lol @ calling your cat Abu hureyra.

<cite> @Tallaabo said:</cite> I am glad I've misread your comment and got the wrong idea. I am delighted that you are still a fellow Muslim. As long as you don't join the infidel camp our cordial relations will remain strong. it would appear you have read my comments all wrong.

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> You'll have to excuse Alpha. He's going through another one of his mental tirades. you're a result of .

<cite> @Tallaabo said:</cite> Forget about my "poofness" niyow, I am seriously concerned about you. Are you calling extremism sickness(which is something we would agree on) or is that an insult against the religion of Islam? if that's what you've inferred from my views, then that's fine with me. you are deliberately taking things out of context. this doesn't surprise. in your haste to category folks into two overarching dichotomies of good and evil, into light and darkness, you potentially risk our cordial relations.

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> But our leaders are the worst of us. And yes there are forum members here who are sick in the head (ie. "smartlander" and "Alpha Blondy"). please refrain from using my name in posts I don't have an opinion on. wa war cad.

there's far too many insults flying around. unfortunately, they're mostly targeted towards Alpha. this shouldn't come as a surprise. the islamist zealots like Kenny, measure their faith by the length of their beards. it is exactly this sort of mindset that breeds extremist tendencies, which is sending hundreds of ethnic Somalis to their death bed fighting some bogeyman and for something so far removed from their own historical trajectories. this is a shame. this is what we're fighting against. our children are being polluted with this extremist wahabism. we'll not tolerate it and we'll fight to save our community against their perverse sickness. they say, in Islam, there's no compulsion but the likes of Kenny want to force feed this nonsense, acting as judge, jury and executioner on earth. they have already claimed the lives of millions in the name of this perversity but we'll not hesitate to speak against such sickness. we'll not hesitate to fight against its spread. Tallabo, you're just little habar qaloocite and a little poof. HSkW, abti.

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> Wallahi if it was up to me, you would be banned from this forum. And I know plenty of members here who feel the exact same way. who are these members? name them please. it's a good thing, you don't have such power because you'll abuse it like the extremist jihadist little precum that you are. <cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> Wallahi you are a bahaal, you're like a child throwing a tantrum and then you wonder why I'm so rude to you on this forum. Get the fuck out of my face . you call for my ban yet abuse the rules of the forum. it's unbecoming of you to insult folks Ken.

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> Alpha, don't ever address me with that garbage ever again. I've copied/pasted your quotes and you openly said that you don't give a shit about "Reer Somalia", so stick to your little clan enclave and don't comment on anything that involves anyone who lives east of Burco. You're an empty vessel, you don't know anything or contribute anything, other than your failed attempts at being a Comedian on this forum. you're so vile, it's almost like you're sub-human. maybe you're not even Somali. ta labad, ya usheega this saanguduudi with two rooms and corridor for a nose, there was no Somalia before 1960. Waaqism pre-dates your beloved 'Somalia'. before we accepted the colonial territorial lines of the white man, there was Waq. before the islamist conquered our lands, there was Waq. before the great Bantu migration towards Jubbaland and the occupied territories, there was Waq. Waq pre-dates all. Doctor Kenny, you ought to be ashamed of yourself, supporting Nicolas Kay's attempts to plunder our resources. you have shown yourself to be a ardent supporter of AMISOM and their sexual violence against ethnic Somali women. you propagate a potent fervent islamist jihadism in the hope of establishing a global khaliphate. you ought to go to Syria, if that's what you want. you are committing cultural genocide because you are promoting foreign ideas. Waaqisms will suffice. nothing else. we will shun all these qashin. please leave us alone. please stay away. we don't want our minds to be addled with this qashin. you are qashin.

^ i'm against our people being colonised. all these imported foreign ideologies must be eradicated. they are ruining us. look at what they have produced. we must go back to what we are. we must embrace our own. we are making the necessary arrangement. won't you join us?

Sept 2014 - Hargeisa, SL Republic.

