SNM: Taariikhdu Dadkay Hagtaa! “Wixii libtooyo ama guulo halgankii SNM ka biqlay maxsuul ahaan dadka (Somaliland) waa u dhex oo maanta iyo berrito toonna lama kala sheegan karo, taariikh ahaan se gadood dhacayba goobtiisa ayuu lahaa, berritona yeelanayaa….” Soddon sannadood oo mid la’ ayaa hadda (April 2010) laga joogaa markii lagu dhawaaqay Ururkii Dhaqdhaqaaqa Waddaniga Soomaaliyeed (SNM), 6dii April 1981, magaalada London. Waxa uu ahaa ururkii labaad ee mucaarid hubaysan ah ee saaxadda ku soo biira. Jabhaddii Dimoqraadiga Badbaadinta Soomaaliyeed (SSDF) oo fadhigeedu ahaa Addis-ababa ayaa ka horraysey. Bilowgii Aasaaska iyo Dareennadii ka Dhashay SNM aasaaskeedu waxa uu ka soo unkamay dibedda, siiba waddamada Khaliijka Carbeed, gaar ahaan waddanka Boqortooyada Sacuudi Areebiya iyo waddanka Ingriiska. Koox ka mid ahayd dad hore waddanka uga haajirey, una cuntami waydey siyaasaddii Kacaanka iyo qaarkood tii dawladihii rayadka ahaa ee ka horreeyeyba, ayaa ahayd ibo-furkii muuqdey ee aasaaska SNM. Gudaha laftiisa dareenkaas dad la wadaagaa iyana si qarsoodi ah ayay uga jireen. Sheekh Yuusuf Sheekh Cali Sh Madar (AHUN), Maxamed Xaashi Cilmi, Xasan Aadan Wadaad-diid (AHUN), Axmed Ismaaciil Cabdi (Duqsi, AHUN), Prof Cabdisalaam Yaasiin Maxamed, Axmed Maxamed Jaamac (Dable) iyo Axmed Maxamed (Seyidi) ayaa ka mid ahaa hormuudkii Khaliijka ka hinqaday ee hillaabta ka qaaday dareenkoodii geesinnimo ee mucaaridnimada hubaysan ahaa. Suurta gal ma ahayn in Sacuudiga urur dabeecaddaas leh laga dhisaa ama lagaga dhawaaqaa. Sidaas darteed ayay kooxdaasi inta ay dhigeen wixii ay gacanta ku hayeen ugu hulleeleen waddanka Boqortooyada Ingriiska, iyaga iyo koox kale oo halkaas sii joogteyna sannadkaas SNM ugaga dhawaaqeen. Xilligii Wadaaddada (April 1981 – March 1983) Xasan Ciise Jaamac iyo Axmed Jimcaale (AHUN) ayaa ka mid ahaa ragga kale ee kooxdaas London kaga biiray. Guddoomiyihii koowaad ee SNM waxa loo doortay Axmed Jimcaale oo xilka hayey muddo gaaban. Ku dhawaaqaas SNM wax weyn ayuu ka beedelay siyaasaddii dalka, waxaana abuurmay xiisad iyo jawi tuhunno siyaasadeed iyo qaar qabali ah huwanaa oo kala gurasho iyo xeelado dahsoonba lahaa. Dabayaaqadii sannadkaas 1981 waxa xabsiyada loo taxaabay dhallinyadii UFFO magaalada Hargeysa, waxaana taas raacay gadoodkii caanka ahaa ee ardayeed ee magaalada Hargeysa ee maalintii 20-ka Feberwari iyo dhawrkii cisho ee ku lammaanaa ee sannadkii 1982. Waxa kordhay oo baallaha fidsaday cadaadiskii maamulayaasha talisku dadka ku hayeen. 1-dii May 1982 waxa magaalada Burco ka dhacay muddaharaadyo ka dabqaadanayey kuwaas Hargeysa ka qarxaday. Muddo ka dibna waxa la xidhxidhay xubno ka mid ah dawladdii MS Barre, ayna ka mid ahaayeen Ismaciil Cali Abokor, Cumar Carte Qaalib, Maxamed Sh. Aadan iyo dad kale oo badan oo isugu jira saraakiil ciidammo iyo sibilba leh, iyo waxgarad kala duwan oo ka soo jeeda gobolladii Waqooyi. Tuulada Dharkayn-geeye ee Degmada Buuhoodle waxa maxkamad milateri badhka taagtay oo si foolxun loogu toogtay Col. Cabdillaahi X. Siciid Cabdi (AHUN) oo ka mid ahaa saraakiishii ugu qiimaha badnayd XDS, taas oo dareen weyn ku dhalisay oo dhiillo gelisey saraakiil badan oo ka soo jeeddey gobolladii waqooyi. Bilowgii Xidhiidhka Itoobiya Saraakiishii ugu horraysay ayaa ka gudubtey xuduudda oo u tallowday dhanka Itoobiya. Maxamed Cali Faarax (AHUN) iyo Jabhaddii Afraad ayaa ka xidhiidh furtay ciidamadii Soomaaliya. Aadan Sh. Maxamed (Aadan Shiine, AHUN), Axmed Dhagax (AHUN) iyo Maxamed Kaahin Axmed, ayaa ka goostay saraakiishii ciidamada. Dawladdii Itoobiya ayaa saraakiishaas u soo jeedisey in ay ku biiraan SSDF oo saldhigyadeeda ciidameed daadsanaayeen soohdinta u dhaxaysa labada waddan min Goraya-cawl oo galbeedka Hargeysa ku qumman ilaa koonfurta shishe ee Soomaaliya. Saraakiishaasi waxa ay diidmo ku qaaddeceen codsigii Itoobiyaanka, waxanay u sheegeen in ay ka mid yihiin Ururka SNM oo markaas fadhigiisu ahaa London. Halkaas waxa ka bilaabmay digorogashadii maamulka ee SNM uu Itoobiya ugu soo guurey. Markii ay SNM hoggaankeedu Addis-ababa ka soo degey, waxa dawladdii Mingiste Hailu Mariam oo tixgelinaysa culays kaga imanayey dibedda, gaar ahaan, Yemen iyo Liibiya ay hordhigtay hoggaankii cusbaa ee SNM hindise uu qorshihiisu ahaa in ay la midoobaan SSDF oo lahayd xilligaas xoog ciidameed oo dhisan iyo taageero siyaasadeed oo ay ka haysatey waddamada ay ka mid ahaayeen Itoobiya, Liibiya, Yemen iyo Suuriya. Hoggaankii SNM waxa uu hindisaha qorshahaasi ku noqday “laf dhuun gashay”! Cunaha ayuu u dhaafi waayey oo wuu liqi kari waayey. Laba arrimood ayaa diidmadaas hoosta ka xarriiqayey. Ta hore, hoggaankaasi markiisii horeba waxa uu dareen quus iyo qoomammo ah ka huwanaa is-raacii Lixdankii ee Soomaali Waqooyi iyo Ta Koonfureed oo xubnihii sare ee hoggaanku ay u aanaynayeen midowgaas laftiisa wax alle wixii dib u dhac iyo foolxumooyin gobannimo dabadeed waddanka ka dhacay. Sidaas darteed hoggaanku waxa uu bayr ka lahaa, sasna ka qabey oo aan la soo marin karayn magaca Koonfur iyo wax la yeelashadiisaba. Ta