Not for some .....

He is interested ,, maybe

First of all, I would like to thank everyone that commented on my last article. I’ve taken all your suggestions into consideration, and in the coming weeks will, Insha’Allah, be writing articles on them. This week, I thought I would do an article on how to dress when in Somaliland. Now, I’m sure you’ve all heard the horror stories about people from Diaspora being called ‘dhaqan celis’ or cultural enrichment and believe me, you want to avoid being called this at all costs. So, you begin to wonder, what should I pack? Now, ladies, if you’re a modestly dressed hijaby, like myself, you won’t have a hard time picking out things to pack, however, if you’re a less conservative dresser, then you might want to head down to your nearest Islamic clothing store and pick up a few hijabs. Leave those pants behind and pack lots of long skirts. Fashion in Somaliland is all about dressing in an Islamic manner and to a lot of people this, means dressing unfashionable. Gone are the days, when dressing in an Islamic manner meant wearing bland color jilabs. Nowadays, there are as ways to wear a hijab as there are hairstyles. Islamic fashion has taken off in a big way in the past few years, with Muslim countries, like Malaysia, hosting Islamic Fashion weeks, which showcase the talents of young Islamic designers from all over the world. Many of them like designer Rabia Z, have even had their works displayed in international fashion magazines such as Elle. Islamic fashion is not about conformity as many people wrongfully believe but truly allows one to express their individuality. If you’re just beginning to enter the world of Islamic fashion then Hargeisa is the perfect place to start. Hargeisa offers any beginner Islamic fashionista, a chance to fine tune her craft. There are many shops in Hargeisa that are full of unique and trendy Islamic clothes that blend western and Islamic fashion brilliantly. If you’re more of a traditionalist, then pack those diracs/direh (a flowing, lightweight dress usually worn over a slip or petticoats). Going traditional is always the safest route for escaping being called dhaqan celis. Throw on a dirac, with a thicker, longer, shawl, or throw on a cardigan with a lighter shawl, and add a little bit of western culture by accessorize, with hip trendy jewellery pieces, to look like the stylish modern nomadic girl you truly are. Whether you’re a professional dirac collector, or just beginner, Hargeisa is the perfect place to expand that collection. You’ll find all the latest styles of dirac, at unbelievably low prices (I’ll be doing an article on tricks to shopping Hargeisa soon, so stay tuned for that). As for the guys, the most important piece of advice is don’t dress like you’re straight from the hood. Looking ‘ghetto fabulous’ is the easiest way to have the dreaded label of ‘dhaqan celis’, attached to you. Instead, go for a more mature look, and dress in a business casual manner. If you want to really want to impress people back home then dress traditionally. Nothing says, ‘I haven’t lost my culture’, like wearing ma’awis or plaid kilts, and dashiki (matching garments mainly worn in Africa usually by leaders) or shaar/shirts with a shawl draped over one shoulder. To wrap things up, my advice to everyone is to use this as an opportunity to explore and discover Islamic and Somali fashion, and even start a few trends of your own. Transitioning into Islamic/Somali clothing doesn’t mean deposing of all your western styled clothes: be creative, mix and match western modern influences with traditional wear, accessorize to bring out your unique personality and most importantly have fun. Common apparel for men includes: * Ma’awis, or plaid kilts * Khameez - Long, dress-like male garment. * Shawls Embroidered Men's Cap Embroidered Men's Cap * Turban * Koofiyad, or embroidered cap * Trousers or western pants * Western shirts * Suits and ties Common garments for women include: * Direh or Dirac - A flowing, lightweight dress usually worn over a slip or petticoats. * Coantino - A large piece of cloth draped over the head and shoulder and tied at the waist. * Hijab - Head scarf that covers hair * Masar - Simple headwrap * Burqa or Jalabeeb - A long garment that cloaks the entire body. * Guntiino - A full-length, brightly colored dress resembling a Sari. * Blouses * Skirts * Trousers/slacks By: Hayat Farah hfarah@live.com

hadii afsoomaali wax lagu qoro yaa huba in afsoomaaligaas la wada fahmayo. Dadbaa iska qardajeexa oo qulubaa gadiga isku qaada gidaarro dhaadheer iyo casrado aan loo dirane. dhanka kele hadii idaa gudhuudii laguu diray maaha inaad idaa gadhaada faraha la gasho dee ilayn iyaduna waa dhako kele e. Weligaa gaandhari ma noqotay horta ?

