Another Somali Region in Ethiopia ??

Originally posted by Gabbal: J.B if I may ask, how do they deduce the cause of the death? Post-government collapse, Somaliland has lost thousands to internal civil war from the mid-90's to the recent grain war. How was the cause of death deduced? Those who died in a civil war are different from those who were killed by any government. There, the cause is different coz their killing was systematic, organized and one by a government. Have a look at the International Law about the issue. As for how the cause is deduced, It is a full lessons of it is own but here you can read the news on how they are killed.

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War in Somalia: Protecting Somaliland's Peace Should Be a Priority The war in Somalia has entered a new phase. Even by Mogadishu's standards, in recent days the fighting has been intense. More than 100 people have been killed. The al-Qaeda affiliated al-Shabaab and the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), supported by the international community, are engaged in a violent power struggle. The dynamics are fluctuating by the day but al-Shabaab, along with other Jihadist movements such as Hisbul Islam, controls most of the territory in south-central Somalia and they are preparing for a final push to seize the presidential palace. This turn of events is not surprising. Only recently, the very same day rich countries were opening their pockets in Brussels to prop up the weak TFG, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys landed in Mogadishu. As the leader of al-Shabaab and a former colleague-turned competitor of President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the arrival of Aweys was significant. He pledged war and has delivered on it. Once in Mogadishu, Aweys addressed crowds in calling the African Union troops "bacteria" that must leave Somalia. Foreign troops in Somalia have always been a point of contention and deeply unpopular. But the reality is that without them the TFG cannot survive. Brushing off overtures from President Sharif for dialogue, al-Shabaab appears to be looking for a military victory. In the coming days the international community will certainly be considering what options it has. These appear relatively limited -- the US has little appetite for intervening and al-Shabaab gave the Ethiopian military such a serious fight that they too do not look eager to invade again. The concerns widely discussed about the current crisis in Pakistan, particularly as to whether the government is viable and can withstand the Taliban being within 100 km of the capital, are amplified in Somalia. In Somalia, foreign and local fighters, some of who have trained in Afghanistan, actually do control all but a few streets in the capital. There are reports that al-Shabaab is set to be provided with additional reinforcements of foreign and local jihadists in the coming days. Somaliland, the un-recognized peaceful and politically stable northwestern region of Somalia, must also consider its own security. Somaliland rightly prides itself on being an oasis of peace in a violent region. In September 2009 they will be holding their third presidential elections which, building on the 2003 elections, appear set to be competitive and free. After years of fighting for independence and after years of watching their brothers in the south slaughter themselves, Somalilanders do not take their accomplishment of peace lightly. Unfortunately, they may have already been pulled into this war. Somalilanders know al-Shabaab's wrath well. They have been the victims of its impeccable timing -- the October 29th suicide bombers that that struck the presidency, UNDP and the Ethiopian embassy coincided with an international meeting for the TFG in Nairobi. A crucial part of the leadership of al-Shabaab currently hails from Somaliland and the October bombings were partly a response to internal criticism suggesting that that they should bring their own clans and land into the war. Al-Shabaab has a presence in Somaliland and events in the south make al-Shabaab sympathizers bolder. The Somaliland government will certainly be asking difficult questions in the coming days. Should Somaliland forge new security relations with Puntland, the autonomous region to the east? This appears to be happening to some degree, but what would a more dynamic alliance look like? These are very real and complicated dilemmas for Somaliland and are issues they will be grappling with in the coming days and months. Domestically there will be new debates as now-marginalized politicians that have lost out in President Sharif's government look for influence. Somaliland has so far managed to successfully build its own democracy and state without intervention, largely because a local and organic peace process was allowed to flourish without external engineering. At this critical juncture a chance remains for the international community to act to at least preserve and protect the one island of hope -- a peaceful, democratic and independent Somaliland that could become a beachhead for extending peace with justice in the region. But Somaliland should be realistic -- the international community will allow Somaliland to fail. Somalilanders have rightly prided themselves on succeeding without international intervention but they may yet face one of their greatest tests.

And it is Saturday today ..................

