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Koonfurta Sudan oo qarka u saran Gooni isu taag




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Western Aid Funding Human Rights Abuses in Ethiopia.



The curious modern creed that foreign aid is automatically virtuous has its origins in two powerful social phenomena: the collapse of trust in politics, and the cult of celebrity. Ambitious politicians crave the stardust that attaches to pop stars such as Bono. Meanwhile, their strategists have noted that while the membership of mainstream political parties is in freefall, organisations such as Oxfam and Save the Children boast millions of supporters.


New Labour was the first to take advantage. Tony Blair’s decision to create a separate Department for International Development (DFID) ensured the endorsement of Bono and others, while making a very plausible grab for the Oxfam vote.


This posed a problem for the Conservative Party, which had a long-standing and well-founded scepticism about foreign aid. The economist Peter Bauer, one of Margaret Thatcher’s gurus, had notoriously claimed that there was no measurable link of any kind between foreign donations and economic development. If anything, thought Bauer, aid probably hinders growth, as it leads directly to corruption, the misallocation of resources and the erosion of civil society.


With the arrival of David Cameron, the Tories gave up. One of his early moves was to invite Bono to the party conference. The new leader’s international development spokesman, Andrew Mitchell, embraced the New Labour paradigm. Teams of Tory ministers and MPs accompanied Mitchell to build schools in Rwanda. There was a naked calculation behind this idealism: to rebrand the Conservative Party.


All this may have been admirable. But the cross-party consensus on overseas aid was dangerous. There was no one to investigate reports of embezzlement and express scepticism. Meanwhile, spending soared from £2.6 billion in 1999 to £6.5 billion in 2005, and a prodigious £8.7 billion in the current financial year – approximately £300 for each and every British family. The process reached its apotheosis in last week’s spending review. With cuts in almost every other department, DFID emerged the clear winner, with spending projected to rise by an extraordinary 37 per cent over the next four years.


Such a massive splurge would perhaps be welcome if we could be confident that the money was well-spent. But throughout the New Labour years, there was no attempt to establish this (and the Tories and Lib Dems did not want to express a dissenting view). This cosy consensus was finally broken last week with the publication of an authoritative report from a most unexpected source – the respected humanitarian organisation Human Rights Watch.


The study, which concentrates on Ethiopia, shows how the system works in practice. The findings are horrifying. The country is one of our biggest recipients of aid, with a DFID budget of nearly £300 million and a staff of 250 officials. Yet Human Rights Watch has shown that DFID is incompetent to monitor, let alone account for, the prodigious sums it disburses. Much more troubling, it has proved beyond doubt that hundreds of millions of taxpayers’ money is being spent to keep in power an unpleasant and authoritarian Maoist government.


It is important to address the report in detail because, although published more than a week ago, it has been ignored. Labour’s international aid spokesman, Harriet Harman, has made no reference, most likely because it exposes negligence under New Labour. The same applies to Mr Mitchell, now International Development Secretary. The conspiracy of silence extends to the British media, where only this newspaper has given the study any coverage. It is easy to explain this omerta: at a stroke, Human Rights Watch has smashed every conventional piety about foreign aid, and therefore raised very awkward questions.


The facts are grim. Ethiopia is in effect a one-party state whose president, Meles Zenawi, has a shocking record of human rights abuse. Last May’s general election, in which the ruling party secured some 99.6 per cent of the parliamentary seats after a long, vicious campaign of intimidation, provides ample evidence.


For years DFID has collaborated – there is no other word – with Zenawi’s dictatorship. We have donated massive amounts towards food aid, fertiliser, health and education. Rather than administer this aid, we have – unforgivably – allowed Zenawi and his thugs to use it for political manipulation and control. Starving people get told they can only have food if they support the ruling party. Teachers have received donor funds – but only in return for spewing out official propaganda. One British-backed programme, designed to train civil servants, has been adapted to indoctrinate trainees in the loathsome ideology of the ruling party.