weliba ugu dhaaro ,,,,,,,,,

The somaliland political parties and the Electoral commission signed agreement that will end the long political crisis in Somaliland and is expected to lead an environment where the elections will take place on the designated time. The agreement is the result of series of talks among the parties and the electoral committee from the 16th to 26th of May 2009. The agreement was signed by the three political parties and the electoral commission in an event attended by government officials, members of the opposition parties, electoral commission and others. The agreement contained eight points all related to the coming elections in September 2009. The first point of the agreement is the election date which the all parties agreed to take place on the 27th of September 2009. The second point is about the server issue. The parties agreed that they will accept the list of the voters that is to be published by the electoral commission if certain conditions are met. Those conditions are about the date where the final list should be finalized before the 27th of July. The technical committee should carry out their job in a very responsible and reasonable way. The parameters of the selection of the voters should be consulted with all the parties and signed by the technical committee as the electoral law explains. The third point is about the Electoral Commission to prepare the presidential elections timeline in ten days so that the process will be followed by all the parties. The fourth one is about the elections campaign. In respect to the month of Ramadan, the campaign should start 60 days before the election date and end 48 hours before the election starts. The fifth point is preparing the code of conduct. It should be prepared within four weeks starting from the day when this agreement is signed. All the parties and the electoral committee should prepare the code of conduct of the elections. The sixth point is about gaps within the electoral bylaws. Those gaps should be clarified through the legislation buddies. The seventh point is about the public media. The opposition parties should be given enough and fair time for their campaign activities during the elections. Those public media are the Radio Hargeisa, the national TV and the newspapers. The last point is about strengthening the electoral monitoring committee. They should be given more authority so that they will make sure the process is inline with the constitution and the code of conduct is implemented.

Yeah, the world is talking about Somaliland.