<cite> @DoctorKenney said:</cite> Somalis and Somali culture have been under assault for the last century. First we had to deal with the accursed Italians, then we had to deal with the Communists, and now we're dealing with the likes of Al Shabab and the Ugandans/Kenyans. My grandfather's generation was heavily influenced by the Italians, and many Somalis of that generation STILL have Italian mannerisms and their behavior is largely influenced by Italian culture. It's a shame you're lair. you're not real about the cause. just as your grandfather was a contortionist, being all things to all folks, i see you're just the same. you've inherited his corrupt ways, proposing Friedman economics and defending Saudi Wahabsism in equal measure. what exactly do you stand for? you're NOT one of us. you're not us. stay away. waxaan ku leeyahay in the words of the roots reggae legendary singer Turbulence...... We might kill each other And do things like vandal Many might say unity is our strength - separation makes us weaker We disagree on everything We weren't meant to be Simplicity brings an argument It's time to set us free It's best you stay away We're better off this way It's best you stay away It's gonna hurt us if you stay we don't need your macro-economic policies, don't need your inherited Italian dhaqan-xumo , don't need your fatwas. we need Waq and Jah. leave us alone. Stay way.

When Jamal Ali Hussein Comes There'll Be No More Fear When Ucid Hero Comes No Longer Will We Shed Tears When Jamal Ali Hussein Comes They'll Pave The Way To A Brighter And Better Day When Ucid Hero Comes When Jamal Ali Hussein Comes Evil Better Beware You Better Be Prepared Cause The Bullets Will Rip Through The Air When Ucid Hero Comes Now You Better Get Ready Cause It's Starting Soon And Jamal Ali Hussein Will Arrive At High Noon Cause When Ucid Hero Comes You Better Listen To What We Say Or You'll Forfeit Your Life Today And Now Jamal Ali Hussein Comes And Now Here He Comes To End All Of Our Pain And Now That He's Come He'll Clear Away The Stain Cause Ucid Hero's Comes And As The Bullets Fly We Will Hear Them Cry And Finally They Will Fly Cause Jamal Ali Huseein CAME..... ---- this was posted on his facebook page. north korean dietynimo style! caadi maha..... prospects are looking good. the entire subeer awal, the sand dwellers, apparently 60% of reer awdal are behind J-Man according to the gossip on the streets. odaygi Silaanyo, who is rumoured to have been dead since ramadan, has no chance. i worry that Kulmiyetocracy Zionist Criminal Regime will rig the elections, laakin. there's only one credible opposition party in laanta and the hopes of the mucaarid folks rest solely on J-Man's shoulders lol.

i wonder if the authorities here are ready to deal with an outbreak?

classic!

the islamist, the westerns and the bantus all want to colonise us. the only way out of this quagmire to revert back to our forefathers's folklore and their way of life.

nitin sawhney caadi maha.....

its being RAINING like MAD!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!..........yesterday it rained even more. mashallah, y'all. all this water is going to waste. these people are animals. why can't they make reservoirs, you know. this government is useless. the people even worse. i wish a huge ship transported them to outer space, so only a few useful people remained...........