The implications of the Human Rights Watch report (based on months working undercover, often in remote and dangerous areas, by a researcher) stretch far beyond Ethiopia. It seems likely that the same abuse of aid goes on in other countries. Rwanda – beloved of the modern Conservative Party – is an obvious case. Here again we are dealing with a culture of repression, what amounts to a one-party state and a president who has just been returned with an improbable share of the vote (93.08 per cent). Licensed assassination and the jailing of opponents and journalists characterised the election period. Yet DFID has been happy to fund the National Electoral Commission, which tolerates blatantly undemocratic elections on a jaw-dropping scale, and the so-called Media High Council, a state-affiliated body which has recently suspended the country’s two most popular independent newspapers.


The brutal truth has to be declared. DFID has enjoyed at best mixed fortunes since it was founded in 1997. Its seven-year presence in Iraq after the 2003 invasion has been an unmitigated and extremely expensive disaster, and Afghanistan looks like turning into a similar story. Yet so fixed is the cross-party belief in the virtue of foreign aid, that it alone was last week exempted from the hostile and rigorous scrutiny of costs that other parts of government were forced to endure.


To be fair to DFID, it is very hard to contribute aid to countries such as Ethiopia and Rwanda without getting too close for comfort to the regime, however unpleasant. It is harder still – perhaps impossible – in war zones. That is why some argue that the real goal of foreign aid should not be democracy and human rights, but simply to remedy urgent human suffering.


But denial is no way of dealing with these issues – especially not when George Osborne appears determined to prove the truth of the old remark that foreign aid is a mechanism for transferring money from poor people in rich countries to rich people in poor countries. It is time for a public debate which entertains the possibility that Bauer might have been right, and Bono wrong. Above all, we need to end the dirty culture of silence that suppresses any talk of the deep complicity between the aid lobby and human rights abuse.


Source: abuses/

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The efficiency and discipline of the Eritrean EPLF, a wider base and, above all, a coherent and all-mobilising program for the long-term beyond insurgency (to avoid Eritrea pitfalls), all these seem like constructive propositions...






ONLF Must ReformPosted by Save******.Org On October - 29 - 2010


The Somali question in Ethiopia has remained a political puzzle for quite some time now. Besieged by manmade disasters and natural calamities, what is today known as the Somali Regional State of Ethiopia (SRS) has had more than its fair share of political turbulence, economic anorexia, death and dearth. In less than half a century, the region has changed hands (British, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Italy) and names (Hararge, ******, Kilil5, Somali Region). Such massive cocktail of problems wrecked havoc upon on the populace of this land but the resilience of the people has never been broken. From Sayid Mohamed to Suldan Olal Dinle to Hussien Gire to Sheik Abdinasir Sheikh Aden and Ali Gudal, the sons and daughters of this land stood up to resist external domination, marginalization and exploitation.


Equally devoted successive Ethiopian regimes, however, left no stone unturned to subjugate the region and its population. Although some development projects have been implemented under the EPRDF, the region remains very backward and is mired in grinding poverty, even by Ethiopian standards. Literacy rate is as low as 10%, majority of children are malnourished (the government banned Save the Children (UK), MSF and other agencies to carry out any nutritional survey since 2007).Recurrent draught compounded by commercial food blockade weighed in to create severe food insecurity in the region since the government launched the scorched earth operations. Livestock, the source of livelihood in the region, has no proper market nor do pastoralists have access to quality vet services. Political participation remains elusive and the Somalis are simply denied representation based on the constitution and census. Somali inhabited regions have been given out to the Oromo Administration for political and electoral reasons.


In sum, it is fair to say the long standing grievances of the people of Somali Regional State (SRS) against successive Ethiopian governments stand today as they stood during the Monarch and Marxist regimes. These accumulated and unaddressed social, economical and political grievances legitimise any struggle and quest for equality, respect, freedom and dignity. Various political movements, bearing different ideologies, emerged to resist domination and subjugation. ONLF is the latest torch-bearer in the line of duty. However, its political objective, representation and future direction continue to generate debate among the intellectuals of the Somali Region. We think ONLF is at crossroads and its existence is being challenged. Should ONLF reform to withstand these challenges?