Another Source

Exactly, It is in the hard time when the new and fresh ideas are born ...........

Somalia cid u rooni ma jirto ,,, Those wadaados were the last hope and they proven they are not.

,,,, Walaahi I almost fell off my chair ,,, hahahahahaha

Originally posted by J.a.c.a.y.l.b.a.r.o: DD, There are many places in puntland that you can visit. While in Bosaso, make sure you go around and visit the port, the underconstruction airport and of course the beach. The only place i like is Qardho. Very calm and good for a little vacation. Even people are not that noisy and the weather is so nice. U just need to sleep as much as you can and when you wake up you can walk around and enjoy the calmness. You need to eat those places on your way to Garowe starting from Bosaso. There is Alxamdulillah, Sinujiif, Yeko Yeko, and others. You will enjoy the Hilib but make sure you don't eat the Beer coz they serve it with Soup. In Garowe, you will not find anything interesting inside the town exept experiencing the place and going around to see people. Make sure you have Xalwo in that place called XALWO KISMAAYO. It is delicious. During the afternoons, you better go out a little bit to Conoco where the airport is located. Before you go there, you will find nice firms, some lakes and beautiful dry rivers. Some of firms there are tens of horses some of them are wild. You can arrange some so that you can ride for your experience. In the otherside, you can visit where the Garowe water supply. You can take some drinks and sandwiches and have an afternoon there. Don't forget to have one day in Burtinle. People are nice and they will serve you like a queen if they know you're from outside. Stay away from Galkacyo for the moment. The place is good but it is not save for the moment. But you can spend few hours if you want. Just for the sake of it ,,,, Now that is all i can say from puntland too.

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Ifraax Cali Aadan oo ah gabadh ka soo jeeda gobolka Sool ayaa maxakamada Boosaaso ku xukuntay dil toogasho,taasoo ah markii ugu horeysey ee qof dumar ah lagu xukumo dil.Ifraax ayaa lagu soo eedeeyey inay dishay gabadh magaceeda la yidhaahdo Sucaad Maxamed Cabdi oo reer Boosaaso ah,oo uu dhalay ninka dilka ku xukumay Ifraax oo ah gudoomiyaha maxakamada Boosaaso,ninka lagu magacaabo Maxamed Cabdi Awaare. Ifraax iyo gabadha dhimatay ee uu dhalay gudoomiyaha maxakamadu ayaa waxa wada qabay hal nin,taasoo keentay in marxuumada dhimatay ee Sucaad ay aad uga masayrtay in lala guursado Ifraax,taasina ay keentay inay weerar ku qaado Ifraax,kadibna Ifraax oo iska difaacaysa weerarkaas ayaa haleeshay mindi sababtay geerida marxuumadaas. Guddoomiyaha Maxkamadda Boosaaso Maxamed Cabdi Awaare oo xabsiga ku haystey Ifraax mudo badan,isla markaana u qabtay ilaalo khaas ah oo ilaalisa,ayaa wax lagu sheegay maxakamad oo socotay mudo daqiiqado ah,waxa si sahlan xukun dil ah loogu riday Ifraax,iyadoon la weydiin wax su'aalo ah,isla markaana aanay eheladeedii xaadir ku ahayn madashaas. Ifraax ayaa waxa lagu soo waramayaa inay xanuunsan tahay,isla markaana aan la geyn wax dhakhtar ah,iyadoo la filayo in dhowaan lagu fuliyo dil toogasho ah. Waxaa horay uga dhacay magaalada Garoowe ee maamulkaas dilka ku xukumay inantaas,in xabsig lagu laayey rag maxakamad sugayaal ah oo ka soo jeeda gobolada Sool,iyo Buuhoodle,iyadoo ragii laayey la yaqaano,oo ay si xor ah ugu nool yihiin magaaladaas.Waxaa ka dhaca sidoo kale magaalooyinka kale sida Boosaaso iyo Gaalkacyo dilal aan xad lahayn,ilaa iyo hadana lama hayo cid lagu fuliyey dilkaas. Hay'ada u dooda xuquuqda bini'aadamka ee Amnesty International oo dilka lagu xukumay Sucaad ka soo saartay qoraal ayaa waxay canbaaraysey dilka lagu xukumay Ifraax,iyagoo sheegay inaanay maxakamadaasi u dhicin si xaq ah,oo lagu xadgudbay xuquuqda inantaas,waxayna hay'adaasi ka dalbatay Puntland inay dhowrto shuruucda caalamiga ah ee xuquuqda bini'aadamka,inantaa sna la saaro maxakamad cadaalad ah.