not an African but an interesting leader worth studying...... The ascent of Turkey's Ahmet Davutoglu Turkey's new prime minister was the key figure behind the transformation of Turkish foreign policy. So far most commentary on Ahmet Davutoglu's selection as Turkey's new prime minister has been focused on what his relationship will be with the country's new president, Recep Teyyip Erdogan. Opponents of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) tend to portray Davutoglu as certain to play second fiddle to Erdogan who is both fiercely resented and feared, and regarded by his enemies as a "Turkish Putin". I believe that Davutoglu's record in foreign policy gives assurances that he will be a strong and effective prime minister. Starting out in 2003 as chief advisor to the foreign minister, and later to the prime minister, Davutoglu's role as a highly influential and respected expert was quickly recognised. Long before Davutoglu became foreign minister in 2009, he was widely respected in Turkey as the creative force behind its energetic and effective foreign policy, which was causing a stir in the region and around the world. Foreign policy priorities Davutoglu's contributions were particularly notable in three domains of foreign policy. First, he understood and clearly articulated the importance for Turkey to adapt to the new regional setting created by the end of the Cold War, appreciating that it was now possible and desirable for Turkey to act more independently in the Middle East and beyond without disrupting its primary security ties with the United States and NATO. Secondly, Davutoglu from almost the beginning of his role in government became Ankara's chief emissary seeking to clear the path to Turkish membership in the European Union, helping devise the "Copenhagen Criteria" that turned out to be more useful as a roadmap for desired domestic reform than to achieve their stated purpose of paving the way to EU membership. Satisfying the EU requirements gave Prime Minister Erdogan the justification he needed for impressively strengthening the civilian control of government. Erdogan names Davutoglu as new Turkey PM Thirdly, these moves to civilianise the Turkish government removed altogether the earlier role played by the Turkish armed forces as custodian of the republic through the medium of coups against elected political leaders. In retrospect, substantially removing the armed forces from the political life was a great step forward in democratising Turkey, even if this momentous development has never been acknowledged in Brussels, and not even often in Turkey. Turkey has almost alone in the region played a principled and constructive role by challenging the Israeli blockade of Gaza and seeking to end the collective punishment and humanitarian ordeal of the Palestinian population. This role was resented in the centres of Western power and even in most Arab capitals, but it has endeared Turkey and its leaders to the peoples of the region and beyond. It also illustrated Davutoglu's insistence that a successful Turkish foreign policy should be as principled as possible while at the same time being creatively opportunistic, promoting national interests and values, and above all seeking engagement rather than confrontation. More famously, and controversially, Davutoglu saw the opportunities for Turkish outreach in the Arab world, and beyond. The AKP effectively expanded trade, investment, and cultural exchanges throughout the region, an approach labelled "zero problems with neighbours" by Davutoglu. ZPN seemed a brilliant diplomatic stroke, a dramatic effort to rest Turkey's ambitions on the dynamics of "soft power geopolitics", that is, providing benefits, attracting others, and not depending for influence on military prowess or coercive diplomacy. The Arab Spring arrives Then in early 2011 came the Arab Spring that surprised everyone, including Turkey. It created excitement and turbulence throughout the region, but also the promise of more democratic patterns of governance. Davutoglu as much as any statesman welcomed these Arab anti-authoritarian upheavals as benevolent happenings, especially the extraordinary events in Tunisia and Egypt in early 2011 that overthrew two long serving authoritarian and corrupt leaders as a result of largely nonviolent mass mobilisations. This optimism did not last long. Developments in Libya, Syria, Bahrain, and Yemen made it clear that there was not going to take place a series of smooth and quick transitions throughout the region. Turkey would have to choose sides as between the authoritarian old order seeking to hold onto or restore its power and its populist challengers. Counting the Cost - Turkey: An economy at a crossroads Syria posed this challenge in its severest form. The Assad regime in Damascus had earlier been the poster child of ZPN, and now was committing one atrocity after another against its own