ONLF’s early days


ONLF celebrated its 26th anniversary about three months ago. Created by WSLF’s youth party, the organization spent its life in exile until 1991 which marked the fall of the Dargue and the rise to power of the TPLF/EPRDF in Ethiopia. ONLF, with the invitation of TPLF/EPRDF, participated in creating Ethiopia’s transitional government. But, after a brief honeymoon with TPLF/EPRDF, the front opted for an armed struggle and deserted its political control over the embryonic Somali State in 1994. No one knows with certainty what led to this dramatic decision, but here are plausible explanations (1) ONLF, being the first Somali political party to dip its finger into the hot political pot with a dozen ethnic-based organizations (all controlled and directed by TPLF) was new to the Ethiopian political scene. (2)Armed struggle is the only form of struggle our people have known to respond to political grievances, (3) The immaturity of the ONLF leaders and their inability to unite and create strong political structure that amasses support from all Somalis during their time in power contributed to the fall out; ONLF resorted to clan politics and majority rule and this become a rallying point for all the non-******i groups; TPLF took the opportunity to create a mesh of clan-based political entities within the Somali Region. Subsequently, in July 1993, Abdulahi Sadi’s government, accused of mismanagement and corruption, was ousted from power. (4) Perhaps the most decisive factor of all is the narrow and suffocating political space created by TPLF that led to the beginning of another round of armed struggle in the region.



More than 15 years lapsed since ONLF waged the armed struggle. The objective of this article is simply to touch on major weaknesses (key reform areas) of the organization -not about the front’s “‘good” performance (which will not be helpful; suffice to say khayr wax kuma yeelee shar u tooghaay). Nevertheless, in planning this article, some of us wondered if the organization has attained any meaningful goals at all. It all depends on whether you take the cup is half full perspective or the cup is half empty perspective but the fact that the organisation managed to persevere in the face of a very powerful regime for more than a decade is a source of pride that motivates ONLF foot soldiers as well as its leaders. It is also true that, despite the government’s military might, this rebel group has rendered the region instable, a blow to the government’s political and development objectives (of course we are not suggesting that instability is good for the region). What is also seen as a political and military success is the fact that the organization chased away oil exploration companies from the region despite the government’s attempt to protect them. Others celebrate the fact that ONLF has thwarted government’s ‘highlander resettlement policy” along the banks of rivers and the fertile land of the region-mainly in Gode. It is also perceived that the rebel movement has given the Somali question in Ethiopia a publicity-both positive and negative, and recognition among the political elite of Ethiopia; a publicity which could potentially be tapped into in the future. Lastly and most importantly many intellectuals think that this organization, good or bad, is the only political entity that arguably has a defined political structure, objective and managed to mobilize noteworthy support within and outside the country.


It is thorny to assess ONLF’s performance as it is not easy to discuss the institutional reform ONLF needs to undertake. We, however, will touch on some of the salient areas that are visible to an outsider.


ONLF’s core deficiencies and key reform areas:




The letter O in the ONLF rings a bell. Despite of the historical emergence of the name, which was coined by the European colony, many citizens of the Somali Region do not feel accommodated in an organization that claims to represent all citizens regardless of their clan or creed. Furthermore, the organization has not done much to accommodate other Somalis. Many argue it may be too late to address the letter O in the ONLF primarily because the organization has mobilised its support on such platform since its formation. According to their top cadres, to drop the name will mean disturbing the status-quo and introducing an element of irritation in the organization’s power base which does not seem to be ready for such a change at this stage. However, ONLF needs to show its flexibility towards the creation of a social space that encourages a discourse on the name (So far ONLF has not shown that flexibility). Changing the name will not cause an immediate overflow of support to the front by non-traditional constituencies but the framework is of concern not what will happen afterwards.


Lack of trained cadres


Perhaps you, as a reader, have encountered an unapologetic ONLF cadre, usually young and uneducated man of ******i descent or brutally innocent woman affected by the war, lecturing about the ‘cause’ or halganka as they call it. The cause is just and these men and women have noble intentions. But their superficial knowledge about the cause, the region, the enemy, and their lack of deep understanding of the work of a political cadre shows how poorly directed and trained these cadres are. The capacity challenges are understandable but these cadres seem to lack the minimum cadre orientation one would expect of a mature rebel group. The approach of these cadres is ineffective; their attitude towards those who question them about the halgan is full of hatred; they have developed many websites to character assassinate anyone that voices opposition, travel to the region, question their approach or oppose their philosophy. The apparent lack of training and direction alienates many citizens who would otherwise want to contribute to the cause.