The breakaway republic hopes to become Africa’s newest state, wooing international support with state-of-the-art elections. But it faces the corruption, injustice and tensions endemic to the region. When it came time to register voters for a presidential election in Somaliland, this dirt-poor breakaway republic picked the most expensive fingerprint-identifi cation technology available to prevent fraud. Then it seemed everyone did their best to undermine it. With many people using different fingers on a biometric scanning pad or other ways to fool the device, nearly twice as many as the 700,000 to 800,000 estimated eligible voters received voter cards. Under the new $8-million system, one polling station registered, astonishingly, nearly 14 times as many people as it had for a parliamentary election four years ago. Now Somaliland’s embattled election commission, aided by a European consultant, is scrambling to cull the list of voters by applying a second security layer, of facial-recognition software. If it works, the voter rolls in this relatively stable corner of northern Somalia stand to become among the most technologically vetted in the world. The voter registration controversy says a lot about the challenges facing this Horn of Africa territory of 3.5 million people. Somaliland, after declaring its independence from Somalia in 1991, has hoped sovereignty would enable it to better protect its citizens, rebuild the economy and attract foreign assistance. Just about everything Somaliland does — from holding elections to chasing pirates — seems aimed at currying international favor, portraying an image of stability and distancing itself from the chaos raging to its south. It dreams of becoming Africa’s newest nation. “It’s the thing always in the back of our minds,” said Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, one of Somaliland’s founding fathers and a leading opposition figure. “The only commodity we sell to the international community is that we are a stable country.” Yet as Somaliland tries to leapfrog from oppressed backwater to regional role model, it’s facing the same ghosts — corruption, injustice and ethnic tensions — that have haunted its neighbors. The election scheduled for September, which was intended to highlight Somaliland’s democratic progress, is instead exposing institutional weaknesses and stirring domestic discontent. Besides the voter-registration debacle, the election date has been twice postponed at the request of President Dahir Riyale Kahin. His term was extended over the objection of opposition parties, who now call his government unconstitutional. Ethnic rivalry is on the rise as political parties court Somaliland’s major clans, which yield considerable cultural and political clout in Africa. Many residents are bracing for what is expected to be a very close race. In 2003, the president was declared the winner by just 80 votes amid allegations of rigging. Civil-society leaders worry Somaliland could be headed toward the same kind of election turmoil that rocked Kenya last year after a disputed presidential vote ignited ethnic violence that left more than 1,000 people dead. Longtime human rights activist Ibrahim Wais questioned whether Somaliland’s political leaders respected democratic ideals enough to conduct a free and fair election. “It’s not a conviction with them,” he said. “It’s a pretense, a plaything to impress the international community.” President Kahin insisted Somaliland was on the right path to democracy and dismissed naysayers, noting that there have been three peaceful national elections since 2001. “There’s no [democratic] backsliding,” he said in an interview in the reception hall of the presidential palace in Hargeisa. “A lot of people never believed elections could happen smoothly in this country.” But opposition