Anarchy, Terrorism, and Piracy in Somalia: New Rules of Engagement for the International Community Somalia has long been anarchic, hitting rock bottom claiming #1 in The Fund for Peace´s most recent Failed States Index. It had no functioning central government in the past 19 years, albeit 14 attempts to reconstitute state authority had been made since 1991, when the former Cold War dictator Mohammad Siad Barre was ousted after 22 years in power. All such efforts were doomed to fail. Whether or not the latest effort is going to succeed is a matter that will remain to be seen. One thing is crystal clear at this point in time, nonetheless, that Somalia´s latest attempt at state-building has to be supported by the US and the rest of the international community, rather than fought, lest it should be a hotbed of terrorism and piracy. The hitherto neglected issue of Somalia managed to be in the limelight of current international affairs as a result of the sudden surge in piracy in the waters of the coast of Somalia. Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, the UN special envoy for Somalia, said recently that "the problem of piracy has opened the eyes of those who have forgotten Somalia." The waters off the Somali coast are the most dangerous in the world - accounting for a third of the world's pirate attacks. The coast of Somalia has become the world´s worst piracy area only since 2007; though foreign fishing trawlers have been aggressively exploiting Somalia´s rich and unpatrolled waters since 1991 at the expense of coastal fishing villages. Illegal fishing has undoubtedly decreased due to the effectiveness of Somali pirates. In 2008, 40 out of 100, in 2009, so far 25 attacks succeeded. The total number of captured ships now stands at least 19 with more than 250 sailors from countries around the world being held hostage by Somali pirates and $30- $40 million paid in ransom in 2008. In response to the widespread pirate attacks in the waters off the coast of Somalia, the international community launched a large naval operation to counter the problem. Naval powers from around the globe have dispatched a fleet of warships to the Gulf of Aden to fight piracy including the EU "NAVFOR Atlanta operation". Besides, at a recent conference in Brussels attended by the leadership from the UN, the EU, the AU, the Arab League, and the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), the international community pledged $213 million toward strengthening Somali security forces. However, the question here is whether these measures are enough to address the piracy epidemic. The bone of contention is that the so-called antipiracy military measures are myopic and what the international community needs is a far-sighted long-term state-building agenda on shore in Somalia, promoting traditional peacemaking processes among the diverse conflicting Somali clans and sub-clans. In this regard, moderate Islam no doubt can provide a common ground for building consensus thereby easing the arduous/daunting task of entrenching a well-functioning, all-inclusive government. This point was emphasized by Enough's latest strategy paper, Beyond Piracy: Next Steps in Somalia, authored by Ken Menkhaus, John Prendergast, and Colin Thomas-Jensen. The paper analyzes the current situation in Somalia and provides recommendations for how the international community in general and the United States in particular can help Somalis address multiple security threats that put their country, the region, and even far-flung countries at risk. It argues that while short-term measures to curb pirate attacks are certainly necessary, the Obama administration must not allow the politics of the piracy problem to distract it from putting in place a long-term strategy to help Somalis forge a state that, with measured external support, can fight piracy, promote peace and reconciliation, and combat terrorism. The paper describes the problem of piracy in the waters off the coast of Somalia as "The lowest order of threat to the TFG, the Somali people, the region, and the United States is actually the security item enjoying the greatest attention right now." It goes on to say that "Even so, the continued epidemic of piracy off the Somali coast is a problem and a test of the capacity of the TFG to extend its authority." According to this strategy paper, the only viable and legitimate option for the TFG is to tackle piracy onshore, leaving no space for external actors, apart from helping strengthen the TFG and local peace-building processes. The piracy epidemic in the Gulf of Aden waters is merely a reflection of the anarchy onshore. Piracy, like terrorism, is reflected by a deeper malaise. The root causes behind the increased piracy off the coast of Somalia are state collapse, humanitarian crisis, abject poverty, and the ongoing exploitation of the waters by global factory fishing vessels. As a result, there are not many viable livelihoods for anyone in Somalia these days. In order to capture the essence of this problem, let´s try to consider the Somali narrative on the ongoing piracy as told by Ken