Somaliland; After 14 years of failed campaign

[SOO MAAL]

Somaliland; After 14 years of failed campaign

 

 

Somaliland (Hargeysa-Barbara-Burco Triangle) along with Puntland Regional State although both of them are clan-states in response to particular clans’ needs, yet the two administrations achieved relative peace and stability and filled the political.

 

 

Unlike Puntland Regional State – a self-governing region within Somalia, Somaliland – formed by the people of (Hargeysa-Barbara-Burco Triangle), one of the Somali factions SNM unitarily declared what they named Somaliland Republic - pursued two disastrous policies:

 

1) Seeking recognition from the international community for the clan-administration

2) Claiming all territories of former British Somaliland

 

 

After 14 years Somaliland administration failed to accomplish the above policies

 

1) Failed to persuade one of the 200 national states of today’s world to recognize the clan-state of Somaliland.

2) To convince peacefully other major clans/regions of former British Somaliland

 

 

The outcomes of Somaliland administrations policies

 

1) Somaliland administration complicated Somali Peace Process, by not participating the peace process,

2) Somaliland administration was responsible of all civil wars that took place in northern Somalia in Burco 1994-1995 and Las-anod 2002/2004

 

 

Somaliland administration and secessionists failed to realize;

 

1) The fact that international community is not ready to recognize clan-state, particularly when Somalia is in turmoil

2) Which British Somaliland? The Somali territories that took independence from United Kingdom on that specific date of June 26, 1960. Because historically one time all territories populated by Somali people excluding Djibouti (French Somaliland) were under British rule thus all Somalia was onetime British Somalia, another period Western Somalia (******ia, Haud) Awdal, woqooyi galbeed, Togdheer, Sool, Sanaag were British Somaliland

3) Other major clans/regions within the territories of former British Somaliland (e.i. Sool Sanaag Cayn Regions) believe it is not sufficient reasoning for them to accept Somaliland’s secession simply because particular clan was ill-treated under Siad Barre regime.

4) Acknowledge the fact that if Somalia is divisible, as well so called Somaliland is divisible. If the people of Hargeysa-Barbara-Burco Triangle have right of a self-determination and the right to secede, as well people of Sool Sanaag and Cayn were entitled the right of self-determination and the right to stay as part of Somalia, stay alone and form their own state, or join freely with any other Somali state like Puntland.

5) Historically, there was British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland colonies, BUT there was never such thing as unified Somaliland or Unified Somaliland (Italian)

6) Truly, there was union between Northern Somalia and southern Somalia, the two states willingly formed Somali Republic, and two parliaments were combined as one parliament.

7) But in reality there was never union between Awdal, Woqooyi Galbeed, Togdheer, Sool, and Sanaag, they only shared that they were under British occupation. Look at this hypothetical example, imagine now if United States invades Iran (a country with 80 million population) and United States unites American colony of Iran with American colony of Iraq. In the future can Iran claim whole Iraq (Iran thinks that they can easily rule Iraq and can make Iraq one Iran provinces because Iraqi people are only 20 million –minority in Iran- and because Iraq has second largest oil reserves in world after Saudi Arabia) ? Well this is what Somaliland (Hargeysa-Burco-Barbara Triangle) doing to people of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn regions.

 

8) The fact that all Somali people are the most homogenous people in all over the world, as a result Somali people are one people and share everything from religion, language, culture, tradition, and destiny. Therefore British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland were colonial creation and didn’t represent Somali people. Accordingly, a native Somali from Mogadishu doesn’t see any difference between his fellow Somali from Boosaso and another fellow from Burco, as well native Somali from Laascaanood doesn’t see any difference between his fellow Somali from Baydhabo, and another fellow from Hargeysa. The only Somali political problem is tribalism NOT race, ethnicity, religion, liberals, or conservatives.

[SOO MAAL]

Somaliland leader sees progress in recognition issue

Awdal News Network / afrol News, 19 May - President Dahir Riyale Kahin of the yet-to-be-recognised state Somaliland today said that his government had succeeded in getting the attention of African countries and making Somaliland's quest for recognition more visible than at any time before. Only in West Africa, Somaliland was still widely unknown to the public.