labaadna ee taas sii badhitaarayseyna waxa ay ahayd cududdii dhaqaale, ciidameed, iyo awooddii siyaasadeed ee gacanta Col. Cabdillaahi Yuusuf ku urursanayd oo ahayd mid aan wadaagga u jajabnayn oo keli toocsi ku dhisnayd. Hase yeeshee in Somaliland gooni isu taagtaa ma ahayn marna siyaasad u meel taalla qorshe ahaan SNM, waxa se uu ahaa fikir dadka dhex yaalla oo marba sii shiiqayey oo Federal ayaa loogu hadal hayn badnaa, dareenka se gooni isu taaggu waxa uu laabta la soo kacay markii dambe ee gumaadka iyo burburka xumi dhaceen, iyo hindisayaashii kooxdii Manafesto ee Muqdisho markii lagu dhawaaqay dawlad haba yaraato’e aan SNM laga talo gelin oo gacan-ku-rimis ah. Hoggaankii SNM ee Addis-ababa yimi waxa haddaba uu waayihii adkaa ee xilligaas hor yaalley kaga tallaabsaday hal-adaygnimo. Waxa ay xubnihii hoggaanku go’aansadeen in haddii Itoobiyaanku ku jujuubaan wax aanay raalli ka ahayn ay ka tegayaan Itoobiya, waxaanay ka codsadeen in tigidhadoodii dib loogu xajiso, si ay ugu laabtaan halkii ay ka ymaaddeen, taas oo Itoobiyaankii fajiciso iyo la yaab ku noqotay oo aanay ka filayn. Ciidamadii Afraad ee Maxamed Cali (AHUN) iyo saraakiishii kale ee soo tallowday ee Aadan Shiine (AHUN), Axmed Dhagax (AHUN) iyo Maxamed Kaahin oo xuduudda ku sugnaana hore waxa ay Itoobiyaanka ugu sheegeen iyana in ay SNM ka tirsan yihiin oo aanay SSDF ku biirahayn. Waxa kale oo jiiddaas si habqan ah ugu soo gurmayey oo gudaha ka soo goosanayey saraakiil iyo dad kale oo qubane ah maalin kasta, kuna soo biirayey SNM. Aqoonsigii ugu Horreeyey Idii Jan. 1983 waxa ay SNM jebisey jeelkii ugu weynaa gobolladii Waqooyiga ee Mandheera, kana sii daayeen oo soohdinta ka soo tallaabay maxaabiis kor u dhaaftay 700 qof, kuna jireen maxaabiis siyaasadeed. Arrintani waxa ay soo jeedisey indhihii rayal caalamka, waxanay SNM-tu ka heshay aqoonsigii ugu weynaa ee siyaasadeed iyo kii milateri ee ugu horreeyey. Dawladdii martida loo ahaa (Itoobiya) dib ayay uga guratay hakad ahaan hindisihii ku saabsanaa in SNM-tu ay SSDF-ta ku biirto ama la midowdaba. Waana marka la samaynayo isku xidhka hawlgallada guud ee dhanka milateriga labada jabhadood iyo wadaagga Idaacaddii Radio Kulmis oo markaas ka dib la magac baxday Idaacaddii wareegi jirtey ee Codkii Midaysnaa ee Xoogagga Mucaaridka ee Radio Halgan. Shirweynihii Koowaad ee SNM ayaa Herer ka dhacay March 1983, waxaana Guddoomiye loogu doortay Sh Yuusuf Sh Cali Sh Madar, ku xigeenna Xasan Aadan Wadaad-diid iyo Axmed Ismaaciil Cabdi (Duqsi) oo isna noqday Xoghayaha Guud, saddexdaba Alle ha u naxariisto’e. 12-kii April 1983, waxa Birjeex, magaalada Hargeysa, dharaar cad lagala soo baxay Col Cabdillaahi Askar Barkhad oo halkaas laba-dible silsilad ugu yoongaysnaa. Cadaadiskii iyo bahdilkii General Maxamed Xaashi (Gaanni) oo “Diiriye” looga yaqaannay gobolladii Waqooyi, ayaa cirka isku shareeray oo gaadhey heerkiisii ugu af-yuubnaa. Mawjad dad ah ayaa ku soo jabtay oo ka soo tallowday diillinta soohdineed ee labada waddan, kuna soo sunsumaysey maalin kasta saldhigyadii cusbaa ee SNM. SNM waxa ay noqotay xoog aan dhayalsi gelin oo siyaasad ahaan iyo xag ciidameed baallaha la kala baxaya oo gobolka ku soo biiray. Bilowgii Khilaafyada Kobocaas degdegga lahaa ee SNM waxa la jaanqaadayey oo uu caloosha ku sitey khilaafyo iyo muranno siyaasadeed oo cidhibta ku hayey kala duwanaantii aragtida iyo qabitaannadii feker ee kooxihii kala duwanaa ee SNM isugu yimi, gaar ahaan hoggaankii sare ee dibedda ka yimi iyo dadkii gudaha ka soo baxay, siiba saraakiishii sarsare ee ciidamada iyo waxgaradkii kale ee isna gudaha ka yimi oo qaabili la’aa straatiijayadii hoggaanka oo si qayaxan u gobolaysnayd, lahaydna lifaaqyo iyo dareenno qabali ah oo aad u xoog badan. Taas oo SNM la sii koraysey marxalad iyo amin kastaba. Is-haystayaal la haysto ayaa SNM xilliyada qaarkood lagu masaali karayey oo khilaafyadu gaadhsiiyeen, hase yeeshee mar kasta burbur way ka nabad gelaysey. Midabada khilaafyadu marba marka ka sii dambeeya waxa ay u sii xuub-siibanayeen dhanka kala baxa, waxaana sii xoogaysanayey aragti hoosta ka xarriiqaysey in hoggaankaas sare ee dibedda ka yimi aanu karti iyo awood u lahayn inuu waajaho oo buuxiyo baahidii dadka ee gudaha ka jirtey iyo siyaasaddii mandaqiga ahayd ee gobolka xagga Soomaalida iyo dhanka caalamkaba. Xilligii Saraakiisha (Nov. 1983 – Aug. 1984) Toban bilood ka dib markii hoggaankii Sh.Yuusuf xilka loo doortay, Nov. 1983, ayaa hoggaankii saddexaad ee SNM xilka lagu wareejiyey magaalada Herer. Hoggaankaas waxa keenada u qabtay saraakiishii ciidamada xag siyaasadeed iyo mid dagaal gelineedba. Guddoomiye waxa loo doortay 1. Cabdilqaadir Koosaar Cabdi (AHUN), ku xigeenna 2. Aadan Sh Maxamed (Aadan Shiine, AHUN), 3. Maxamed Kaahin Axmedna Xoghaye Guud. Dhinaca kale waxa dabka kulaalayey oo xeryaha iyo xarumaha SNM-ta dhuxulo dhabataysanayey oo tuurnaa saraakiil laxaad leh oo ku cindanayd hawlaha dagaal gelineed xilligaas ay saraakiishu hoggaanka la wareegeen Nov. 1983. Waxa ka mid ahaa saraakiishii maalintaas goobjoogga