Civilian casualties


ONLF is not comparable to the brutal RUF of Serra Leone whose infamous signature was chopping off limps or Koni’s LRA which is known for its senseless rape of Ugandan women and children. Nonetheless, increasing number of civilians have been deliberately or accidently killed by ONLF. They have taken revenge on those who have not supported them or allegedly aided the government. Furthermore, humanitarian workers have also become victims. Very recently MSF was attacked in the Somali region. This is neither acceptable nor beneficial for the struggle. If ONLF wants to borrow something from the Eritrean liberation struggle it should be the strict command systems and adherence to party rules so that ONLF regiments do not to fire on buses or burn NGO vehicles without the approval of the military and political leadership.


Equality and representation


ONLF is fighting against repression. It would make every sense to expect ONLF to not engage in oppression. The organization has miserably failed to broaden its support base beyond traditional constituencies. This is a clear signal of ONLF’s short sighted vision. It is also an indication of the totalitarian nature of the front, an attitude of love- me –or- loath- me either way I represent you. If ONLF cannot capitalise on the grievances and marginalization shared equally by those who live in Ferfer all the way to Aisha, it is hard to see its effectiveness in ruling the region. It may be justifiable, for tactical or spatial reasons not to operate in some parts of the region but that can not be a barrier to recruit or enlist supporters outside the ****** clan. Moreover ONLF has not done enough to reach out to ****** and no-****** intellectuals in the Diaspora. Mostly, top ONLF leaders and cadres seem to enjoy being around supporters who sing the same songs.


Leadership and lifestyle


Though we could not find any published or circulated document regarding the ONLF’s admin chart, we were informed that the organization is led by an executive committee that has a dozen or so members and a bloated central committee. Out of the dozen executive committee members at least nine are living a peaceful life outside the region (mainly in the west) with their families. Yes, the presence of some of these leaders outside the region might be necessary on both political and operational levels. However, the number should be justifiable and all the leaders should get their quota of hardship…they should taste the heat waves of the arid land and should travel on foot with the rank and file members. After all these leaders have subjected the youth of the region to such a hardship and it is only fair to say that these leaders should experience some of the hardship. This is not to say ONLF cadres and leaders do not travel to the region but there seems a lack of commitment on the part of the leadership to disturb the comfortable and risky free lives they are leading in Europe and North America.


Another issue of importance is ONLF’s need to reform its leadership. We are not naïve to say ONLF should restructure itself at this very moment. Yet, this should be a priority as soon as time permits (may be when the current round of government’s military and political campaigns subside), ONLF should immediately look into the leadership reform agenda. One should not belittle the contributions the current leadership has made but it is in the interest of any organization to recruit new bright leaders. It is true that most of the intellectuals of the region have chosen to remain spectators. This is arguably the worst thing that could happen to a nation or a community. It seems many of them are just loyal to their egos and are indifferent to the suffering of their people. But many intellectuals also see that ONLF is neither ready for reform nor willing to open up space for dialogue. To some, ONLF and the regional government seem to be united in fighting the emergence of alternative groups. Those hardliners who think that they own ONLF because they have lived ONLF for almost quarter a century needs also to know that their sacrifice will only bear fruit if they let the organization reform and progress. Unless these leaders are self-interested agents there is no reason for them not to push for a reform even if that will mean stepping aside.


Attitude towards others


ONLF has so far maintained a downbeat attitude towards any individual or group that does not subscribe to its agenda. In fact it is even at odds with individuals and groups who closely work with the front but ask for some amount of space just so that they seem independent of ONLF in the eyes of the international community. Despite the emergence of many advocacy and human right groups that seem to be affiliated with ONLF, we were surprised to find that most of these organizations are at odds with some of the leadership simply because they are not taking orders from the ONLF leadership. ONLF’s war against the UWSLF and other groups is another example of how ONLF deals with groups that stand for the same cause but with different ideology. ONLF needs to reconsider this attitude. Fragmentation is not what we are calling for but ONLF needs to understand that individuals and groups should be applauded as long as they are advancing the same cause. We also think that ONLF needs to work with non-Somali Ethiopian groups whose agenda is to get rid of this regime even if there are differences on some issues (this will send a powerful message to TPLF).