 

In his address to the nation today - on the 14th anniversary of Somaliland's unilateral restoration of its sovereignty on 18th May 1991 - President Kahin said when he took the reins of power following the death of late President Mohammed Ibrahim Egal in 2002, he had promised to the nation to focus on two issues: "to be more vigorous in explaining our issue to the world, particularly African countries which were mostly in the dark about our issue, and to speed up the democratisation process and establish a multi-party system in our country."

 

According to President Kahin, his government had succeeded in explaining the issue of Somaliland and the need for its recognition to African countries, particularly those in the East, North and South of the continent, as well as to Europe, America and Latin American states. Only West African nations were still unfamilar with Somaliland's quest for recognition.

 

Somaliland until 1960 was a British colony; the north-western neigbour of Italian Somalia. A few days after achieving its recognised independence, Somaliland united with Somalia. Following the brutal dicatorship of Siyad Barre and the chaotic disintegration of Somalia in 1991, Somaliland declared its independence. Since that, it has developed into the most stable, democratic and peaceful corner of the African Horn, but calls for international recognition have so far failed to succeed due to resistance from the African Union.

 

Somaliland is however gaining increased support for its quest, which also President Kahin emphasised in his speech. "Our achievements have been recognized by respected international institutions such as the Royal Institute, the International Crisis Group, the South African Institute of International Affairs as well as by media organizations such as Al Jazeera, the Gulf Information Center, the Sub-Saharan Informer and the BBC," he said.

 

On Somaliland's democratisation process, President Kahin said that his country's "successful and peaceful holding" of the municipal elections and presidential elections had given a boost to Somaliland's "serious efforts to building a society based on democratic practices."

 

The Somalilander President nevertheless launched a scathing attack on the main opposition party Kulmiye, accusing the party's leadership of making desperate attempts to unseat him through unconstitutional ways such as bribing members of parliament.

 

- These days we have seen one of the main opposition parties trying to buy some members of the Parliament by offering each of them US$ 1500 to impeach me, he said, "I want to ask you [the nation] do you deserve your President whom you have elected in broad daylight to be overthrown by individuals who have been bought with US$ 1500? Don't you think people who think like this are insulting our nation and damaging our statehood?"

 

President Kahin added that the Kulmiye party had started to incite impeachment against him after the visit of an African fact-finding mission to Somaliland and after he set a date for the parliamentary elections. "They say they want to impeach me for high treason. The question is: Is bringing an African Union delegation to our country to present our issue to the African nations a crime? or does setting a date for elections constitutes a crime and a constitutional breach?"

 

Recently, Hargeisa police raided the headquarters of Kulmiye party under the pretext of looking for an illegal and clandestine radio station they thought was operating from the party's headquarters. The story later appeared to be unfounded and the incident constituted an embarrassment for the government. It became obvious that Radio Horyaal, which is sympathetic to the Kulmiye party, operates from its base in Europe.

 

Referring to this issue, President Kahin said it was wrong to raid the Kulmiye headquarters and that he ordered the police forces not to repeat such action in future and to respect the sanctity of opposition parties head offices. He, however, urged the Kulmiye party to close the radio station, asserting that opening an illegal radio station will lead every clan to open its own radio station.

[Haaraahur.]

^ wrote;

_________________________________________________

 

4) Acknowledge the fact that if Somalia divisible, as well so called Somaliland is divisible. If the people of Hargeysa-Barbara-Burco Triangle have right of a self-determination and the right to secede, as well people of Sool Sanaag and Cayn were entitled the right of self-determination and the right to stay as part of Somalia, stay alone and form their own state, or join freely with any other Somali state like Puntland.

________________________________________________

 

 

A modest proposal

 

That is true and fair. I would even go further and let these secessionists divide to their hearts conntent. Make each city a country and then when the city inhabitants feel they need to claim for independency let them. Then after a while perphaps each neighbourhood will feel the urge to be a country let them. So many countries would then emerge, the more the merrier eh?

[SOO MAAL]

How do we define "Somaliland"?

 

 

After I witnessed the carnage and the confusion that took place in the

Horn of Africa particularly in Somalia during the past two decades, I

find my self a strong supporter of self determination and clan chiefdom.