ahayd intooda mootan maanta haddii aynu ku horrayno, kana soo bilowno Alle ha u wada naxariisto dhammaantoode: Cabdilqaadir Koosaar iyo Aadan Shiine oo ahaa hoggaankii xilligaas, iyo Xasan Saleebaan-weyne oo isagu ahaa sarkaalkii ugu horreeyey SNM ee dagaalka ku naf waaya 4. Maxamed Xaashi (Lixle) 5. Axmed Dhagax 6. Maxamed Cali Faarax 7. Aadan Saleebaan 8. Mahdi Cali 9. Shakiib Cabdilqaadir 10. Ibraahim Koodbuur 11. Ibraahim Jaamac Dhiif (Halliqin) 12. Gacmadheere 13. Aadan Maxamed Dhamac 14. Xasan Younis Habbane 15. Dayib Gurey 16. Cabdillaahi Cali Suufi 17. Cabdi Siciid Muuse 18. Axmed Maxamed Siciid (Karandaash) 19. Abokor Ismaaciil Xasan Mataan (Shaadh-yare) 20. Xuseen Qarashyare 21. Cabdillaahi Mulac 22. Saleebaan Cilmi (Baylood) 23. Axmed Maxamed Guutaale 24. Capt.Daa’uud 25. Axmed Yuusuf (Qaaddiro) iyo qaar kale. Inta maanta noolna marka aynu ka soo bilowno Maxamed Kaahin oo ka mid ahaa hoggaankii xilligaas: waxa ka mid ah: 2. Ibraahim Dhegaweyne 3. Cabdiraxmaan Aw Cali Faarax (Laba-tolle) 4. Axmed Mire Maxamed 5. Cabdillaahi Askar Barkhad 6. Cali Hayaan 7. Maxamed Cawed Baxooshe 8. Ismiiciil Aadan Finije 9. Cabdiraxmaan Turki 10. Cali Xuunsho 11. Cabdiraxmaan Maxamed Case 12. Cabdi Ibraahin (Jaalle-diid) 13.Ciise Curaagte 14. Axmed Weysacadde 15. Mahdi Isxal 16. Xasan Cali Abokor 17. Jaamac Digaale Ducaale iyo qaar kale. Siddeed bilood oo keliya ayay saraakiishu talada hayeen, waxaana xilligaas minjaha la baxay isu muuqasho iyo is indho buuxin la’aan saraakiisha dhexdooda ah. Guux arrintaas ka dhashay ayaa hoosta xarriiqayey in talada siyaasadeed ku habboon tahay in sibilka lagu celiyo oo saraakiishu u go’aan arrimaha dagaal gelinta. Xafiiltan qabali ah ayaa laftiisu SNM dhexdeeda xoog ku sii yeelanayey oo xitaa marka laga gudbo awood qaybsigii beelaha ku salaysnaa ee hoggaaminta, waxa qaab beeleed u dhisnaa saldhigyada SNM ee soohdinta ku teedsanaa oo Qaaxo loo yaqiin. Hase yeeshee xilligaas gaaban ee ay saraakiishu hoggaanka hayeen waxa ay ku tallaabsadeen hindisayaal wax ka beddelaya siyaasaddii halganka, sida in la ballaadhiyo dhulka SNM ka hawl gasho oo Koonfurta Soomaaliya fadhiisimo lagu yeesho iyo in la hagaajiyo xidhiidhka dawladaha caalamka ee halganka ehelka u noqon kara ee taageero diblomaasi, milateri, dhaqaale, waxbarasho iwm laga heli karayey, arrimahaas oo bilow ahaan meerisyo hore u dhaqaaqeen. Xilligii Siyaasiyiinta (August 1984 – May 1993) August 1984 ayaa la doortay hoggaankii afraad ee SNM. Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud (Siilaanyo) ayaa guddoomiye loo doortay. Markii ugu horraysey ayay SNM jebisey derbigii gobolaysiga ee dhismaha hoggaankeedu ku salaysnaa ama saldhigyada ciidamadeeduna u yaalleen. Waxa guddoomiye-ku-xigeen loo magacaabay Cali Maxamed Cosoble (Cali Wardhiigley, AHUN) oo ahaa ruugcaddaa Siyaasi ah oo reer Muqdisho ahaa. Waxa kale oo golihii fulinta iyo kii dhexeba ku soo biiray xubno door ah oo Koonfur ka soo jeedey, ayna ka mid ahaayeen Cali Hagarrey, Sheekh Yarow, Col. Gorgor, Cabdinaasir Sheekh Cali (AHUN) iyo qaar kale. Fadhiisimmo cusub ayay SNM ka yagleeshay jiid-soohdimeedda gobollada Hiiraan (Mustaxiil), Gedo, Bay iyo Bakool (Doolow iyo Buur Aaminow iwm). Faramahan cusubi iyo siyaasadda ka dambaysaa culays weyn iyo halis badan ayay ku keentay maamulkii magaalada Muqdisho. Dhinaca kalena waxa isla markiiba doorashadaas ka dib (Oktoobar 1984) ciidamadii SNM ee saldhigyadii Qaaxo ay hore ugu ruqaansadeen gudaha oo galeen buuraleyda galbeedka Hargeysa, kuwa Sheekh iyo kuwa Waqooyiga iyo Bariga Burco ee Buurdhaab ka midka tahay. Heshiiskii bakhti afuufka ahaa ee MS Barre iyo Mingiste Hailu ee Djibouti March 1988, waxa uu soo dedejiyey gudogalkii weynaa ee SNM ku jiidhay ciidamadii qaybta 26aad ee XDS. Waxa taas la jaan qaaday oo raacay burburkii magaalooyinka, gumaadkii aan kala sooca lahayn iyo barakacii weynaa ee dadkii magaalooyinka Hargeysa iyo Burco. Diyaaradihii dagaalka ee Xooggii Dalka Soomaaliyeed ayaa gegida Hargeysa ka haadey oo duqeeyey isla magaalada Hargeysa iyo magaalooyinka kaleba, dadkuna sida duqsiga ayuu u le’day. Axmed Siilaanyo waxa uu noqonayaa guddoomiyihii ugu wakhtiga dheeraa ee SNM soo mara (Agust 1984 – March 1990). Xilligaasi waxa uu ahaa xilligii ay SNM ugu xoogga badnayd milateri iyo siyaasad ahaanba, waxana xilligii uu ugu laxaadka badnaa khilaafkii iyo murankii SNM dhexdeeda oollimaadka ku lahaa. March 1990 ayaa Cabdiraxmaan Axmed Cali (Tuur, AHUN) Balligubadle loogu doortay guddoomiyihii shanaad ee SNM oo isna hoggaanka hayey ilaa dib u xorayntii buuxdey ee dalka iyo gooni isu taaggii ka dib, isaga oo noqday madaxweynihii ugu horreeyey ee Somaliland. Si talowadaagnimo ah ayuu 1993 xilkii ugu wareejiyey Boorame, loona doortay Maxamed X. Ibraahim Cigaal (AHUN) madaxweynihii labaad. Qiimayn Dul-ka-xaadsi ah SNM waxa ay gashay halgan hubaysan iyo mid siyaasadeed oo ku suntami doona taariikhda casriga ah ee Soomaalida guud ahaan, gaar ahaanna ta Somaliland. Taariikhda SNM waxa laga baran karaa qiyamta talowadaagnimo iyo isu