leaders suggest they won’t accept defeat as gracefully as they did in 2003. “If I lose by the rules, I’ll accept,” said Silanyo, the leading presidential challenger. “If I don’t, I’ll fight it.” Silanyo said he wouldn’t resort to violence, but others in the opposition aren’t so sure. He and others accuse Kahin of clinging to power by repeatedly delaying the election. They also say that the president has hidden lucrative oil-exploration deals from parliament, arrested opposition leaders and journalists, monopolized state-owned media and bribed clan leaders and members of the Upper House. The president denied the allegations. He blamed election delays on the faulty voter-registration system and last fall’s triple suicide bombings in Hargeisa by Islamic extremists, which killed about two dozen people. For most of the last decade, Somaliland’s governance and human rights record have drawn praise, particularly compared with those of its neighbors. Somaliland boasts free speech and private newspapers. Its population voluntarily disarmed, reconciled and transitioned into an elected, civilian government. By contrast, Somalia continues to struggle with no fully functioning government. Ethiopia has been accused of heavy-handed crackdowns against its citizens. Eritrea has no elections or free press. “The government in Somaliland has a better human rights record than any other government in the Horn, including Kenya,” said Chris Albin-Lackey, an analyst at Human Rights Watch. “But that’s setting the bar pretty low.” British Somaliland, a protectorate of the crown, won independence in 1960 and merged with the Italian colony to its south to form the Republic of Somalia. Residents soon regretted unity when successive regimes marginalized, and eventually bombed, the northern areas. Somaliland rebels helped bring about the collapse of the Siad Barre dictatorship in 1991 and promptly declared independence from Somalia. But the international community, including the United Nations and African Union, have feared recognition of Somaliland might have a domino effect by encouraging other disgruntled regions to assert self-rule. Somaliland’s leaders expressed dismay at the world’s reluctance to recognize their progress and warned that they might not be able to hold the would-be nation together without more outside support. “If, God forbid, things go haywire, it will be the fault of the international community,” said Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale. “We’ve done everything we are supposed to do.” The pursuit of international recognition has contributed to Somaliland’s relative stability and democratic progress, experts say. “It makes everyone behave a little better,” said Ahmed Hussein Esa, a political activist in Hargeisa and director of the Institute for Practical Research and Training. Government crackdowns are typically short-lived. Opposition groups are loath to organize mass protests or resort to violence. The drive for recognition is even fueling Somaliland’s aggressive anti-piracy campaign. Hoping to receive international aid for its fledgling coast guard, which consists of just three speedboats, Somaliland has arrested 40 suspected pirates in recent months. Many Somaliland citizens say they are committed to independence, but some accuse leaders of using the issue as an excuse to avoid addressing domestic problems. Hargeisa is still a capital of mostly dirt roads. Unemployment runs about 90%. Remittances sent by family members living abroad keep the economy going. “For 18 years they’ve been talking about recognition, recognition, recognition,” said Abdulla Ali Ahmed, 26, a grocery store clerk in Hargeisa. “We need to develop the economy, improve schools and create jobs. When we do a better job with that, the rest of the world will recognize us.” Source: Los Angeles Times