After all, if people can not get along for their good let them be alone

for their good. Equipped with the knowledge that there is no single

substantial reason that can permanently separate the Somali People, willingly,

I would adventure the creation of small clan chiefdoms if it can cool down the

present hatered and insanity among many Somalis.

 

 

Eritrea went its way, but the Ethiopian government with strong support from

the powers of today's world suppressed directly or indirectly the

aspirations of the Oromos, Somalis, and the Afars. However, "Somaliland"

failed to join the community of independently recognized countries of today,

despite the lack of any Somali central authority that has a say over the

Somali territory. I believe that there are strong underlying reasons for it.

 

 

For the British , the English name "Somaliland" means the land of the

Somalis. After the Europeans arrived in Somalilands, the names have been

British Somaliland, French Somaliland, and Italian Somaliland. To avoid

any confusion I will use the name Somaliland to to signify the Somalilands

that the British ceded on June 26, 1960.

 

 

Internationally today, Somalis are seen as the lowest of the low, people

who failed to govern themselves. However, I would have taken some pride

had those Somalis in Somaliland, for the purpose of governance, named it

"Dal Somali" or for that matter other Somali name, even a Somali clan

name rather than the British naming it for us. In order to undersrand

Somaliland on the basis of the British Somaliland that Britain ceded on

June 26, 1960, I will divide its history into: 1) Before the arrival of the

Europeans, 2) During the presence of the Europeans, and 3) From 1960 till

today.

 

 

1) Some presence of the Ottoman Empire has existed in some towns in

Somaliland before the Europeans. However, the main authority of the land

was the prominent Somali clan elders. The law of the land was the

unwritten Somali constitution "Xeer Somali". Every Somali in this land has

been a sultan for himself and family besides some alliance to his clan.

No record of a Somaliland country before the arrival of the Europeans.

 

 

2) By mid 19th century the British entered some agreements with different

Somali coastal clans. The presence of the British authority grow by the

year. But, at no time before the defeat of the Drawish Movement in 1921

has the British exercised authority over all Somaliland, despite agreements

with Italy that Somaliland is a British sphere of influence. Moreover, the

British Somaliland, then, included large parts of what is now Eastern

Ethiopia. During the second world war after the defeat of Italy the Italian

Somaliland fell under the British Administration like Somaliland until 1950.

An exclusive British Administration which was exclusive for Somaliland took

place from 1954, after the British ended its administration on parts of what

is now Eastern Ethiopia, until 1960. The only record for separate British

Somaliland administration for Somaliland dates only during the 6 years

from 1954 to 1960.

 

 

3) After the British surrendered Somaliland there was a transitional period

from June 26, 1960 to July 1, 1960. During this period there is no record

that there was a recognized Somaliland government that entered either an

agreement or an understanding with an other government. It was a waiting

period for the formation of a Somali government. There was no Somaliland

after July 1st 1960 till the collapse of the Somali government 1991.

Four months after the collapse of the then brutal Somali government some

Somalis in Somaliland declared secession from Somalia. Up to now, no

government recognized Somaliland as a separate government since there is

no government to separate from.

 

 

Since we now know the history of Somaliland let me answer why Somaliland

aspirants could not have a Somaliland government, at least for now. We

know many historical,territorial, and clan lineage reasons that make

the international governments to wait and watch the situation.

 

 

Somaliland could only be defined, distinguishably from the rest of the

Somali lands, as that piece of Somali territory that the British

administered separatly from 1954 to 1960, or that piece of Somali territory

that the British surrendered on June 26, 1960. We can not define it as a

former British Somaliland since former British Somaliland consists of othe

Somali territories. We can not define it as a Somali territory

where the inhabitants are unique in culture, character or clan lineage

since the Somali clans in Somaliland differ and spill over its assumed

borders.