Menkhaus. The narrative "sees it is justifiable protection of Somali shores from illegal fishing, and … sees the piracy as a minor problem we are overreacting to. For instance -- they say at present there is a massive humanitarian crisis in Somalia, 3.5 million people at risk, and the UN is calling for $950 million in aid. We have only provided a fraction of that aid. Yet we're willing to mobilize the world's navies at considerable cost to stop a $20-40 million piracy problem. That's how (not all) Somalis see it." The paper contends that given the significant national security interests that the United States has in Somalia with respect to counterterrorism, and the international political and commercial pressure generated due to piracy, the Obama administration should more deeply engage in Somalia´s state reconstruction. In a much similar paper entitled "7 Ways to Stop Piracy", Ken Menkhaus contends that "the United States and the international community have overstated the threat of Somali piracy. Somali hijackers earned between $30 and $40 million in ransom in 2008, a handsome sum of cash in one of the world´s most impoverished countries, but a paltry sum for international shipping -- not even enough to appreciably raise insurance premiums for ships passing through the Gulf of Aden." In an attempt to explain away naval military operation as the dominant normative mode of engagement, Menkhaus says "Most shipping companies prefer to live with the current piracy modus vivendi. The risk of any one ship being pirated is still low; their crews, ships, and cargo are returned safely; and the ransom fees are manageable. A military rescue, by comparison, is much riskier to the crew and will raise insurance costs considerably, as insurance companies will have to factor in the possibility of injuries and loss of life to crew and ensuing lawsuits." For Menkhaus, what would seem to justify a military response to the problem of piracy in Somali waters are fear of copycat piracy elsewhere, fear of al Qaeda adopting the practice to capture Western hostages, and commitment to the principle of open seas, rather than the ransom amounts themselves. For him, another reason why a military response is not warranted is owing to the practical impossibility to patrol a zone of 2.5 million square miles. In the words of Sadia Ali Aden, "Like the Iraq war, the military solution is a failed solution. The military solution will only discredit if not altogether alienate the moderate elements, radicalize insurgents, and perpetuate bloodshed and chaos. Therefore, it seems that the only way toward a win-win solution is through diplomacy and by adopting an alternative, constructive policy toward Somalia." Comparing the situation with the war in Iraq, Donald Levine has also suggested that "Ethiopia's incursion into Somalia, with US concurrence if not active backing, is likely to have a similar effect. Our goal should be to strengthen the moderate Somalis there, not undermine them through arousing anti-Ethiopia and anti-US hysteria." In a recent piece, Johan Galtung, my own professor and who is considered widely and deservedly to be the Father of Peace Studies, claims that Ethiopia received payment from the US in exchange for its incursion in to Somalia. While I concur with Johan Galtung´s proposal that "the piracy issue can be solved but only if treated as part of the whole Somalia complex", but I dismiss his opinion that Ethiopia was paid by the US to attack Somalia as unsubstantiated, if not untrue. As Terrence Lyons aptly put it, "It´s important to note that Ethiopia moved into Somalia not as the puppet or proxy for the United States. Ethiopia had its own very specific national security interest relating to Somalia. Ethiopia saw stepped-up attacks on Ethiopia as originating in Somalia, aided by Eritrea. Ethiopia saw this as a real threat to the Ethiopian state and region. That´s why Ethiopia invaded, I believe, rather than just because the United States said ´Go get al-Qaeda.´" Galtung was not alone in entertaining the idea that Ethiopia obtained a pecuniary gain from the US for its incursion in to Somalia. A certain Eric Margolis also wrote in the Huffington Post that "Ethiopia received generous cash rewards from Washington for its invasion." This, however, is by no means a defense of Ethiopian invasion. For me, the decision to invade shall always remain to be Ethiopia´s biggest foreign policy blunder, though I don´t deny its legitimate national security interests. There were other ways and means of safeguarding its interests short of aggression, not to mention the timing. Besides, Galtung´s characterization of Ethiopia as Christian and Somalia as Islamic, which gives the impression that the problem with Ethiopia and Somalia is religious, is a reductio ad absurdum. First, FDR Ethiopia, unlike Imperial Ethiopia, is not a Christian state, as secularism is one of the pillars of its political system. Second, Ethiopia, in terms of its religious composition, is a country where a significant portion of its populace is Muslim. In the words of Terrence Lyons, "While many portray Ethiopia as a