people. Turkey abruptly switched sides, losing trust in Assad, and aligning itself with rebel forces. Both pro and anti-Assad postures proved controversial in Turkey. Critics accused the government of playing sectarian politics by supporting an insurgency that was increasingly dominated by Sunni militants associated with the Syrian version of the Muslim Brotherhood. Davutoglu skilfully and reasonably reformulated his ZPN by asserting that when a government shoots its own citizens in large numbers, Turkey will side with the people, not the governmental leadership, which lost its legitimacy through its actions. From now on the doctrine associated with his outlook could be more accurately understood as "zero problems with people", or ZPP. The mass mobilisation against the elected Morsi government in Egypt illustrated another kind of difficulty, leading Turkey to stand out in the region, joined only by Qatar, in its refusal to give its blessings to the military coup that brought General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi to power in July 2013. Principled pragmatism The touchstone of Davutoglu's approach to foreign policy is the effort to blend principle and pragmatism in relation to shifting policy contexts, doing what is right ethically while at the same time exploring every opportunity to promote Turkish national interests. These include enhancing Turkey's international reputation as a responsible and strategic player. This blend of goals was well-illustrated by the seemingly frantic Davutoglu diplomacy in many settings, including the Balkans, Crimea, Armenia, Myanmar, Africa, and Latin America, wherever possible seeking to resolve regional conflicts while lending support to humanitarian goals. The most impressive example of such an approach was undoubtedly the major initiative starting in mid-2011 to help crisis-ridden Somalia when the rest of the world abandoned the country as a "failed state". From this bold humanitarian gesture of solidarity came a major opening to Africa for Turkey. This produced an immediate rise in Turkish prestige that brought with it major opportunities throughout the continent. Davutoglu's mistakes Despite an extraordinary record of achievements, the Davutoglu foreign policy experience also has its share of blemishes, even taking into account the difficulties that all governments faced in adapting to the abrupt sequence of unexpected changes in the Middle East during the last several years. Perhaps because his plate was so full with an array of diverse undertakings, Davutoglu didn't sufficiently focus on the daunting complexities of the aftermath of the Arab Spring. The most serious of these blunders concerned Syria, not the underlying impulses, but the lack of nuance. Ankara acted as if the Assad regime would quickly collapse if pushed even slightly by the uprising. Turkey seemed continuously surprised by Assad's resilience and by the internal, regional, and international support Syria was receiving. Turkish policy seemed mistaken, embroiling Turkey in an unwinnable foreign civil war, and tarnishing its image as a prudent and calming diplomatic influence throughout the region. A similar line of criticism applies to Davutoglu's overall response to the Arab Spring and its aftermath. It was consistent with the principled side of the foreign policy approach he was pioneering to welcome the events of 2011 in Tunisia and Egypt. It was premature to consider these developments as irreversible, and to presuppose their continuous deepening and regional spread. It soon became evident that Davutoglu did not appreciate the political will or capabilities of counter-revolutionary forces in the region, and did not seem to take account of the impact of an anti-democratic preoccupation that pervaded the dynastic politics of the well-endowed monarchies in the region. All in all, Ahmet Davutoglu has had a remarkable run as a foreign minister, and as Turkey's new prime minister, is almost certain to embellish further his many notable contributions to the success of post-Kemalist Turkey. His thoughtfulness about policymaking combined with his personal integrity and decency while operating at the highest levels of professional competence make him a rarity among politicians. Turkey is poised to play a crucial role as a force for peace and justice in the roiled waters of the Middle East, in surrounding regions and sub-regions, and even in the world. Richard Falk is Albert g Milbank Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University and Research Fellow, Orfalea Center of global Studies. He is also former UN Special Rapporteur on Palestinian human rights. Editor's note: A version of this article was previously published on Al Jazeera Turk. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial policy. ---- http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2014/09/ascent-turkey-ahmet-davutoglu-201491134555729882.html ----