tanaasulaadka ku tusmaysan. Shan hoggaamineed oo saddex marxaladood lahayd (Wadaaddo, Saraakiil iyo Siyaasiyiin) ayaa isu kala beddeley hoggaaminteeda sare muddadii tobanka sannadood ahayd ee SNM qorigeeda ay xabbaddu dhuunta ugu jirtey, fartuna keebka kohanaysey. Isbeddeladaasi waxa ay ku iman jireen hannaanka wax wada gorfaynta, wada hadalka geedka hoostiisa, is dhegaysiga, wada doodka mararka qaarkood labada is haya cawshu dhex miranayso, is qancinta, isu tanaasulaadka iyo u xilashada danta guud iyo duugga taariikheed. Dawladdii loo martida ahaa, kuwii kale ee saaxiibka lala ahaa iyo xitaa cadowgii ay is hayeenba taas way la yaabi jireen. Halkii wadnaha farta laga hayey ama laga guuddarraynayey in fadhiga markaas lagu jiraa yahay kii SNM ay ku kala yaacaysey, ayaa aakhirka wax lagu heshiis yahay gunaanadku noqon jirey. Taasi la’aanteedu waa tii ay SSDF ku guuldarraysatay ee xooggeedii kala dhantaalay, markii dambena kala dirtay. SNM waxa ay talada ku celisey dadka markii dalka la xoreeyey ka dib oo waa tii 1993 Boorame xilka iskaga wareejisey. Taasi ka baaqashadeeduna waa tii ay USC ku guul seegtay, markii dambena horseedday qalalaasayaasha la soo dabbaali la’yahay ee dagaallada sokeeye iyo ismaandhaafyada la hal maala ee gacan-ka-hadalka ah ee ilaa maanta dhisaalan. Shaki kuma jirno in SNM meelo badan ka gaabisay ama ay ku guuldarraysatay. Waxa ugu weynaa dhalliilaheeda in ay abuuri kari weydey aragti ka shishaysa siyaasad qabali ah. Taas oo horseedday in ay awood u yeelan weydey in ay dadka ku qanciso mabaadida iyo dastuurkii u dhignaa, iyo in ay xilligii xoraynta ka dib dadka ka dhigi kari weydey qorigii ay u dhiibtay xilligii halganka hubaysan. Ismaandhaafyadii gacan-ka-hadalka ahaa ee xorraynta ka dib dalka ka aloosmayi waxa ay ka soo jeedeen arrintaas sida ay soo af-jarkoodiina uu jeeniga ugu hayey hab dhaqankii wada xaajoodka ku salaysnaa ee SNM-tu ballaysintay xilligii halgankaas hubaysnaa. SNM sidii jabhadihii kale ayay adeegsatay siyaasad aan ka casriyaysnayn tii ay ka horjeeddey marka laga eego docdaas cuskashada fog ee ku talax-tagga habka qabaliga ah ee beelaynta dadka, taas oo horseed ka noqotay tan maanta la furdaamin kari la’ yahay ee wixii loo dhaqaaqaba qabyaaladdu ka soo bannafayso! Si kastaba ha ahaato’e, wixii libtooyo ama guulo halgankaas SNM ka dhashay maxsuul ahaan dadka (Somaliland) waa u dhex oo maanta iyo berrito toonna lama kala sheegan karo, taariikh ahaan se gadood dhacayba goobtiisa ayuu lahaa, berritona yeelanayaa. Maanta Madaxweyne Daahir Riyaale Kaahin ama wasiirkiisa Arrimaha Gudaha Cabdillaahi Cirro ama inta kale ee ka midka ahayd intii la safnayd siyaasaddii taliskii Maxamed Siyaad Barre lagama sheegan karo Somaliland oo ka mid ah guulihii SNM ka biqlay. Agoontii SNM ee aabbahood lagu diley halgankaas iyo agoontii uu dhalay aabbihii xagga kale ka sii jeedey ee isna halkaas ku dhintay, labada agoonoodba maanta xuquuq siman ayay Dastuurka Somaliland ku wada leeyihiin oo uma kala sed burin karo. Kala duwanaantu se waa sooyaalka taariikheed oo Daahir Riyaale iyo Cabdillaahi Cirrona ku suntaysa in ay ka mid ahaayeen adeegayaashii iyo saaxiibbadii Taliskii Maxamed Siyaad Barre, Maxamed Xaashi Cilmi, Xasan Ciise Jaamac iyo Axmed Maxamed Seyidina aasaasayaashii SNM. Ma debcayaal u taagnayaasha! Sh Yuusuf Sh Cali Sh Madar (AHUN) iyo saddexda halgamaa ee nooli (Ina Xaashi, Xasan Ciise iyo Seyidi) waxa ay gaar u yeelanayaan hal-adaygnimo ay ku mutaysanayaan miigganaantoodii aanay maalinna bannaynin kaalintii ay ku lahaayeen goobihii halganku ka socdey ee safka hore iyo naf-hurka. Maalinna midkood afartooda kama uu bixin goobahaas dhimashada, dhaawaca, diihaalka iyo dacdarradu yaalleen, iyaga oo kari karayey in ay ku laabtaan meelihii ay markii hore ka yimaaddeen iyo shaqooyinkoodii ka dib markii xilka hoggaaminta SNM-tii ay unuggeeda lahaayeen laga wareejiyey sannadkii 1983 horraantiisii. Iyagu dee ma aanay shaqo tegin, nusasaacana (Break Time) ma aanay qaadan haba yaraato’e maalinna! Intii badnayd ee kale ee halgankaas ugu timaaddayna ee sifadaas la wadaagtaana way la yeelanaysaa gaarnimadaasi oo in kaleba ka baaqanayso wax ku lahaanshaheeda. Sooryo Waayeel Taariikhdu dadkay hagtaa. Waxa ay u jeexdaa tubta ay u mari karaan tooda kala dhantaalan isu toosinteeda, waxaanay bartaa ka baydhista halka uu ba’oodu oolli karo. Tagtadii shalayto waxa laga dhex dheehan karaa quruxdeeda ama foolxumaanteeda joogtadeenna maanta, timaaddadeenna berritona waxa laga sii dhex hilaadin karaa joogtadeenna maanta. Hadbana waa sida aynu ka yeello ee looga faa’iidaysto dhacdooyinka waayaha sidaan khalad iyo saxnaantoodaba. In hor la eego loo socdaana ka hagaagsan in dib loo gucleeyo oo raad arooryo uun dib loo raaco. Taariikhduna waa ifsigaas dariiqa uun. Intaas uun bay tahay in aynu ka baranno taariikhda sooyaal ee Ururkii Dhaqdhaqaaqa Qaranka Soomaaliyeed ee SNM oo maanta sagaal iyo labaatan jirsadey (April 1981 – April 2010), sooryo waayeelna waa ixtiraam, xurmo iyo xaq-dhawr uun. Qalinkii Maxamed Baashe Xaaji Xasan