 

 

Some of the main reasons that the world governments are reluctant to rush

recognition of Somaliland are obvious. There is no history of any

organization that actively sought separation from Somalia. As such, its

separation is seen as part of the present Somali quagmire. Somaliland

does not have a clear definitive meaning other than that the British

where there once for a while. Sure it is a piece of history, but so is

the history before and after the British. The British came and left in

other parts of Somalia as we have seen above. Moreover, many governments

learned that the debacle in Somalia today is neither regional nor pure

clan hatred. It is a nomadic culture aggravated by individuals

maneuvering for absolute superiority over others, so that they might

enjoy the kind of power Siyaad Barre enjoyed in the past, i.e. " ANAA IRI

OO LOO NOQON MAAYO, ARKAY OO ANAA ISKA LEH."

 

 

Above all, since there is no understandably a distinctive historical,

religious, cultural, geographical, or clan lineage for Somaliland that

distinguishes it from the rest of Somalia, the international governments

are hesitant to consider recognition. They do not want to jump into a

band wagon that they are not sure of its direction or whether it is a

real entity. They prefer to wait and watch.

 

Mohamed

[wind.talker]

SOO MAAL -

 

I think its best you give it a rest, sxb. Somaliland has not been recognized. As long as they 'claim' to be independent, it ain't really hurting nobody. And even if they got independence, they wouldn't control SSC regions - for those regions have been and will always be under the control of their rightful inhabitants. It seems like Guulwade Riyaale - on his trek to destroy the dream that was Somaliland - is doing a mighty fine job by creating unnecessary political tensions for himself and for his government. One must wonder: he was democratically elected so why is he working so hard to create chaos? It was the KULMIYE party leadership that recently accused Riyaale of attempting to start a new 'civil war.' Big words!

 

This comparison to the Eritreans - its absurd and highly irrelevant. Eritreans speak Tigrinya - a language distinct to them (the Tigrayans, such as Zenawi, speak a diff dialect of Tigrinya but they don't use the unique Tigrinya alphabet). Although they're divided as Muslims and Christians, they nonetheless consider themselves Eritrean nationals, which is more important than anything else. In the past, the West tried to give western Eritrea (home of the Muslim Eritreans) to the Sudan and the rest to Ethiopia. That plan didn't work because ALL Eritreans - irrespective of religion or region - joined hands and fought against the plan. You get it? The Eritreans succeeded because they ALL believed and fought for a genuine cause. So-called 'Somalilanders' don't enjoy that support in ALL areas of the ideal Somaliland. SSC regions will always serve as a reference point.

 

The rest of Somalis failed in 14 attempts at creating a government. Somaliland has failed a gazzallion times in 14 years in attaining recognition. We're all in a big mess, one way or another.

[SOO MAAL]

Breaking Up The Bones of Somaliland

 

Breaking Up The Bones of Somaliland

[SOO MAAL]

After 15 Years Somaliland is Still Besieged by Identity Crisis: What Went Wrong?

Omar Mohamed Abdi

 

May 20,2005

 

Fifteen years ago in May of 1991, representatives of communities from all regions of Northern Somalia (former British Somali Protectorate) gathered in the town of Burco for talks on ending hostilities among them, and share ideas on social, economic and political issues facing the country and the region in particular. The meeting followed an announcement by the leadership of SNM and its supporters to end all hostilities against other communities in the region, and start a new chapter of peaceful coexistence in which discourse and deliberation would be the center of addressing socioeconomic and political issues in the region. Despite of active hostilities perpetrated by some of SNM forces in Sool and Sanaag regions, and an all out assault on Addle region few months earlier, many people outside the SNM community felt that the meeting presented an opportunity for peace and decided to attend with caution. With that the Burca summit convened, in May of 1991, in the spirit it had been conceived. What happened next and events that transpired from it over the last 15 years is at the root cause of why people in that region hold extremely opposing views on what Somaliland is or is not.

 

First, let me present a brief background on the state of SNM politics in the run up to the Burco summit.

 

As the preparation for the meeting was underway, there was a lot of political maneuvering among SNM leaders and throughout its constituency in and outside the country. The question at the heart of the political posturing was clear to everyone . How should SNM transition itself from a tribal rebel movement to a political body that can appeal to a constituency far beyond the current one? The SNM leaders find themselves in two camps.

