at their strongest. This extraordinary victory provoked an extraordinary backlash. The war killed a third of Haiti's people and left its cities and plantations in ruins. When it was finally over, the imperial powers closed ranks and, appalled by what the French foreign minister called a "horrible spectacle for all white nations", imposed a blockade designed to isolate and stifle this most troubling "threat of a good example". France re-established the trade and diplomatic relations essential to the new country's survival only when Haiti agreed, 20 years after winning independence, to pay its old colonial master enormous amounts of "compensation" for the loss of its slaves and colonial property -- an amount roughly equal to the annual French budget at the time. With its economy shattered by the colonial wars, Haiti could repay this debt only by borrowing, at extortionate rates of interest, vast sums from French banks, which did not receive the last instalment until 1947. President Jean-Bertrand Aristide's request that France pay back some of this money, in the run-up to the bicentennial celebration of independence in 2004, encouraged the former colonial power to help overthrow his government that year.

Cuba has a great school.

Masha Aallah, bravo indeed..

^^^I get your point lad. But the irony is in that they are protecting Sharif Ahmed from Amirki. When they came it was Sharif AHmed & Indcade who brought Amriki & others to Somalia to fight the peace keepers. I dont think Al Shabaab will defeated quite so easily this time round. Though you never know..

Muqdisho: “ Cabsi dagaal ma heyso Al- Shabaab, waxa ay taasi heysaa Kooxda gaalada la socoto” Sarkaal sare oo ka tirsan Xarakada Al- Shabaab oo beeniyey in ay ka baxeen fariisimo dagaal. Muqdisho(AllPuntland)- Sarkaal sare oo ka tirsan hogaanka ciidamada ee Xarakada Al- Shabaab ayaa beeniyey in aysan waxba ka jirin warka sheegaya in ay Ururkoodu, baneeyey fariisimo dagaal oo ay ku lahaayeen waqooyiga magaalada Muqdisho ee caasumada Soomaaliya, oo ay isku horfadhiyeen mudo dheer ciidamada kale ee ka soo horjeeda. Sarkaalkan oo ka gaabsaday sheegida magaciisa, kuna soo koobay Sheekh Abu- Siciid ayaa tibaaxay in ay maalmihii ugu dambeeyey wadeen arrimo Milateri, isagoo sheegay in ay udiyaar garoobayaan sidii ay dalka uga saari lahaayeen ciidamada AMISOM iyo kuwa la socda, waa sida uu hadalka udhigaye. Mar ay APL weydiisay sarkaalkan waxa ay kala socdaan dagaal uga soo socda dhinacyada ka soo horjeeda, wuxuu ku sifeeyey dagaaladaasi kuwa aysan waxba cabsi ah ka heynin, isagoo sheegay in ay og yihiin daqiiqad kasta waxa ka dhacaya gudaha dawladda KMG ah ee Soomaaliya. “ Mujaahidiintu kama baqaan dagaal sidoodaba, Al- Shabaabna waaba ka gaar, oo waa la og yahay kuwa dagaalada abaabulayana wey og yihiin xaaladaha taagan oo dhan, hadii ay soo qaadaana waa la difaacayaa, waana ka saari doono dalka, Ilaahay Idinkiise” Ayuu yiri Sheekh Abu- Siciid oo hadalkiisa ku daray in ay hada agaaga ciidamada dawladda la geeyey ay ayana horayba ujoogeen. Sheekh Abu- Siciid wuxuu kaloo sheegay in aysan laheyn masuuliyada madaafiicda lugu tuurayo Shacabka, isagoo tibaxay in ay dhinacoodu beegsadaan goobaha ay joogaan ciidamada ay la dagaalamayaan, balse wuxuu cadeeyey in ay AMISOM iyo ciidamada dawladda KMG ah ay leeyihiin masuuliyada madaafiicda lugu garaacayo Shacabka Soomaaliyeed. Al- Shabaab oo hada ah awooda kaliya ee ubabac dhigi-karta dawladda KMG ah iyo AMISOM, ayaa maalmihii ugu dambeeyey udiyaar garoobeysa dagaal adag oo ay iska difaaco duulaan uga yimaada dhinaca dawladda KMG ah ee Soomaaliya. F. C. Maxamed AllPuntland

AMISOM, have saved Sharif Hotel thus far The foreign holiday makers in Somalia, who have given a backbone to the Al Shabaab Two foreign powers fighting to destroy what remains of the former capital of Somalia...

^^^Adeer why the need to bring anyone to "Justice" if it was a mere "accident"? again you make no sense lad.

Ohh, she is butters and he is a moron. Funny though, Ayan seems to find a protector every other week, first its the Dutch government, then a US think tank and now a clown who teaches history..

^^^You are in a desperate situation lad.

The secessionist are in big trouble, a united community can not be stopped, well done to the Garad's and may Allah give them the success they deserve...