In spite of the numerous deficiencies described above, ONLF fighters on the ground and their leaders have sacrificed their life, time and wealth to stand up for legitimate grievances; they have sustained the pride and bravery of this region’s revered people. The least ONLF has done the region is to safeguard the oil wealth beneath the soil which will turn into curse if explored without a genuine political settlement.


But ONLF needs to transform itself into a viable political organization that can not only lead the region to freedom/autonomy but also can create a society where the rule of law is respected and prosperity is created. This can only be achieved if and when all citizens are given equal opportunity to participate.


It would be to miss an important point if we do not address the issue of peace and ONLF. It is our firm believe that a political settlement would be the way to resolve the conflict in the region. But to sign a paper does not mean to get a peace. Lasting peace can only be achieved through genuine negotiations. One can say Ethiopia has not shown willingness to peaceful settlement in this conflict. Its apparent publicity oriented policy is testimony to that fact. Some may suggest that the ongoing peace agreements between Salahudin’s ONLF faction and UWSLF on one side, and the government on the other side is a step to that direction but we will not judge the book by its cover. We will give a chance to the so called peace agreements. Nevertheless, there are very basic questions that beg for answers: Has the government revisited its unconstructive policy toward the region?, Are innocent civilians still arrested without due process?, has the government shown a willingness to recognise the age old marginalization and injustice?, Are security forces and Tigray advisors still in full control of the administration of the region?, Are Somalis still represented at federal parliament by the same 23 instead of constitutional mandated 38 parliamentarians? Are the Somalis still the consumers of policies designed by TPLF controlled central government and citizens are not given the opportunity to participate in the design of those policies?, Unless the agreements can answer to those questions a change has not came to Somali region and Somalis will remain second class citizens in Ethiopia.


Despite all the challenges, we strongly believe that peace is possible. ONLF should know that the gun is not the ultimate solution but a temporary one. When the government becomes serious about peace agreements, ONLF should be open to it. Of course without a third party mediator it is too much of a risk to trust TPLF. The latest victims of the so called ‘agreements’ with TPLF are the All Ethiopian Unity Party and the Ethiopian Democratic Party (Ethiopia’s loyal opposition who entered an agreement with TPLF prior to the election) and that should be a lesson to everyone in Ethiopia’s political arena.


This article is written by:

Karamarda Group

Executive Committee


The karamarda Group is a group of Somali Regional citizens who are interested in Democracy and Good Governance in the Somali Region of Ethiopia and could be reached at


Source: WardheerNews

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^^ I agree with many of their points but the thing is, as long as people like this group are just asking ONLF to do this and that and just yelling from the sidelines, leading their own comfortable lives, and wanting changes, that change might never come. If they want real change, they should come in and contribute to the struggle.



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Isku soo duu duub,..


..maxaa dhariga kulka ka keeny, maxaa Ka dhawaajiyay?


Jawaabtu waa sahal..




manchester dhaxan ma qabto malaha




shir deg deg ah




wada howsha...


Brought by: radio mudug

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Human Rights Whitewash On Ethiopian Genocide


By Thomas C. Mountain


01 November, 2010


Human Rights Watch has just released an over 100 page “human rights” report on Ethiopia that whitewashes the crimes against humanity and genocide being committed by the Ethiopian regime.


In the last ten years the Meles Zenawi lead government of Ethiopia has committed the following war crimes and crimes against humanity on both the Ethiopian people and their neighbors;


1) The 2000 invasion of Eritrea, with some 150,000 war dead and another 1.5 million refugees.


2) The 2006 invasion of Somalia, with tens of thousands killed and over a million refugees.


3) The genocidal program of counterinsurgency and blockade of food aid during a series of record breaking droughts in the ethnically Somali, Ethiopian ****** region. Even the truth challenged Enough Project used the term “scorched earth” to describe the rape, murder, mass murder, theft of cattle and grain and the burning of homes and crops that is carried out every day by Ethiopian troops in the ******.


Almost none of this made its way into the HRW report.


There are many other examples of crimes committed by the Ethiopian regime not raised in the report, including the regimes counterinsurgencies in the Oromia and Tigray regions as well as the ethnic cleansing carried out in the western region of Gambella.


The HRW report on Ethiopia mentions the 99.6% election “victory” the Meles Zenawi regime declared this year, but doesn't expose the 500 plus protesters shot dead in the streets and over 50,000 thrown into concentration camps following the previous election in 2005.