Imikana Wallad baa hadlaya .... mar dhowaydna it was Meles sidaas oo kele u hadlayay. Gotta love the two groups now .....

So much for the fake "Nationalism" ......

Xabaalo wadareedyadii Malko Durdure ee xaafada Boqol-jire oo ay ku aasan yihiin Dadkii uu Xasuuqay Taliskii Macangaga ahaa ee Siyaad Barre ayaa markii Saddexaad ay soo saareen Daadka Roobabkii ka da’ay labadii maalmood ee u dambeeyay magaalada Hargeysa iyo Nawaaxigeeda. Subaxnimadii maanta ayay dadka xaafadaas degani arkeen lafo iyo Madaxyo Dad ka dib markii uu shalay roob laxaad leh oo ka da’een magaalada Hargeysa iyo nawaaxigeeda, kuwaasoo daadkii xooganaa ay soo saareen lafahan saaka lagu arkay Malko durduro. Sida ay noo sheegeen dadka degan xaafadaasi waxa laga helay halkaas Madaxyo iyo Lafo 9 Qof oo Xadhig keliya oo ka samayn Taar Bir ah isugu xidhan, kuwaasoo uu taarku wali sii aasan yahay, isla-markaana ay ka sii muuqdaan Lafihii kale oo ku sii xidhan. Taliska Guud ee Ciidanka Qaranka Somaliland oo aan wax badan ka fogayn halka lafahaasi laga helay ayaa ciidankii taliska joogay Askar ka mid ahi yimaadeen, kuwaasoo soo guray Sagaal qof lafahoodii iyo madaxyadoodii oo uu daadku soo saaray. Waxa la yaab leh dadka xabaalo-wadareedyada n laga helay oo ah kuwii taliskii axmaqa ahaa ee Siyaad Barre xasuuqay 1988 oo iminka laga joogay muddo 20 sanadood ah. dharkii ay xidhnaayeen maalintaasi waa la la’yahay qaarkood, halka aanay qaarna iska bedelin oo Dhigii ka muuqdo. Xadhigan dadku ku xidhnaayeen ayaan ku ekayn intaas Sagaalka Guntimood ee Maydadka daadku soo aaaray, balse waxay intiisa kale ku qarsoon tahay ciid moosan oo tuulan oo ay ku xabaalan yihiin dad ka badan Sagaalkan qof ee daadku madaxyadooda soo saaray, waxaana mooska qarkiisa ka muuqda lafihii qofkii Tobnaad ee xadhigani ku xidhnaa. Ninka beertan leh dadku ku xabaalan yihiin, ee horena looga helay beertiisa xabaalo wadareedyadii hore oo aanu kula kulanay goobta ayaanu wax ka waydiinay arrintan iyo siday ku soo baxeen Lafaha Maydadka la xasuuqay, waxaana uu jawaabtiisa ku bilaabay; -“Walaahi walaal waa arrin naxdin leh, waxa lafahan soo saaray roobkii shalay da’ay, oo daad badani ka soo rogmaday, subaxnimadii hore ee saaka ayuun baanu aragnay, dabadeedna waxaanu u soo sheegnay ciidankan qaybta degan, kuwaasoo isla markiiba qayb ka mid ah meesha timi, waxaanay iminka isku ururiyeen Sagaal qof madaxyadoodii iyo lafahoodii ka dibna way qaadeen si loo aaso. Mooskan aad aragtaan waxa ku jira dad intan ka badan oo xadhigu isugu wada xidhnaa iminka waad arkaysaa in lafihii qofkii tobnaad ee xadhigan ku xidhnaa uu ka muuqda gunta hoose ee mooska. Inta aanay xadhigan isugu wada xidhin ciidamadii siyaad barre ayay laayeen, ka dibna intay cagaf bay u soo direen ayay laagtan biyo mareenka ah ee beerta dhinac marta ku aaseen halkaasi waa meeshii saddexaad waxaana laga yaabaa inay meelo kale oo badanina jiraan.”

Only if they know what happened to their country ............

I don't forget mine ,, I keep my history. Other Somalis should do the same.

Mintid, adigu meeshaa cid ma isaga diri lahayd ??

A mass grave containing the remains of at least nine bodies thought to have been killed during Siad Bare’s rule were found on Thursday after heavy torrential rains in the out skirts of Hargeisa, in the Boqol Jireh district. The people buried here were part of hundreds of thousands of people that have been killed in Somaliland after Somalia’s dictator Siad Bare’s military operations. In 1988, Somalia’s military junta hired Rhodesian (Zimbabwe) mercenaries that were acquired by United Arab Emirates to bombard Somaliland’s three major towns - Hargeisa, Burao and Berbera, an estimated 50, 000 were killed and more than 800, 000 people were forced to leave their homes. Many of the refugees fled to neighbouring Ethiopia. Those who survived the bombings or the deliberate starvation by denying them food were often rounded up, tied together using barbed wires and gunned down from a point-blank range. If that method did not work, they would often tie them together in barbed wires and run bulldozers over them and were left to rot in the streets where they bulldozed. Officials from Somaliland’s department of defense were present who sealed the area. Several mass graves as well as corpses containing the remains of civilians have been found across Somaliland since the fall of Somalia’s dictator regime in 1991. Two decades on, the 1988 Somaliland genocide will haunt the world for generations. The only justice Somaliland seeks is to be part of the international community as sovereign nation and not be forced into a union with a country that only knows how to kill it’s own civilians. Somaliland might be living in peace but Somalia continues to carry out the genocide it’s own for in its own turf today.