caagdheeres are sicken. their culture is perverse.

From rising star to almost basket case: Tough lessons for Kenya from Ghana Kingsley Adukpo stands in his shop in Accra on February 11, 2014. Adukpo had to repeatedly raise his prices due to the weakening Cedi (Ghanaian currency). Ghana’s trade balance has worsened. The current account deficit has risen from an average of eight per cent of GDP before it started exporting oil to 13 per cent last year. AFP PHOTO | CHRIS STEIN The wheels are coming off Ghana’s economic miracle. The cedi has fallen 40 per cent this year. Interest rates have gone through the roof. Inflation is at 15 per cent and rising. Landlords are demanding rent in dollars. Last week Ghana applied for IMF assistance to deal with its macroeconomic crisis. Ghana is one of the brightest stars of the “Africa Rising” story. Ghana has sustained economic growth over six per cent for more than a decade, propelling it to attain the coveted middle income status. Oil was discovered in 2007 and came on stream in 2010 adding to gold, of which Ghana is Africa’s largest exporter. Ghana is also the world’s second largest exporter of cocoa after neighbouring Cote d’Ivoire. Unsurprisingly, Ghana led Africa in tapping the international capital markets issued first Eurobond in 2007 and a second one last year. Ghana’s oil production started in 2010, and is running at about 80,000 barrels a day. Ghana’s trade balance has worsened. The current account deficit (the difference between foreign exchange earnings and expenditure) has risen from an average of eight per cent of GDP before it started exporting oil to 9 per cent in 2011, 12 per cent in 2012 and 13 per cent last year. Ghana’s management of its public finances was never great to begin with. However, following the discovery of oil, the Ghanaian state seems to have opened the floodgates. Government expenditure has ballooned from 20 per cent to 27 per cent of GDP in the last two years, against revenues of 20 per cent of GDP. ARREARS OF ALL SORTS In addition to two Eurobonds totalling $1.5 billion, Ghana took a highly controversial US$ 3 billion loan from the China Development Bank, secured on oil. Between these and other borrowings, Ghana has managed to double her foreign debt in three years. Ghanaians are intrigued as to where all the money is going. The government is building arrears of all sorts including statutory payments to their NHIF and road maintenance fund. Contractors are going unpaid for months on end. Recently, Government cheques bounced. One of the holes that Ghana’s money has been disappearing into is judgement debts — of the sort that we recently paid for Anglo Leasing. One Ghanaian newspaper columnist described them as follows: “Government demolishes houses to make way for a road construction. Compensation is paid to affected persons. Someone who was unaffected puts in a claim for compensation. The state agency responsible declines his request. He goes to court to seek judgement debt. Government puts in no defence. A default judgement is awarded. Months later, hundreds of thousands of Ghana cedis is paid to him. Unchallenged.” Sounds familiar? In August 2012, the president, the late John Atta Mills, admitted that his Government had paid equivalent of Sh28 billion in judgement debts. After intense public pressure, the current president set up a commission of inquiry, the Judgement Debt Commission, to investigate these payments. Sometimes last year, the commission’s offices burned down. Oil, Eurobonds, Chinese loans, judgement debts, hubris…can we go the same route as Ghana? DEFICIT STILL RISING The numbers speak for themselves, and pictures, as they say, speak louder than words. Chart 1 shows the evolution of the budget deficit over the last decade or so. The data is presented differently from the way the government reports it. The government reports it on a discrete fiscal year basis. Here I present the data on a continuous month-on month basis, that is, every monthly data point is the total for the preceding twelve months (that’s January 2010 to December 2011, February 2011 to January 2012, March 2011 to February 2012 and so on). This way, we are able to see the actual trend over the long haul. What do we see? It’s not pretty. During the first three years of Narc regime, we are running a deficit in the order of Sh50 billion a year, 14 per cent of total expenditure on average. We even run a budget surplus for most of 2006/7 financial year. The deficit escalated to Sh100 billion in 2008, rising to Sh200 billion by 2010. This was the effect of the fiscal stimulus introduced to respond to multiple economic shocks, namely post-election violence, drought and the global financial crisis. The deficit went down in 2011, as the economic stimulus spending ended, but that did not last, as it escalated sharply in 2012. I have not dug into this escalation but I suspect it has a lot to do with war in Somalia and Kibaki legacy projects. But the most startling development is what has happened since the Jubilee Government took office. From April to June 2013, the deficit escalates by Sh136 billion. By May this year, it is running at Sh460 billion, more than double what it was when Jubilee took over in April 2013. In relative terms, the budget deficit averaged 3.5 per cent of government expenditure during the first Kibaki administration, rising to an average of 19 per cent during the Grand Coalition administration. It has averaged 29 per cent during Jubilee’s first year, and it’s still rising. What is the Jubilee Government doing with money? I have no idea. Chart two shows the debt situation. It’s not pretty either. During the Grand Coalition administration our debt increased by Sh200 billion a year on average. The largest increase was by Sh300 billion in the 2010/11 financial year. The published data shows that we increased our debt by Sh475 billion last financial year. However, the published data includes the proceeds of the Eurobond, but does not include the Chinese loan for the railway, reported to be $3.2 billion (Sh280 billion). BORROWING TO PAY When we add this, the debt increase for the year is Sh750 billion. The Grand Coalition increased our debt by Sh1,000 billion (one trillion) in five years. The Jubilee Government has done three quarters of that in one year. It does not require a whole lot of economic expertise to see that these trends are unsustainable. And we will soon be piling on more debt to finance LAPPSET and the 5000 MW power initiative among other mega projects. We are, without doubt, hurtling towards a macroeconomic crunch. According to the reported terms, we have signed two Chinese loans for the railway, one for 12 years with a five-year grace period and the other for 20 years with a seven-year grace. This means in five years, we will start paying the first, and two years later, we start paying the second. The principal on the first loan works out to $230 million (Sh20 billion) per year. The repayment of this will coincide with the maturity of the five-year Eurobond which is $500 million (Sh43.5 billion). This means we will have to set aside an extra $730 million, or Sh44 billion at current exchange rate. This is about how much we spent servicing all our foreign debt last financial year. It is obviously very difficult for a government to set aside such a huge amount of money from one year to the next. The normal way that government’s finance this is by refinancing, which is fig leaf lingo for borrowing to pay. We need to pray that the financial markets will still have an appetite for African sovereign debt. PROSPECTS OF DEFAULT The week before turning to the IMF, the finance minister had announced that Ghana was preparing to go back to the market for another $1.5 billion. Even then, Ghana was looking at paying nine per cent interest on the issue — about how much I pay for dollar denominated loans in the local market. That is now going to be a hard sell, although it has no choice but to go back to the market with IMF backing, otherwise its currency will continue sliding and increase prospects of default. Ghana is not alone in dampening the enthusiasm for African sovereign Eurobonds. Macroeconomic distress is also stalking Zambia. After the record subscription of Zambia’s debut bond, yields have risen steadily, losing the initial subscribers a fair amount of money (a rise in bond yields has the same effect as a fall in the price of a share). It is not inconceivable that the appetite for African sovereign bond issues will wane as more African countries, us included, abuse their newly found financial freedom. Whatever the case, we cannot afford to continue on the fiscal path that we are on. It is reckless. This mega-infrastructure madness has to stop. If we don’t do it ourselves, the iron laws of economics will do it for us—and that, take it from me, does not come cheap. David Ndii is the Managing Director of Africa Economics. ndii@netsolafrica.com ------ http://www.nation.co.ke/oped/Opinion/-Tough-lessons-for-Kenya-from-Ghana-/-/440808/2420372/-/7kh42gz/-/index.html ------ interesting.