Christian nation, the country in fact has roughly equal numbers of Christians and Muslims. Ethnic and national identity rather than religion has proven to be the most important social cleavage. It is possible, of course, that religious divisions will grow as an additional spillover from Ethiopia´s incursion into Somalia. This is another reason why settling this conflict is imperative." What is so disturbing is also the unfounded allegation that Ethiopia tips Somali pirates about the vessels, their cargo, and lane. Menkhaus in his online appearance on the Washington Post dismissed such allegations saying "Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has better things to do." There are also reports that Britain-based private companies tip the pirates. According to Press TV´s last week edition, "Well-placed informers constantly update control centers in Somalia, which ultimately give the pirates information about ships, their cargo and their routes, the Guardian reported citing a European military intelligence document obtained by a Spanish radio station, Cadena SER." The Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs on its part claims, in its May 8 2009 edition of A Week in the Horn, that the external spoilers have been busy in the last two weeks with destructive activities in Somalia. To quote, "There is a real danger of further violent confrontation, and to make matters worse external forces, including the Government of Eritrea, foreign extremists and various government and non-government actors in the Middle East, have been increasing their flow of finance, weapons and ideological guidance to extremist elements. In the last two weeks, since Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys´ return to Mogadishu from Asmara, Eritrea has sent four plane loads of weapons, two to the airstrip at K50 and two to Ballidogle airfield. Last weekend further fighting broke out in Mogadishu between Al-Shabaab and Government forces with AMISOM also being targeted." This I am afraid is no good news inasmuch as it is indicative of a probable return to its long-standing 'securitization agenda' by Ethiopia. It is common knowledge that both Ethiopia and the U.S. justified their military actions in Somalia at least in part as a response to the threat of terrorism. However, for Ethiopia there is more to its national security interests than mere threat of terrorism and the major threat has been that Somalia can become a site where attacks against Ethiopia could be launched, and indeed was the site of a proxy war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Ken Menkhaus emphasizes that "the Somali piracy epidemic is unquestionably an on-shore crisis demanding an on-shore solution. Naval operations to interdict and apprehend pirates will help, but cannot possibly halt the daily quest of over a thousand gunmen in such vast waters when the risks are so low, rewards so high and alternatives so bleak in desolate Somalia."As Michael Shank proposes, we must find stability on land first, then order will return to the seas. Like Shank, Menkhaus argues that "The solution will ultimately have to be on-shore, with more effective government in Somalia." Thus, the key to solving the seas is to promote a negative peace agenda buttressed by vision and continue with a positive peace agenda on land while ensuring inclusiveness and good governance within Somalia's transitional federal government. On the former, the West must rally. It has resources; all it needs is the will. It is also in the best interest of the sub-region in general to work out a con/federative arrangement among member states of the Horn, because Somalis are also to be found in Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya. Having pointed out the following four areas of immediate priorities (1) Enhanced security, (2) Halting impunity (3) Inclusive governance, and (4) Managing external spoilers such as Eritrea, Libya, Qatar, and Iran, Enough´s latest strategy paper put forth recommendations for the United States: (1) supporting local security and order efforts and (2) supporting indigenous criminal justice systems (like Xeer). The most pressing choice facing the international community at the moment is between total engagement and total disengagement. While the only viable option is engagement, the kind of engagement that the situation in Somalia warrants is positive engagement": supporting an inclusive process of state-building or reconstruction, bolstered by traditional peacemaking processes, based on moderate Islam. Enough´s strategy paper concludes that "In fighting terrorism on land and piracy at sea, U.S. national security interests will be better secured if we aligned ourselves more with the interest of most Somalis in better security and effective governance. Helping to build the house and using the back door will be much more effective than barging into the front door of a house that has yet to be built." This is a good call on the US, but won't be a good enough call until it is also addressed to Ethiopia, which is the region's pillar of peace by its own right. Alemayehu Fentaw