Ethiopia itself receives, according to recent reports, some $6.7 billion in western aid and “forgiven” loans every year, yet remains the poorest country in Africa and one of the poorest, most aid dependent countries in the world.


Another very important fact not mentioned in the HRW report is that Ethiopia has the largest, best equipped army in Africa.


Why is HRW refusing to report these crimes?


Could it have something to do with the $100 million “matching grant” mega billionaire USA businessman George Soros recently “donated” to HRW? Ethiopia is a crucial supporter of USA foreign policy, America’s gendarme in East Africa, and has mostly been protected by leaders of NGO’s who are recipients of Soros largess.


The recent HRW report is just the latest example of this.


Human Rights Watch or Human Rights Whitewash? You be the judge.


Thomas C. Mountain is the only independent western journalist in the Horn of Africa, living and reporting from Eritrea since 2006.

thomascmountain at yahoo dot com



Meejan guji!

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Xog- Doorkee Ayuu Maraykanku ku Lahaa Hishiiskii Itoobiya Iyo Altixaad.


OTP-Warar hoose oo ay Shaqaalaha ******today ka helaan Illo Lagu Kalsoon yahay Ayaa sheegaya in Dowladda Maraykanku Isdhiibistii Sheekh Ibraahin Dheere Iyo Itoobiya ay Bilowgiisa Ilaa Dhamaadkiisa Ogaayeen Kadib Markii Waaxda Sirdoonka Maraykanka ee FPI heshay Kulamo Qarsoon oo dhex-marayay Sirdoonka Itoobiya Iyo Kooxaha Lagu Tuhun Sanaa Islaamiyiinta Xariirka la leh Alshabaab oo ka Dhacayay Dalka Jabuuti Iyo Kenya.


Kadib Safiirka Maraykanka u Fadhiya Dalka Kenya Mr. Ranneberger uu Xog-waraysi oogu yeeray Safiirka Itoobiya u Fadhiyay Kenya Dissassa Dirbissa, Dissassa wuxuu u sheegay Dowllada Maraykanka in Labadii Sanno ee oogu Danbaysay ay Xariiir Hoose lahaayeen Kooxan Islaamiyiinta ah ee ahaan Jiray Dagaal Yahanadii Altixaad Sannadkii 1993. Haddalkan ka soo yeeray Safiirka ee ahaa In ay Xariir la lahaayeen Labadddi sanno oogu Danbaysay ayaa Shaki wayn Galinaya Weerarada Daacayadeed ee Altixaad uu ku hayay ONLF Inay ahayd Qorshe Fog oo Laga soo Shaqeeyay.


Dowllada Itoobiya waxay Miiska Saartay In Liiska Magacyaddan Kooxahan aysan Ku Jirin Cid ku ah “Threat” Dowladda Maraykanka Marka laga reebo Sheekh Ibrahin Maxamed Hussein oo Dalka Maraykanka Laga soo Masaafuriyay ahaana Ninka ay ku Daba Jireen Sirdoonka Maraykanka oo ay ku Tuhun Sanaayeen inuu Dhaqaale u Aruurin jirey Alshabaab


Itoobiya ayaa Dhankeeda ku andacootay In Kooxaha u Dagaalamaya Waddaniyadda ee ONLF Iyo Kooxahan u Dagaalamaya Magac-Diinta ee Mansab Doonka ah ay Khatar Baddan yihiin Kuwan u Dagaalamaya Mansabka Diintase ka Dhiganaya Waji ay Bulshada ku Dhex Galaan, Maadaamoo Itoobiya tahay Dal Muslim ah Halisna ay tahay In Muslimiinta Itoobiya lagu Faafiyo Fikirka Islaamka.


Isla Markaas Saraakiisha FPI ee Maraykanku waxay Arrintaas la Kaashadeen Waaxda Arrimaha Dibada ee Marayaknaka si loo gorfeeyo Doorka Maraykanka ee ku Wajahan Hishiiskan.


Illaha Madax-Banaan ee Warbaahinta ******today u waramaya waxay sheegeen in Dowladda Maraykanku ay Markii Danbe ka Gaabsadeen Arrintan, Iyadoo qaar ka mid ah aysan ku Raacsanayn Hishiiska Dowllada Itoobiya.