Good stuff ,,,,,, Lakin this is all copy cut of .......... bal wax cusub ha lala yimaado niyow ,,,

mayee waynu isku dhownahay ,,,,

0.1 0.4 0.2

In December 1984, I walked into the HMV store on London’s Oxford Street to spend a little discretionary money on an LP. Other albums drew me, but one had an advantage. It combined the talents of all the major 'Top of the Pops' singers in one song. Given the standards of British pop at the time (leaving aside Scritti Politti’s 'Jacques Derrida' and perhaps the Bronski Beat’s 'Smalltown Boy'), the diminishing marginal returns at the cash register were held in check with only one purchase. It had to be Bob Geldof’s 'Do they know it’s Christmas?' The 'charity single' had all of Britain’s finest, from Paul McCartney to Boy George, from Siobhan Fahey (of Bananarama) to Sting. The song opens with African drums and Phil Collins’s drum kit, and then the flow of British vocalists, with a young Bono in full flight. Geldof named their charity super-group Band Aid, a name that morphed as the fever caught, into Live Aid, Sport Aid and so on. BBC ran the Band Aid song non-stop. It raised millions of pounds to buy relief for the survivors of the Ethiopian famine. Not to be undone, Harry Belafonte and Ken Kragen hastened to bring their friends into the studio in Los Angeles to sing a song written by Michael Jackson and Lionel Richie, produced by Quincy Jones (they called their project USA for Africa). The superstars of the US billboard charts represented themselves, from Paul Simon to Stevie Wonder, from Diana Ross to Bob Dylan. Bob Geldof travelled especially to sing in the chorus, and Ray Charles held it together at the end. The British had been silly, singing about snow (the only place that gets snow in Ethiopia is its highest mountain, Ras Dashen, in the Simien range). But the Americans did what they do best, singing, 'We are the world.' And, indeed, so it seems to be. Geldof and the other artists turned their attention to Ethiopia in 1984 because of a famine that broke out in 1982 and lingered on till 1990. In fact, the Horn of Africa suffered a plague of famines from 1973 onward, when the desiccation of the Sahara put paid to both the livelihood of nomads and petty farmers, and led to acute drought and further deforestation. When the Ethiopian regime of Haile Selassie failed to provide relief to the people whom the Ethiopians call the 'bekum mot' – the living dead – young radicals in the armed forces moved in and seized control of the country. They constituted themselves as the Derg – the Committee – drew from their own version of Marxism and set in motion some haphazard forms of agricultural regeneration. The Derg was always hampered by three factors: the inherited agricultural crisis which would be its undoing; an empire that was not a nation, with secessionist provinces (such as Eritrea, ceded to Ethiopia by the UN in 1950) unwilling to bow to the rule of Addis Ababa; and a hostile Atlantic bloc, ready and able to bring whatever pressure was needed to bring the Derg to its knees (Jimmy Carter’s evangelical humanism came alongside a cynical policy of anti-communism, which in the Horn meant a strategy to encircle Ethiopia and, with a wink and a nod, embolden its irredentist neighbours and secessionist provinces). The Derg had little capacity to deal with any of the problems that beset the new republic. Civilians who returned from exile when the emperor was deposed found that the military Marxists had not the temperament to make room for them. One of the most difficult problems for the new regime was the land question. Imperial Ethiopia gave the land over to the aristocracy (the mesafint) and the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, both of whom neglected that section of Acts 4:32–37 which enjoined the believers to share all that they had so 'neither was there any among them that lacked'. In March 1975, the Derg pushed forward a radical land reform law, whose immediate impact was in southern Ethiopia. Seven million households benefited from the reform. A flurry of activity around urban housing, literacy and relief for the destitute provided some dynamism to the otherwise devastated country. Early in the Derg’s tenure, it set up a 'minimum package programme' to increase the productivity of the new small-hold farms. Before these initiatives could bear any fruit, the Derg began to conscript young farmers into its growing army (for the battles against a Somalian incursion into ******, against Eritrean secessionists and against northern rebels, particularly in the province of Tigray). High fuel prices didn’t help, and nor did pressure from Washington and Moscow. Cuba tried to mediate. Fidel Castro met Somalia’s Siad Barre and Ethiopia’s Mengistu in Aden, along with the South Yemen Marxist leader Abdul Fattah Ismail. Nothing came of it. The Horn of Africa was rife with various strands of nationalism and Marxism, including Soviet-backed regimes and Albanianists. It was a mess, wide open for the machinations of the Cold War. It did not help that the Derg faltered. It took refuge in the flotsam of policies that came north from Tanzania, including forced resettlement (the policy has its origins in an 1958 attempt by the emperor’s government). As in Tanzania, the policy failed: people did not wish to leave their ancestral lands, nor were they convinced that their new homes would be the promised cornucopia. Drought, war and now agricultural chaos: the famine of 1982–90 entered world history. Like Haile Selassie, the Derg at first refused to admit to the famine. Visnews Kenyan bureau chief Mohamed Amin finagled his camera into Ethiopia and broadcast the first images of the growing disaster. It was this intrepid work that brought the attention of the BBC’s Michael Buerk. All the channels wanted in. Their initial interest, after a few years of disregard, was media competition. Mary Kay Magistad (now The World’s Beijing correspondent) wrote her master’s thesis on what she called the 'Ethiopian bandwagon'. 'Literally overnight,' she wrote, 'it seemed that everyone wanted to cover Ethiopia. Reporters deluged Addis Ababa by the hundreds; many aid workers who had been trying for more than a year to pull the news media’s attention to the famine were now finding themselves too busy briefing journalists that they barely had time to do their normal relief work.' Mohamed Amin was largely forgotten (in 1996, Amin was on Ethiopian Airlines flight 961, which was hijacked by three men who wanted political asylum in Australia. Amin negotiated with the hijackers all the way till the plane crash that killed all passengers). The world media made Ethiopia the icon of misery in the post-colonial world. State failure in the former colonies would now be blamed on that toxic brew of nationalism and corruption. The picture of an Ethiopian child with a distended belly and a tear resting on his cheek beside an engorged fly was on the cover of many glossy magazines. The BBC’s Martin Plaut, who reported from the famine regions of northern Ethiopia in the 1970s, went back this past year and investigated the famine and the relief. His radio documentary unsettled the aid industry, and Bob Geldof. Plaut found that most of the relief money did not go to alleviate hunger. Instead, it went to buy arms for the rebels of the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) through its aid cut-out, Relief Society of Tigray (REST). The TPLF was in the midst of an armed campaign against the Derg, offering a second front to give relief to the Eritrean rebels. It now turns out, according to Plaut’s report, that while the TPLF was blindsiding the aid workers, it did not surprise the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency). A CIA report from 1985 quite clearly pointed out, 'Some funds that insurgent organizations are raising for relief operations, as a result of increased world publicity, are almost certainly being diverted for military purposes.' Robert Houdek, who was Washington’s chargé d’affaires in Addis, confirmed to Plaut that his government was aware of the redirection of funds. Indeed, this went along the grain of the overall contra strategy pushed by the Reagan administration (National Security Directive 75, from January 1983, which pointed out that 'US policy will seek to limit and destabilize activities of Soviet Third World allies and clients' as well the 1981 presidential finding to authorise the CIA to support 'democratic resistance' to the Derg). The contra strategy was in play in Nicaragua, in Angola, in Afghanistan and in the Horn of Africa (all this explicitly put by Reagan in his February 1986 'Message to the Congress on foreign policy'). The TPLF and its various allies were the contras of the region. As Mary Kay Magistad points out, the British and American governments were motivated less by humanitarian imperatives than by political ones. 