.......... i hope he receives the letter on time ..

Not signed dee ..........

But he met him ,,, no ?? ,,

Iska celi ku dheh dee your ex-friend aka Afwergi ....

MOGADISHU (AFP) — President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed on Wednesday accused Eritrea of arming hardline Islamists fighting to oust his government, a day after his own palace came under a barrage of mortar shells. It is the first time he directly pointed a finger at the small African nation since the eruption early this month of some of the heaviest onslaughts against his four-months-old government. "We know for sure that the majority of the weapons in the hands of the insurgents are coming from Eritrea," he told foreign reporters at his Mogadishu Villa Somalia headquarters and targetted residence. "Eritrea is very much involved here," he said in response to a question adding: "We know that Eritrean officers come here and bring money in cash." He said Asmara's intention in backing the radical Islamists was to create a base to train units to wage guerrilla war against its arch-foe Ethiopia. "Since there is a war and tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea, Eritrea needs a place where Ethiopian opposition groups could be trained," he said. "They want to destabilise Ethiopia from Somalia." Relations between Ethiopia and Eritrea have been tense ever since a devastating border war in the late 1990s in which some 80,000 people died. Eritrea was vehemently opposed to the deployment of Ethiopian troops in Somalia in late 2006 and pulled out of a regional bloc in protest. Asked whether he backed a re-deployment of Ethiopian troops in the face of the renewed attacks, Sharif said "absolutely not". "We would like our country to remain independent." Residents in a Somalia border town with Ethiopia recently said they saw Ethiopian troops in there, but Sharif said authorities had discussed the matter "and they have agreed that Ethiopian troops will remain inside their border". The US and African Union have accused Eritrea of fuelling the violence in Somalia, a charge Eritrea denies. African countries have called for the imposition of United Nations sanctions on Asmara. Islamist fighters opposed to Sharif launched the latest onslaught on May 7, vowing to topple his Western-backed government. More than 200 people have been killed and some 62,000 Mogadishu residents have fled the clashes in the past 20 days. Sharif has been holed up in his presidential compound under the protection of AU peacekeepers. His government, which has been confined to parts of the capital, took up power in Mogadishu in January after a UN-sponsored reconciliation process. But the hardline Islamists, believed to be propped up by hundreds of foreign jihadists, want to impose a stricter Sharia law in the lawless country and are opposed to the presence of the AU peacekeeping mission known as AMISOM. The UN Security Council on Tuesday extended AMISOM's mandate to January 2010. The Shebab, a homegrown radical group whose leaders are suspected of links to Al-Qaeda, and the Hezb al-Islamiya armed group loyal to hardline opposition leader Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys have been battling the government. Prime Minister Omar Abdirashid Sharmarke said there up to 400 foreign fighters while Sharif said majority of them are from Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iraq. "We still understand that the influx of Al-Qaeda members continues and you can imagine how the situation will be if they take over," said Sharif. A country of around 10 million, Somalia has had no effective central authority since former president Mohamed Siad Barre was ousted in 1991, setting off a bloody cycle of clashes between rival factions.

hehehehe ,,, that slap

Tuush bay cararayaan ......... as they say in Hargeia ,,

I thought Muqdisho have enough armed militias .... never new they still need more.

misleading title .............

Waan ogahay inaad ku faanto ,, lakin: dhaqankayga and luqadaayda why AND ?? ,,,,,

Hadaa maxaad ka filaysaa ,,, meeshii dadku il la'yihiin ishaa la iska ridaa sow maaha ,,,, Nude beach is for the nude people only dee .... including him ,,,

then way qaylin and you will have to remove it in front of everyone ...........