the bantus and axmars must be STOPPED in their attempts to further carve up reer Somalia's land. in the meantime, the rogue Somalia administrations like Jubbaland and other Nairobi based Somali interlocutors in cahoots with the Kenyans must cut off their relations with the bantus immediately. the enemy is not us, it's outsiders.

Create a fictional family of four. Visit them once a year, filming them as they grow older and more self-aware over a period of 12 years. Then edit the material into a feature film that runs close to three hours and borrows its title, “Boyhood,” from Tolstoy. It sounds like a stunt. Filmed over 12 years with the same cast, this film is a groundbreaking story of growing up as seen through the eyes of a child named Mason, who literally grows up on screen before our eyes. This drama charts the rocky terrain of childhood like no other film has before. Snapshots of adolescence from road trips and family dinners to birthdays and graduations and all the moments in between become transcendent, set to a soundtrack spanning the years. The film is both a nostalgic time capsule of the recent past and an ode to growing up and parenting. It's impossible not to watch Mason and his family without thinking about our own journey. 10/10. Excellent.

did y'all hear about Somalia taking Kenya to the Hague because of Kenyan attempts to annex reer Somalia's territorial waters in a bid to access Somali oil?

he was always bound to be a suicide bomber. i mean after all he's an caagdheere. it's in their genes to fight against oppression. sadly, they are all cannon fodder.

an obedient wife makes a good wife.