Dowladda Itoobiya ayaa Dhankeeda u sheegtay Maraykanka inay Doonayso in Arrinta Nimanka ay soo af-jarta Waliba Iyagoo u cadeeyay In Ciidanka Nimankan oo ah Mid yar ay doonayaan inay ka horgeeyaan ONLF si ay oola Dagaalamaan, Waxayna Sheegaan in Seddexda Xubnood ee oogu Sareeya Ururka ay isla qaateen in la soo Afjaro ONLF, Ciidan ahaan Iyo Siyaasad ahaan, Iyadoo Dadka Muslimka ah ee Waddanka Deggan ee Taageera Jabhada ONLF laga soo galo Dhanka Diinta.

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ARM was one of the NGO's that submitted a report to the UN's Committee Against Torture(CAT) and below is the statement that we read to the members. Afterwords, ARM's delegation and the committee members discussed the issues and concerns regarding the human rights situation in Ethiopia.


Statement to the Committee Against Torture


Monday, November 1st, 2010


African Rights Monitor is a non-governmental human rights advocacy organization created to monitor human rights violations in African territories in conflict and post-conflict situations. On behalf of ARM, I would like to draw the committee’s attention to three key points to consider in Ethiopia’s CAT evaluation.


First, there is a vast discrepancy between what is written into Ethiopian law and reality. While Ethiopia has incorporated the provisions of CAT into its national constitution and Criminal Code, torture remains widespread and unchecked throughout the country. Arbitrary arrest, extrajudicial killing, torture, rape, and infringement of due process of law for detainees are strategies commonly employed by the government to oppress individuals. Suspected “dissenters” and people from ****** and Oromia are especially vulnerable to government torture and abuse. Government officials have repeatedly denied these accusations and assure the Committee Against Torture of its positive human rights record. Ethiopia’s anti-torture rhetoric, however, is a facade that does not translate into adequate protection against torture for Ethiopian citizens. In fact, three torture victims are here with us today and are happy to answer any questions you might have after the presentation. One mechanism for torture not discussed in our report is a new Government backed militia.


This group, called the Liyu police, was granted similar powers to those possessed by the military in the region. In mid-2008, the government collected unemployed young men, former militia members and regoinal police and sent them to a training camp. The first 800 Liyu police militia men came into force in January 2009. Many ****** report that the Ethiopian military is more polite and humane than the Liyu police. This is not to be interpreted as evidence of the kindness of the Ethiopian military, but rather the comparative seriousness of Liyu abuses against the ******. The Liyu police are responsible for crimes ranging from harassment, arbitrary arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings. Both during and after training, it was emphasized to the Liyu police that they were the most powerful organ in the region. This rhetoric has led them to overuse their power against vulnerable people who are not equipped to fight back, including civilians from both the urban and nomad communities.



Second, in 2009 the government passed two detrimental new laws which undermine the provisions of CAT. Specifically, The Anti-Terror Law nullifies all protection afforded to citizens under Article 4 of CAT, infringes on the freedom of expression, and expands the powers of the police without any due process. In essence, this law completely undercuts previous measures and regulations that explicitly criminalize torture. At the same time, the Charities and Societies Proclamation forbids all foreign funding and support to Ethiopian civil society organizations and requires strenuous new registration measures. This has severely limited the capacity of these organizations, and many have been forced to cut programs and personnel. Additionally, the Ethiopian Government has restricted the access of international observers and humanitarian organizations into conflict regions and has barred outside observers from certain prison facilities.


Many NGOs are censoring themselves as well, fearing further government reprisals. As a result, there is a lack of documented evidence about torture and a dearth of resources for victims. Meanwhile, the government is effectively using humanitarian aid as a weapon of war, systematically denying food and services to targeted segments of the population.


Third, I would like to mention one development since the submission of our report. On October 5th of this year, political prisoner Birtukan Mideksa was freed. However, her release is seen by ARM as a token move intended to bolster the international credibility of Ethiopia, thereby deflecting attention away from the hundreds of other individuals who remain unlawfully detained.