 

On one hand, there were those who believed in a gradual process of transformation into a national political body capable of building a coalition worthy of filling the political leadership vacuum in Somalia. This group included most of SNM's prominent political leaders who had amble experience in public service and politics. They are better known as political face of SNM. This group's strategy for the meeting in Burco was to end all hostilities towards other communities in the region immediately, and put major focus on securing peace and stability among them. They also realized that it would take time for communities to start dialogue with each other and heal the wounds of the conflict. Only then, would it be possible to have a united people of the former British Somaliland, a condition necessary to negotiate some formation of a federal government with former southern Somalia. That was their goal, renegotiate the 1960 union of Somalia.

 

On the other hand, a group of leaders from the military wing of SNM, supported by a number of inexperienced, radical and emotionally charged civilians, were determined not to settle for anything short of a quick declaration of an independent state. Their attitude was famously reflected in their slogan “Kaadi baan u soo cabbay†which loosely translates into “I had to drink my own urine to persevere the hardship of the struggle, so don't question meâ€. This camp could not understand why the other group would waste so much time to get the consensus of communities who, in their view, should have no say on the issues at hand.

 

Few days after the meeting convened in Burco, as the audience was inundated with a series of marathon reports on SNM's achievements and sacrifices, a group of heavily armed militia loyal to the leadership of SNM's military wing surrounded the building where the meeting was in session. From that day on, the peace meeting went into a panic mode. Fearful delegates resorted to frantic discussions in secluded private gatherings sometimes under the watchful eyes of private armed security. Not a single topic on the original agenda made it to the forum. Few days later Somaliland was declared. Enough with background, and let move on to what went wrong.

 

The armed militia was brought in to intimidate members of SNM's political wing and their associates, but it also had the desired effect of muting from non-SNM delegates, who at the end went back home and became subjects of humiliation and ridicule. The political leaders of SNM succumbed to the intimidation tactics of their opponents. As result, they failed not only on personal level, but their actions that day set the stage for the failure of Somaliland itself. What is even sadder is that they repeated their mistakes again and again. Here are few examples of their failures:

 

1) They lacked the courage and leadership to stand up for their convictions and views when it counted the most. They decided to leave the fate of the cause they championed for over a decade in the hands of radical, inexperienced and emotional individuals. If what they wanted all along was to have an independent state for their own, why did they chose to name their organization Somali National Movement instead of Somaliland National Movement?

 

2) After failing to deliver leadership in Burco, SNM leaders jumped on the Somaliland bandwagon and eagerly assumed leadership role. In this capacity, they reinvented themselves and redefined their cause as the legitimization of Somaliland by the formation of an exemplary democratic society. In other ways, they decided to retrofit an unlawful and ill-conceived entity, created against their wishes in the first place, with symbols of democratic values such as holding referendum on a constitution and organizing local and presidential elections. They now claim that “people†overwhelmingly supported the constitution and the election. They don't mention that one tribe had cast all votes and is the sole beneficiary of the process.

 

3) Fourteen years went by and as of May of 2005, none of what they promised materialized. International recognition and legitimacy had never been more elusive. Mr. Riyaale and his administration in Hargaysa were frustrated by economic down turn due to excessive taxation on businesses and internal political squabbling. He and his associates decided that a diversionary tactic would turn around things in their favor. They launched an attack on Sool region in the name of securing the nation's borders.

 

4) Once again, former SNM political leaders failed to speak up against the tyranny of few individuals. Again they jumped on the bandwagon. However, things were a little different this time. Some people learned from the lessons of Burco in 1991, and they were determined to stand up for what they believe and value and defend it against any form of aggression.

 

Now it is May of 2005. There is still tension in the region and possibility of new violence between Puntland, a new and serious player in the region's politics, and Somaliland forces most of which are often conscripted militia from Awdal and Hargaysa regions.

 

However, there is a glimpse of hope in Hargeysa. For the first, a prominent politician broke the taboo of avoiding debate and discourse on the issue of unity and went on live television to speak passionately about his beliefs and convictions about the region's affairs. It is must that Hargaysa is put on the path of de-radicalization in the overall interest of everyone in the region.

 

Omar Mohamed Abdi

Fairfax, VA

 

oabusa@hotmail.com

[SOO MAAL]

Somaliland Maxaa Loo Aqoonsan Waayey?

[SOO MAAL]

Sool, Sanaag Cayn Maqanyahay Ictiraafna Maqan