Sadexda Xisbi qaran ee Somaliland UDUB,KULMIYE iyo UCID oo ay wehelinayeen komiishanka doorashooyinka qaranka ayaa maanta qalinka ku duugay heshiis ka kooban sideed qodob oo nuxurkiisu yahay hirgelinta doorashada Madaxtooyada oo loo mudeeyey inay qabsoonto 27 Sept. 2009. Heshiiskan oo nuqul ka mid ahi soo gaadhay Xafiiska Shabakada Hadhwanaagnews ee Magaalada Hargeysa oo ay sumadiisu tahay Ref/GDQ/XK/711/ 09 kuna taariikheysan 27/5/2009 oo ka dhashay wada hadalkii dhawaanahan- ba u socday Axsaabta qaranka iyo komiishanka doorashooyinka ayaa waxay maanta si rasmi ah ugu wada saxeexeen dhinacyada ay khuseysay Huteelka Maansoor ee Magaalada Hargeysa.kadib markii uu ka cudurdartay inuu Madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale Kaahin labada Guddoomiye Xisbi Mucaaridka la saxeexdo heshiiskan taasna ay ka biyo diideen Mucaridku. Munaasibadii lagu kala saxeexayey heshiiskan wax ka soo qeybgalay masuuliyiin sar sare oo ka socday sadexda Xisbi qaran, komiishanka doorashooyinka, tageerayaasha sadexda Xisbi qaran [KULMIYE, UDUB, iyo UCID], Culima’udiinka, Salaadiin, dhalinyaro, haweenka iyo marti sharaf kale. Masuuliyiinta dhinacyada heshiiskani khuseeyey qalinka ugu kala duugay waxay kala ahaayeen Xisbiga KULMIYE waxa u saxeexay Xoghaya Guud ee Xisbigaasi Keyse Xasan Cige, Xisbiga UCID-na waxa u saxeexay Guddomiye Kuxigeenka 1aad ee Xisbigaasi Aadan Maxamed Mirre [Waqaf], Xisbiga UDUB-na waxa u saxeexay Xoghayahooda Jaamac Yaasin Faarax, halka Komiishanka doorashooyinkuna uu u saxeexay Gudoomiyaha Guddida doorashooyinka Jaamac Sweden Waxaanu u dhigna heshiiska iyo qodobada uu ka koobnaa sidan: “Heshiiska sadexda Xisbi qaran iyo komiishanka doorashooyinka Somaliland. Kadib wadahadaladii u soo taxnaa 16-kii -26-kii bisha May 2009 ee lagaga baaraan dagayey sidii la isula meel dhigi lahaa heshiisna looga gaadhi lahaa hawlaha diyaargarowga doorshada madaxtooyada: Iyagoo xeerinaya muhiimada ay leedahay in lagaadho heshiis wadareed saldhig adag u noqda geedi socodka doorshada madaxtooyada. Iyaga oo tixgelinaya: 1. In dadka reer Somaliland xaq u leeyihiin in la qabto doorasho xor ah oo xalaal ah oo aan madmadow lahayn 2. Inay lagama maarmaan tahay maada uu wakhtigu isgurayo in la isku tanaasulo si looga midha dhaliyo doorashada madaxtooyda. Markii la falanqeeyey: Baaxada ay leedahay u diyargarowga farsamada hawleed ee doorashada madaxtooyada waxay gaadheen heshiiskan:. 1. In doorashada madaxtooyadu qabsoonto wakhtiga loo mudeeyey ee ah 27 Sept. 2009 ee u dhiganta 8 Shuwaal 1430 ee Hijriyada haddii Alle idmo. 2. Heshiiska Server-ka ee sadexda Xisbi qaran: Sadexda xisbi qaran waxay isku raaceen baahida loo qabo in la soo saaro liiska codbixiyayaasha rasmiga ah ee u fasaxaya inuu muwaadinku ka codeyn karo goobta cod-bixineed ee magaciisu ka soo baxay. Xisbiyadu waxay taageereen liiska codbixiyayaasha ee kama danbeysta ah haddii ay shuruudaha soo socdaa ay fulaan: 2.1 In liiska codbixiyayaashu uu soo baxo ka hor 27 Julay 2009 oo ah taariikhdii ay u qabatay guddidi dhexdhexaadinta khilafaadka Siyaasadeed, Madaxweynaha Somaliland iyo Guddoomiyayaasha labada Xisbi Mucaaridna la aqbaleen. 2.2 In Guddida farsamada diwaangelintu ay si buuxda u gudato shaqadooda la xidhiidha habeynta liisaska codbixiyayaasha sida uu qeexayo xeer No. 37/2007 qodobkiisa 36.2 ee diwaangelinta codbixiyayaasha 2.3 In qaabka [parameters] sharaxaya ama macnaynaya diwaangelinta ansaxday la isla eego si wada tashi ahna [Consensus] ugu heshiiyaan guddida farsamo ee diwaangelinta codbixiyayaasha oo dhami sida uu farayo xeerka diwaangelinta codbixiyayaasha qodobkiisa 36.2 iyo kaabista qodobka 11aad ee isla sharcigaa iyo xeer dhaqameedka axsaabta siyaasada ee diwaangelinta codbixiyayaasha ee Ref/KDQ/XK/650/ 09 ee 10/2/2009 si wadajir ahna guddida farsamo u soo saxeexdo. 2.4 In natiijadu tahay mid lagu qanci karo, in codbixiyayaasha si aaan kala sooc lahayn u siinaysa xuquuqdooda codbixineed sida uu jideynayo qodobka 6.4 ee xeerka doorshada Golayaasha Deegaanka iyo Madaxtooyada ee xeer No. 20/2001. 2.5 Marka uu soo saaro server-ku liiska codbixiyayaasha ee ku meelgaadhka sadexda xisbi qaran waxay heli doonaan wakhti aan ka badnayn todoba maalmood oo ay kaga bogtaan liiska codbixiyayaasha, waxaanay hubinayaan in qaabkii hore la isugu raacay in la fuliyey, Xisbi kasta waxa uu ku soo gudbin doona qoraal inuu aqbalay liiska codbixiyayaasha ee kama danbeysta ah, iyada oo go’aanka ansixinta rasmiga ahna uu soo saari doono GDQ 3. In guddida doorashooyinku muddo toban maalmood gudahood ah ku soo diyaariyaan qorshaha hawsha doorashada madaxtooyada oo mudeysan [ presidential election time line] si loola socdo kolba hawsha shaqo ee doorshadu halka ay mareyso. 4. Iyada oo la qadarinayo bisha barakaysan ee Ramadaan waa in ololaha doorashada madaxtooyadu ee 2009 bilaabmaa lixdan maalmood ka hor maalinta codbixinta, dhamaadaana 48-sacadood ka hor maalinta codbixinta, arrinta waa in la waafajiyaa xeer. 5. Waa in sadexda xisbi iyo guddida doorashooyinku waa inay soo diyaariyaan heshiiska habdhaqanka anshaxa doorashada madaxtooyada waa in lagu dhameystira afar todobaad gudahood marka heshiiskan la saxeexo. 6. meelaha ay ku jiraan galdaloolooyinka sharci ee xeer 20/2001 qeybtiisa doorashada madaxtooyada iyo xeerka diwaangelinta 37/2007 waa in la iswaafajiyo lifaaq xeer lana mariyo hay’ada sharci-dejineed. 7. In Sadexda xisbi qaran ee ka qeybgalaya doorashada Madaxtooyada laga siiyo warbaahinta qaranka xili isku mida [Air Time] iyo wakhti ku filan markasta sida Radio Hargeysa iyo TV-ga qaranka iyo Wargeysyada. 8. Guddida kormeerka iyo dabagalka doorashada madaxtooyada waa in la xoojiyaa awoodooda shaqo, gaar ahaan si ay u sugaan in dhamaan lagu dhaqmo shuruucda dalka u yaala iyo ku dhaqanka xeerka hab-dhaqanka anshaxa doorashooyinka [Election Code of Conduct].”