To conclude, the level of abuse and torture leveled at civilians in Ethiopia remains dire, despite repeated official guarantees to the contrary. The widespread incidents of arbitrary detention, torture, extrajudicial killing, and lack of due process for detainees at the hands of the Ethiopian Government can no longer be tolerated by the international community. We ask you to consider these issues in Ethiopia’s review and welcome any further questions you have.

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Ethiopia's largest Opposition condemns DAG response to human rights watch


Medrek founders Ethiopia's largest opposition party, the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Unity Forum (MEDREK), condemned a report by the international Development Assistance Group (DAG) in response to Human Rights Watch (HRW).


HRW had accused international donors of allowing the Ethiopian government to use their aid money and aid programmes as a political weapon. The 25 member DAG (which includes World Bank, DFID, UNDP, IMF, EU and USAID) denied turning a blind eye to the aid abuse and opposed the assessment provided by HRW. However the Ethiopian opposition MEDREK called the coverup by DAG "shameful" and "disappointing" for the cause of democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.


In a statement to the media, MEDREK party said the DAG members did not carry out adequate and full investigation into the aid abuse reports. The party ridiculed a July 2010 DAG investigation as a "desk work" that was filled with inaccuracies and as a "pre-emptive" defensive action in anticipation of a comprehensive investigation by HRW. Medrek is a coalition of Ethiopia's Southern, Oromo and Tigray as well as multi-national opposition parties.


Medrek says development partners should be able to both respect human rights while assisting the poor who is in need of aid in Ethiopia. However DAG's only concern was damage control and about aid organizations losing financial and political support from their respective governments due to the HRW report, according to Medrek.


Source: Jimma Times.

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Ethiopia was accused for torturing the ****** civilians In UN submit of Torture in Geneva.


OTP- Hundreds of demonstrators from ****** protested on yesterday UN submit in Geneva, the submit was organized by the UN's Committee Against Torture(CAT), the protesters of ****** from the European countre accused Ethiopian government for torturing their relative, people and themselves .


The protesters were chanting, ******ia Free, Ethiopia out of ******, UN must come and see What is happening In ******, Must visit the Jails, the UN human right committee must send an independent team into ****** Soil.


The protesters carrying the flag of the ****** called for independence of their land and referendum of ****** region.


There have been members of ****** community in UN submit who was tortured by the Ethiopian Government Intelligences last years to prove the torture, some showed UN committee the bullet fired by the Ethiopian govermnment security, while Some others showed the torture done by the security during they were in ****** Prisons, Particularly, ****** jail that based on Jigjiga.


Ethiopia was accused several times Human right abuses In ******, Ethiopia burned the Villages and terrorized the local people mainly in villagers and nomads, some of the villages they burned were, Labiga, Qamuuda, Fooljeex, Maraacaato, Laasoole and Dameerey.

Human right report says,


Tens of thousands of ethnic Somali civilians living in eastern Ethiopia’s Somali Regional State are experiencing serious abuses and a looming humanitarian crisis in the context of a little-known conflict between the Ethiopian government and an Ethiopian Somali rebel movement.


The situation is critical. Since mid-2007, thousands of people have fled, seeking refuge in neighboring Somalia and Kenya from widespread Ethiopian military attacks on civilians and villages that amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity.


Ethiopia rejects the accusations but still now, there are hundreds of eye-witness and victims living in Somalia and Kenya Refugee Camps.


African Right monitor a non-governmental human rights advocacy organization created to monitor human rights violations in African territories in conflict and post-conflict situations in submit of Geneva says, there is a vast discrepancy between what is written into Ethiopian law and reality. While Ethiopia has incorporated the provisions of CAT into its national constitution and Criminal Code, torture remains widespread and unchecked throughout the country,


They accused the local militia named Liyu Police for human right abuses and some of the report is below,


“The Liyu police, was granted similar powers to those possessed by the military in the region. In mid-2008, the government collected unemployed young men, former militia members and regional police and sent them to a training camp. The first 800 Liyu police militia men came into force in January 2009. Many ****** report that the Ethiopian military is more polite and humane than the Liyu police. This is not to be interpreted as evidence of the kindness of the Ethiopian military, but rather the comparative seriousness of Liyu abuses against the ******. The Liyu police are responsible for crimes ranging from harassment, arbitrary arrests, torture and extrajudicial killings.”

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