'This,' she writes, 'was highlighted by the contradiction of the government’s rhetoric that it was committed to helping starving Africans, and the fact that it was at the same time cutting its aid budget by an average of 6 percent per annum.' Not only were aid budgets being cut, but the United States pressured 22 of the 34 low-income countries in Africa to succumb to structural adjustment policies (devaluation of currencies, cuts in social services and so on); this was the price to be paid for short-term financial assistance from the IMF (International Monetary Fund). The mighty dynamo of the newly formed Group of Seven (G7, formed in 1974) threw itself into the narrowing of spaces for independent action by the new states in Africa, Asia and Latin America: punitive policies came alongside modern forms of gunboat diplomacy, with the occasional contra insurgency to hit recalcitrant regimes in the neck. Ethiopia never stood a chance. It was fated to be destroyed, as was its neighbour Somalia. The detritus that stands before us now is a consequence of this ghastly history. AND SO WE COME TO HAITI What the G7 wrought was a world of people who labour hard, but nevertheless suffer usurious debt rates and have little space to exercise their political desires. The new international economic order (NIEO, 1973), passed by the UN General Assembly, carried a reasonable platform for the transformation of the planet’s economic relations. Trade regimes would be altered, so would financial devices and restrictions on technology transfer. The dream was to shape the world not toward outrageous profits, but toward genuine development. The G7 was formed to smash the NIEO. Its interests were toward Wall Street not the Addis slum of Tekle Haymonot. The NIEO would have circumvented the debt crisis that wracked the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America in the 1980s. Absent the contra strategy, there might have been the possibility for the creation of stable political structures in much of what would become the global South. Debt and the absence of democracy was the gift of the G7, and of course with petrodollars, the massive expansion of the role of finance over the planet’s political economy. One major function of the expansion of neoliberalism (not mentioned by David Harvey in his otherwise excellent short history) is the orchestrated destruction of the NIEO, the highest point of the Third World project. The best of the North’s liberalism, however, was not in Band Aid, but on the Brandt Commission, a panel of eminences set up at the behest of a very guilty Robert McNamara (then of the World Bank) and led by Willy Brandt, the socialist leader from West Germany. The Brandt Commission offered several of the NIEO proposals without the politics, and in a much more moderated form. Brandt was as much a threat to the G7 as the NIEO, indeed more because it did not come from Algeria’s Houari Boumediène but from the Washington Post’s Katharine Graham (one of the Brandt Commissioners). Margaret Thatcher persuaded Reagan to go to the Cancún North–South Summit (1981) to smash the Brandt dynamic. 'The whole concept of "North–South" dialogue, which the Brandt Commission had made the fashionable talk of the international community,' she wrote later, 'was in my view wrong-headed.' Reagan smiled, and the 'quality press' went along with him and Maggie. This is all before Rupert Murdoch ran the news business. Haiti never had a chance. It had been treated as a standing threat since its revolution in 1804. Democracy was never to be permitted to it. Since the 1980s, its leading democratic leader, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, was twice removed from his democratic office by the United States. When he came back to power in 1994, it was under the most benighted conditions, these set by the Clinton White House and Wall Street. They wanted Haiti to become a maquiladora, not a country. Haiti’s debt has spiralled out of control. It took the 12 January earthquake to move the US to consider joining Venezuela in debt cancellation. That is now on the agenda. But only for Haiti. Not for Ethiopia, and not for the global South. According to the World Bank, for every $1 of aid sent South, $25 goes to the North in debt-servicing. It is a standing outrage. Furthermore, the attempt to democratise the United Nations, led by former General Assembly President Miguel d’Escoto Brockmann of Nicaragua, has been thus far treated with contempt by the G7. What is the point of financial assistance if there is no accountable, political institution to make the best use of this money, this aid? How is the aid that now goes to places like Haiti being spent? In the case of Ethiopia, the United States eschewed civilian agencies. The Inter-Agency Task Force on the African Famine was run by the Department of Defense, the CIA, the Joint Chiefs of Staff as well as AID and the Department of Agriculture. The leader was retired Lieutenant General Julius Becton, who would lead FEMA under Reagan’s second term (1985–89). Aid was always militarised, as well in the current Haiti case. And NGOs were already at the centre, with an express purpose of displacing the state. Most of their work is 'band aid', in the pejorative sense (even The New York Times recognised this in an editorial on 25 March, 'The little country is swarming with well-intentioned organizations, each trying to do their little bit of help. One group is trying to distribute thousands of flashlights to women and girls. It’s a kind and practical gesture, but what they really need are shelters from sexual violence, and adequate policing. Haiti has neither, Amnesty International reports.'). Paul Farmer, the UN deputy special envoy for Haiti, also calls attention to the 'flock of trauma vultures, consultants and carpetbaggers'. There is money to be made in a disaster. As my friend P. Sainath put it, 'everybody loves a good drought'. Raising money for Haiti is all well and good. But which Haiti is getting the money? That question was not asked of the Ethiopian aid effort, and it is not being asked now. Is the Haiti of structural adjustment, the raft on the Caribbean, fated to being reduced to a factory and a port for Royal Caribbean’s cruise ships? All the efforts thus far seem to suggest that this is the Haiti that is being promised. There is an alternative. If all that energy that goes toward raising money went toward a political campaign to erase the 'odious debt' owed by the South to the North it would clear space for an alternative. That’s the first step. Another is the revival of a 21st century new international economic order.