Iyo siday u buuxaan weliba ,,,

NAIROBI, May 27 (Reuters) - Eritrea has dismissed as "utterly irresponsible" an African Union (AU) request for U.N. sanctions against it for allegedly supplying weapons to insurgents fighting Somalia's new administration. Somalia's government accuses Eritrea of supporting Islamist militants with planeloads of AK-47 assault rifles, rocket-propelled grenades and other weapons to fuel fighting there. The AU asked the U.N. to impose sanctions on Eritrea last week. "Eritrea strongly rejects the irresponsible and illegal statement issued in the name of the African Union," the Horn of Africa country said on the government website, www.shabait.com. "The illegal and utterly irresponsible statement ... was made on the basis of groundless accusations against Eritrea, without ascertaining the facts, and without even consulting the current chairman of the African Union." Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki has also denied the allegation, saying U.S. agents were spreading lies to blacken his government's name. Asmara has recalled its ambassador to the AU's headquarters in Addis Ababa. Western analysts say Ethiopia and Eritrea, still bitter over a border conflict in which 70,000 people were killed, have been fighting a proxy war in Somalia. "Eritrea is fully aware of where, how and by whom this irresponsible and cynical flouting of the rule of law was conceived in the first place and through which machinations it has passed," it said on the statement posted late on Tuesday. Somalia's insurgent leader Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys told Reuters last week that Eritrea was supporting his group's fight against Somalia's new President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed. Neighbouring states and Western security forces fear Somalia, which has been mired in civil war for 18 years, could become a haven for militants linked to al Qaeda.

.. Iyo heestaa sidaan u raadinayay ,,, lol well, I'm not a big fan of those Sudanese but i agree with you ,, they've got talents ....