That is what I call a real daydreaming ,,,,

Waxaa maanta laga furay magaalada Laascaanood isbitaalkii labaad ee ay magaaladu yeelato,isabitaalkaas oo ah isbitaal dhamaystiran oo ay yaalaan qalabka caafimaadka oo casri ah. Dr C/rashiid Maxamuud Cali oo ah agaasimaha guud ee dhakhtarka cusub ee magaalada Laascaanood oo maanta u waramay saxaafada ayaa ka warbixiyey hawlada uu qaban doono isbitaalku iyo sida loo qalabeeyey. "Waxa uu ka kooban yahay 25 sariirood oo loogu talo galay jiifka bukaanka,waxaana si khaas ah loo tixgeliyaa dumarka iyo caruurta,wuxuu kaloo leeyahay isbitaalku qaybta dhalmada(Delivery department) oo dhamystiran,oo ku qalabaysan qalab casri ah,oo uu la socdo qalabka Ultra-soundka,oo ay hirgelisay hay'ada Manhal,waxaa kaloo diyaar ah qolkii qaliinka oo ku qalabaysan qalab casri ah,kaasoo lagu sameeyo qaliimada fudud iyo kuwa fududba,waxaa isna diyaar ah shaybaar casri ah,qalabka lagu baadho xaga wadnaha oo uu ku xidhan yahay qalbka kumbuyuutarka,kaasoo si fudud u sheegaya xanuunada wadnaha,waxaa iyaguna dhowaan na soo gaadhi doona qalabka raajadii(X-ray) iyo ambalaaskii isbitaalka"Sidaas waxaa yidhi Dr C/rashiid oo ka waramaya qaybaha kala duwan ee isbitaalku ka kooban yahay "Waxaa iyana qayb ka ah isbitaalkii qaybtii bukaan socodka oo ka jooban 5 qol,oo ay fadhiyaan dhakhaatiir halkaa diyaar ku ah,farmasiigii oo isna halkaas ku yaala oo ay yaalaan dawooyin tayo sare leh,iyo weliba ilaa 15 shaqaale isugu jira Midwife,iyo kalkaaliyaal caafimaad ah(Nurses),iyo weliba sidoo kale shaqqale u qaabilsan isbitaalka arimaha dhaqaalaha iyo maamulka guud."ayuu hadalkiisa raaciyey Dr C/rashiid oo balan qaaday inay dadka reer Laascaanood ka maarmi doonaan inay gobolo kale u aadaan arimo caafimaad,oo ay labada isbitaal ka heli doonaan dhamaan baahiyaha caafimaadka oo dhan. Dr C/rashiid ayaa sheegay inay wada shaqeeyaan dhakhaatiirta kale ee ka hawlgala isbitaalkii hore ee magaalada,oo uu ugu horeeyo Dr Jirde M.Sugule oo hada hawlo dib loogu casriyaynayo isbitaalka ka wada,isagoo dhowaan ka soo guuray dhinaca Hargeysa oo uu mudo dheer ka hawlgeli jirey,isagoo iridaha u soo laabay xarumihii caafimaad ee uu ku lahaa magaalada Hargeysa,si khibradiisa uga faa'iideeyo dadka reer Laascaanood. Dr C/rshiid ayaa sidoo kale sheegay inay wada shaqeeyaan dhakhaatiirta kale ee ka hawlgasha isbitaalada Boorama,Hargeysa,Burco iyo Xamarba,iyagoo kala tashada hadba sia ugu fiican ee la isaga kaashan karo hawlaha caafimaadka.. Si kastaba ha ahaatee isbitaalka cusub ee ay yeelatay magaalada Laascaanood ayaa ah guul weyn oo u soo hoyatey shacabka reer Laascaanood.

Too bad coz Kahafa & Maadeey are still using it while they ban from the others ,,,,

I can see some are really worried ,,,,

I told you long freaking time ago, Somaliland is the place for all ..........

Asagiyo NGONGE baa wada leh

Hope comes with determination and hard work.

Roobka & Mujaahidiinta oo Guriceel u wada socda

,,,,, waar dadku ha wada shaqaystaan niyow intay is dili lahaayeen

Originally posted by Canjeex: Jb'na copy iyo pastigaan ku nacay! Waryee what's your take on this, since you happen to live amongst these "said" people, ma waxba ka jira arinta siduu qoraalku leeyahay? Somaliland is a place for all ....... that is my take in

The Danish Shipowners’ Association has donate a significant amount of money for underprivileged kids in Somaliland through Save the Children’s development projects. The donation worth about DKK 1.5 million ($270, 000 USD) is said to be part of a new initiative of fighting piracy in the region with new methods and strategy. The Director of the Danish Shipowners’ Association, Mr. Jan Fritz Hansen, told local reporters that his organisation believes fighting piracy on several fronts was the best solution. “The warship is doing a great job chasing the pirates at sea, but we strongly believe that a support and education effort ashore will help as well,” he told local media. According to Shipgaz, The Save the Children project has been selected after a consultation and a recommendation from the Dannish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The funding will support educate young underprivileged children achieve education in the fields in the country. The funding is said to be donated by Denmark’s five largest shipping firms; Maersk Line, Torm, J. Lauritzen (JL), Clipper Group and Scandinavian. The Danish Shipowners’ Association, which represents Denmark’s shipping industry was established in 1884. Shipping is Denmark’s second most important export earner, with a turnover of more than $18 billion and 500 ships registered under Danish flag.

There are well-known christian families in Somaliland. They have increased of course and there are others who joined them later. Yes, it is a little diversity ,,,,,,,,

The former British protectorate of Somaliland, which since 1991 has been functioning as a de facto (if unrecognised) state, is now at a political crossroads. A presidential election that was to have taken place in 2008 has been postponed repeatedly amid technical and political difficulties with voter registration. With each postponement, a political crisis has ensued. In September 2009 violence broke out in demonstrations in Hargeisa, the capital city, leaving three people dead. Yet rather than allow the violence to escalate and permanently derail the elections, Somaliland’s political parties, legislature, civil society and members of the diaspora (with some support from the international donor community) have come together to find a path back to negotiation. 2010 will provide an important test of Somaliland’s ability to move towards multi-party democracy and keep at bay the two-decade-long war in south Somalia. Negotiations between the political parties are being brokered by the National Electoral Commission (NEC), with support from Interpeace and its local counterpart, the Somaliland Academy for Peace and Development. In addition, members of the Somaliland diaspora are also working to advise, mediate, and hold accountable the political parties and their leaders. The UK is a focal point for Somalilander diaspora political activity. The Somalilander community is one of the oldest African diaspora groups living in the UK, its roots going back to the 1890s when Somali seamen in the British Merchant Navy settled in coastal areas such as Cardiff and Liverpool. During World War II Somalis served with the British navy, and some took up residency in the UK to work, particularly in Sheffield and South Yorkshire. Following World War II, more Somalis came to take advantage of the post-war economic boom, and a large community was established in London’s East End. Large numbers (though no official figures are available) of Somalilanders now also live in other parts of London, Manchester, Liverpool, Cardiff, and other urban areas. Somalilanders did not begin coming to the UK as refugees until the civil war began in the late 1980s and the government collapsed in 1991. In 1988 at a conference in London, Somalilanders launched the Somali National Movement (SNM), which led the armed struggle against dictator Siad Barre’s government forces in the northwest of the country. Once independence was declared in 1991, many people returned from their adopted homes; some returned permanently, but others continue to divide their time between Somaliland and the UK. The Somaliland community in Britain has an enormous influence on Somaliland economics (through remittances and investment) and politics. I have recently been carrying out research on the influence of the Somaliland diaspora on electoral politics. In interviews both in Hargeisa, the capital city of Somaliland, and London, I have been attempting to learn more about the ways that the diaspora, despite being physically absent most of the time, continues to assert itself and to influence not only the outcome of elections, but also the issues being debated and the contents of negotiations between and within the parties. Somaliand has three officially recognised parties. The United Democratic People’s Party (known as UDUB) is the party of the President Dahir Rayaale Kahin. The Peace, Unity and Development party, known as Kulmiye, is led by UK citizen and former SNM chairman Ahmed Mohamed ‘Silaanyo’. The Party for Justice and Welfare, known as UCID (pronounced Oo-id) is led by a member of the Finnish diaspora Faisal Ali Waraabe. Each party looks to the diaspora for funding, although by all accounts Kulmiye is the most successful at raising funds for campaigning and other activities. Kulmiye’s supporters have funded a radio station, Radio Horyaal, run out of Belgium; it is the only opposition-run radio station that can be heard throughout Somaliland. Each of the parties’ leaders frequently travels abroad, usually stopping off in the UK to meet with members of the Somaliland community on the way. They clearly see the value of galvanising support amongst the diaspora, even though they are not eligible to vote. Some members of the diaspora do return to Somaliland regularly. During the summer months, in particular, the party offices are assisted by returnees who have come to help the campaigns. Often they come with funds that they have collected from their contacts in the UK and elsewhere to pay for vehicle and office space rental, printing of campaign materials, and support for party officials. Asked what they bring to Somaliland political life, members of the diaspora stress that their experience of living in liberal democracies gives them an advantage in discussing the direction that Somaliland should take. They say that, because they have lived with free speech and fair elections, they can provide valuable advice to Somalilanders who have never known such things. Those who have experience with economic management, planning and development are also regularly called on to provide advice to policy makers within the parties, which they do both in meetings in the UK as well as through visits to Somaliland. Sometimes the work of Somalilanders in the diaspora is more formalised. Somaliland Forum, a non-partisan group of people engaged in advocacy for human rights inside Somaliland as well as for political recognition internationally, has been involved since 1997 in efforts to promote freedom of the press. They lobby the government on behalf of imprisoned journalists. Because many of the members are leaders in their own right, they are able to mobilise their supporters both in Somaliland and abroad to give support to particular issues. This multiplies their effectiveness. Over the past two years the diaspora has been centrally involved in negotiations over setting the terms for the presidential election (and the local parliamentary elections that are expected to follow it). The Independent Scholars Group – set up in Hargeisa and comprising several prominent academics and civil society members, most of whom are what might be termed members of the ‘part-time diaspora’ – has been involved in mediating between the parties and advising on steps to resolve stalemates. UDDAA (the Promotion of the Constitution Group) is another body, based in the UK, that has been lobbying parties to use the Somaliland constitution to resolve its differences. The diaspora has been helped by concerned non-Somalilanders as well. A team of election observers, co-led by the NGO Progressio, University College London’s Development Planning Unit, and Somaliland Focus, have also been lobbying the parties to continue to work towards a timely resolution of disputes so that the elections can go ahead. Those involved in electioneering, both inside and outside Somaliland, say that they are aware that the world is watching their work, either to convince them that political recognition is deserved, or if the election is cancelled or corrupted, as proof that it is not ready for recognition. Failure to hold elections could seriously derail efforts to emerge from conflict. The stakes are thus very high. By: Dr Laura Hammond

Where are the pirate kings of SOL ??

Amin Amir always puts an smile on my face ,,,

Akhristow rumayso, ama ha rumaysanin, Maanta waxaa jira dad aad u tiro badan, oo u dhashay wadanka Somaliland haystana diinta Masiixiyada, maaha dad uga tegay diintoodii hore, sida aad aaminsantahay lacag ama u jeedooyin kale. waa dad ay ka dhab tahay rumaysadkoodu, kadib markii ay arkeen xaqiiqada. sida ay aaminsanyihiin dadka soomalida ahi guud ahaan, waxa ay u qabaan in diinta Masiixiyadu ay tahay diin loo galo, lacag iyo ujeedooyin kale oo aan lagaranayn meesha ay kala yimaadeen. Hadaba, koritaanka nambarka dadka somaliland u dhashay ee Masiixiyiinta ahi, maalinba maalinta ka danbaysa waa uu sii korayaa. Rabbiguna Isaga ayaa shaqadiisa wata, oo mar walba garab taagan, dadkaas laga tirada badanyahy, ee ku taagan jidka Ilaah ee saxda ah. waxa looga dhigaa dadka, in diinta Masiixiyadu ay tahay mid waxba kama jiraan ah, laakin waxaa la arki doonaa sannadaha soo socda in ay saamayn wayn, ku yeelan doonto wadanka, sida aan rajaynayno, oo cid waliba ay heli doonto xuquuqdooda oo dhamays tiran. waa hubaal ku qanac ama ha ku qancin. hadi aad jeceshahay, waad noo soo gudbin kartaa fikirkaaga aad ka qabto Masiixiyiinta Somaliland. jaamac kayse xuseen

A Somaliland delegation consisting of senior ministers and parliamentarians visited the U.S. From March 20–28, 2010 as a result of a U.S. government invitation. The delegation included, Honorable Mr. Abdillahi Duale, Minister of Foreign Affairs, delegation leader, Honorable Mr. Abdillahi Ali, Minister of the Interior Honorable Mr. Ali Mohamed, Minister of National Planning Honorable Mr. Osman Sh. .Abdi, Minister of Water and Mineral Resources Honorable Mr. Said Jama Ali, Deputy Speaker of the House of Honorable Mr. Bashe Mohamed Farah, Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives The visit was in line with periodic review of the relations between the two countries comprising a follow-up on pending issues and consultations on areas of mutual interest. In addition to a meeting with senior officials of the National Security Council (NSC) in the Executive Building of the White House, the delegation had intensive discussions in multiple meetings with the leadership of the State Department’s Africa Bureau including Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African affairs, and Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for East Africa. The meetings were also attended by senior officials from the Department of Defense and other relevant U.S. government bureaus and agencies. However, unlike previous meetings, the two sides explored Somaliland’s “political status” in the light of the Djibouti Peace Process with a view of shedding light on its applicability to the facts on the ground. Regarding the generic areas of concern including threats to security, i.e. religious extremism, terrorism, piracy and the lack of adequate social and economic development, the Somaliland delegation presented in-depth comprehensive review of challenges the country is facing now as well as its urgent needs for safeguarding its security. The two sides discussed in detail ideas and plans deemed appropriate to meet Somaliland’s needs. The U.S. side pledged its support and agreed to the creation of a joint follow-up group to monitor progress made. The Somaliland delegation is pleased to note that the above discussions were among friends; they were cordial and constructive. While in Washington, the delegation had discussions with a host of US-based private and non-profit organizations as well as multilateral donors such as USAID and the World Bank, to build relations with a view to establishing cooperation in areas of mutual interest. In particular, the delegation emphasized areas that have the greatest impact on people’s daily existence, such as clean potable water, improved agriculture, health, education and rural development. The delegation concluded its official activities with a meeting with the Somaliland community in the Washington metropolitan area. Dr. Saad Sh. Osman Noor, Somaliland’s Representative to the United States.

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